friday, the 27th of june, 1651. resolved, that the parliament doth declare, that the several persons named commissioners in the several acts of parliament for the militia's in the several cities and counties of this commonwealth ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83454 of text r211274 in the english short title catalog (wing e2260). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83454 wing e2260 estc r211274 45097732 ocm 45097732 171326 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83454) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171326) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2571:40) friday, the 27th of june, 1651. resolved, that the parliament doth declare, that the several persons named commissioners in the several acts of parliament for the militia's in the several cities and counties of this commonwealth ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by john field, printer to the parliament of england., london, : 1651. title from caption and first lines of text. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng impressment -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660. england -militia -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -17th century. a83454 r211274 (wing e2260). civilwar no friday, the 27th of june, 1651. resolved, that the parliament doth declare, that the several persons named commissioners in the several acts england and wales. parliament 1651 144 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion friday , the 27th of june , 1651. resolved , that the parliament doth declare , that the several persons named commissioners in the several acts of parliament for the militia's in the several cities and counties of this commonwealth , be the persons intended by the act , entituled , an act for the impresting of soldiers for the service of the commonwealth in ireland , to have power to impress soldiers within the said several cities and counties by force of the said act , and that they do act accordingly , notwithstanding the determination of the several acts for the militia's . resolved by the parliament , that this vote be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by john field , printer to the parliament of england . 1651. saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall. whereas a peace is made, concluded, and ratified, between his highness the lord protector, and the states general of the united provinces of the low countries. ... england and wales. council of state. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84485 of text r211911 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.17[86]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84485 wing e793a thomason 669.f.17[86] estc r211911 99870582 99870582 163333 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84485) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163333) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f17[86]) saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall. whereas a peace is made, concluded, and ratified, between his highness the lord protector, and the states general of the united provinces of the low countries. ... england and wales. council of state. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by will. du-gard and hen. hills, printers to his highness the lord protector, london : 1654. title from caption and opening line of text. order to print dated: saturday april 22. 1654. signed: w. jessop clerk of the council. identified on umi microfilm (early english books, 1641-1700) reel 1946 as wing (2nd ed.) e2918. reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts), and the bodleian library (early english books, 1641-1700). eng anglo-dutch war, 1652-1654 -treaties. england -foreign relations -netherlands -early works to 1800. netherlands -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. netherlands -history -1648-1714 -early works to 1800. a84485 r211911 (thomason 669.f.17[86]). civilwar no saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall. whereas a peace is made, concluded, and ratified, between his highness the lord prote england and wales. council of state. 1654 295 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion saturday april 22. 1654. by the council at white-hall . whereas a peace is made , concluded , and ratified , between his highness the lord protector , and the states general of the united provinces of the low countries . and whereas it is agreed , that publication therof shall be made on both parts on wednesday next , being the six and twentieth day of this instant april ; from which time , restitution is to be made of all ships that shall be taken on either side , after twelve daies , within these seas ; and in all other places on this side the cape of st. vincent , after six weeks ; and from thence , within the mediterranian sea , and to the aequinoctial line , after ten weeks ; and beyond the equinoctial , after the space of eight moneths : which several spaces were so limitted , to the intent , convenient time might be allowed for notice to be given of the said peace , in all places where it shall be necessary . the council have therefore thought fit hereby to give notice thereof to the several ports of this commonwealth , and to all others , whom it may concern , within the dominions thereof ; to the end , they may have warning , to provide for their own safety , and not expose their ships to danger within the several , and respective times aforesaid . saturday april 22. 1654. ordered by the council , that this be forthwith printed and published . w. jessop clerk of the council . london , printed by will. du-gard and hen. hills , printers to his highness the lord protector , 1654. by the protector. a proclamation of the peace made betwixt this common-wealth and portugal. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80994 of text r211885 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[46]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80994 wing c7158 thomason 669.f.20[46] estc r211885 99870560 99870560 163463 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80994) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163463) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[46]) by the protector. a proclamation of the peace made betwixt this common-wealth and portugal. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness, london : 1656 [i.e. 1657] dated at end: given at whitehall this 23. of ianuary, 1656. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england -foreign relations -portugal -early works to 1800. portugal -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. a80994 r211885 (thomason 669.f.20[46]). civilwar no by the protector. a proclamation of the peace made betwixt this common-wealth and portugal. england and wales. lord protector 1657 413 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion op blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the protector . a proclamation of the peace made betwixt this common-wealth and portugal . o liver lord protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland and ireland , &c. whereas we have ( by the blessing of god ) with the advice of our council , made and concluded a good , true and firm peace , betwixt this common-wealth on the one part , and portugal on the other , their lands , countries , dominions , territories , places , and the people , subjects and inhabitants thereof , by sea and land , rivers , fresh-waters , and elsewhere . by the which peace , and the preliminary articles thereof , it is , among other things , agreed , that all war and acts of hostility betwixt the two nations shall cease , and that the people and inhabitants of each party respectively , shall treat each other with mutual friendship and affection , and that neither of them , their subjects or people , shall do , or attempt any thing , in any place , by sea or land , or in the ports or rivers of either , to the prejudice of the other , nor adhere to , or entertain the rebells or fugitives of either , in any their lands or dominions . and that betwixt this common-wealth and portugal and their people , subjects and inhabitants , there shall be had and enjoyed free trade and commerce , by land and sea , in all and singular the countries , lands , dominions , territories , provinces , islands , colonies , cities , towns and ports of either , with freedome into the same to enter , and there to abide , and from thence to depart without interruption ( they observing the lawes and customes of each place respectively ) as by the articles of the said peace is more fully declared and expressed . we do therefore strictly charge and require all and every person and persons , belonging to this common-wealth , of what degree , quality and condition soever they , or any of them be , to take notice thereof , and to conform themselves accordingly . given at whitehall this 23. of ianuary , 1656. printed and published by his highness speciall commandment . london , printed by henry hills and john field , printers to his highness , 1656. the 21. of august. 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of parliament ... have power to command the shutting up of all shops ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83621 of text r204136 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[33]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83621 wing e2490 thomason 669.f.7[33] estc r204136 99897548 99897548 132703 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83621) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 132703) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2515:15) the 21. of august. 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of parliament ... have power to command the shutting up of all shops ... england and wales. parliament. committee for the militia of london. aut 1 sheet ([1] p.) by richard cotes, printed at london : 1643. title from caption and first lines of text. ordering business to cease and the militia to march to the relief of gloucester. -steele. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries, london, england. eng committee for the militia of london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. england -proclamations -early works to 1800. london (england) -defenses -early works to 1800. gloucester (england) -history -early works to 1800. broadsides a83621 r204136 (thomason 669.f.7[33]). civilwar no the 21. of august. 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both houses of parliament, england and wales. parliament 1643 438 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the 21. of august . 1643. whereas the committee for the militia in the city of london by vertue of an ordinance of both-houses of parliament , dated the seventeenth day of this instant moneth of august , have power to command the shutting up of all shops within the lines of communication to the end the inhabitants thereof may the better fit themselves for the defence of the said city and parts adjacent , and forasmuch as the said committee have been moved , as well by a committee of lords and commons in parliament , as from his excellency the earle of essex , to send forth of this city some speedy aide for the relieving of the city of glocester , now in great distresse by reason of the enemies army , wherewith they are besieged : and the said committee conceiving that the city of london and parts adjacent cannot be long in safety , if that city be lost , they have thereupon resolved forthwith to send out a force both of horse and foote , for the reliefe of the said city of glocester . and for the better furtherance of that service , the said committee of the militia , doe hereby require all persons inhabiting within the lines of communication , immediately to shut up their shops , and to continue them so shut up untill glocester be relieved , or untill further order shal be given by both houses of parliament , or this committee , and to apply themselves to the furthering of this so necessary a service , and the officers of the regiments of trayned bands and auxilliary forces , which by lot are appointed to goe in this expedition , are required to returne to the said committee , as well the names of such persons of the said regiments , as shall neither march with the rest , nor appoint other sufficient men to goe in their roome , and of such as shall in any sort hinder this expedition , to the end such course may be taken with them ; as this discovery of their ill affection to the safety of this city and parts adjacent deserveth , as also the names of such voluntiers not listed in the said regiments , as shall goe in this expedition ; to the end they may receive the like pay which the rest doe , and also be taken notice of as persons well affected to the city , parliament , and kingdome . printed at london by richard cotes . 1643. the kings speach in parlament the 7. day of iune. 1628 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1628 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a18455 stc 5019 estc s117544 99852757 99852757 18100 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a18455) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 18100) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1229:25) the kings speach in parlament the 7. day of iune. 1628 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1 sheet ([1] p. [b. norton and j. bill?, [london : 1628]] printers' names conjectured by and publication date from stc. the second answer to the petition of right.--stc. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -parliament -1628. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings speach in parlament the 7. day of iune . 1628. the answere i haue already giuen you , was made with good deliberation , and approoued by the iudgement of many wise-men , that i could not haue imagined , but that it should haue giuen you full satisfaction : but to auoid all ambiguous interpretations , and to shew you , that there is no doublenesse in my meaning , i am willing to please you in words , as well , as in substance , read your petition , and you shall haue an answere , that i am sure will please you . the petition being read , the king confirmed it with these words following . soit droirt fact come ilz desiront . let right be done as they desire . this i am sure is full , yet no more then i granted in my answere , for the meaning of that , was to confirme all your liberties , knowing , ( according to your owne protestations , ) that you neither meane , nor can hurt my prerogatiue : and i assure you , my maxim is ; that the peoples libertie strengthens the kings prerogatiue ; and that the kings prerogatiue , is to defend the peoples libertie . you see how ready i haue shewed my selfe , to satisfie your demands ; so that i haue done my part , wherefore , if this parliament haue not a happy conclusion , the sinne is yours , i am free from it . god saue the king. scotlands publick acknowledgement of gods just judgement upon their nation for their frequent breach of faith, leagues, and solemne oathes made to their neighbours of england, in former ages, to gratifie their treacherous confederates of france. recorded in their own publick liturgie, printed at edenborough by thomas bassandine, anno. dom. 1575, page 54, 57, 58, und this title, prayers used in the churches of scotland in the time of their persecution by the frenchmen (in the year 1560) from whose tyranny and vassalage, they were then delivered by the free brotherly assistance and forces of the english, to whom they had been formerly persidious. published to prevent the like breach of solemn leagues, oaths, and covenants between both nations now (for fear of incurring the like, or a worse judgement,) by a well-wisher to both kingdomes. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91260 of text r210628 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.10[90]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91260 wing p4060 thomason 669.f.10[90] estc r210628 99869408 99869408 162623 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91260) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162623) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f10[90]) scotlands publick acknowledgement of gods just judgement upon their nation for their frequent breach of faith, leagues, and solemne oathes made to their neighbours of england, in former ages, to gratifie their treacherous confederates of france. recorded in their own publick liturgie, printed at edenborough by thomas bassandine, anno. dom. 1575, page 54, 57, 58, und this title, prayers used in the churches of scotland in the time of their persecution by the frenchmen (in the year 1560) from whose tyranny and vassalage, they were then delivered by the free brotherly assistance and forces of the english, to whom they had been formerly persidious. published to prevent the like breach of solemn leagues, oaths, and covenants between both nations now (for fear of incurring the like, or a worse judgement,) by a well-wisher to both kingdomes. prynne, william, 1600-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for m.s., printed at london : 1646. a well-wisher to both kingdomes = william prynne. annotation on thomason copy: "[illegible] th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. a91260 r210628 (thomason 669.f.10[90]). civilwar no scotlands publick acknowledgement of gods just judgement upon their nation for their frequent breach of faith, leagues, and solemne oathes m prynne, william 1646 705 4 0 0 0 0 0 57 d the rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-08 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion scotlands publick acknowledgement of gods just judgement upon their nation for their frequent breach of faith , leagves , and solemne oathes made to their neighbours of england , in former ages , to gratifie their treacherous confederates of france . recorded in their own publick liturgie , printed at edenborough by thomas bassandine , anno dom. 1575 page 54. 57. 58. under this title , prayers used in the churches of scotland in the time of their persecution by the french-men ( in the year 1560. ) from whose tyranny and vassalage , they were then delivered by the free brotherly assistance and forces of the english , to whom they had been formerly so perfidious . published to prevent the like breach of solemn leagues , oaths , and covenants between both nations now ( for fear of of incurring the like , or a worse judgement , ) by a well-wisher to both kingdomes . but now , o lord , the dangers which appeare , and the trouble which increaseth , by cruell tyranny of forsworne strangers , compelleth us to complain before the throne of thy mercy , and to crave of thee protection and defence against their most unjust persecution . that nation , o lord , for whose pleasure , and defence of whom , we have offended thy majesty , and violated our faith , * oft breaking the leagues of unity , and concord which our kings and governours have contracted with our * neighbours , that nation , o lord , for whose alliance our fathers and predecessours have shed their blood , and we ( whom now by tyranny they oppresse ) have oft sustained the hazard of battaile , that nation finally , to whom alwaies we have been faithful , now after then long practised deceit , by manifest tyranny doe seek our destruction : worthily and justly may thou , o lord , give us to be slaves unto such tyrants ; because , for the maintenance of their friendship , wee have not feared to break ovr solemn oathes , made unto others , to the great dis-honour of thine holy name ; and therefore justly mayest thou punish us by the same nation , for whose pleasure we feared not to offend thy divine majesty . in thy presence , o lord , we lay for our selves no kinde of excuse , but for thy deare sonne jesus christ his sake , we cry for mercy , pardon , and grace ; thou knowest , o lord , that their crafty wits in many things have abused our simplicity : for , under pretence of the maintenance of our liberty , they have sought , and have found the way ( unlesse thou alone confound their councells ) to bring us in their perpetuall bondage , &c. this text needs no commentary : the summe of it is : nationall perjury will certainly 〈◊〉 punished with nationall misery ; and those who break their solemn oathes , and leagues wi●● their neighbour brethren , to gratifie any other nation or party , shall by divine justice bee betraed , enslaved , or endangered to be destroyed by that very nation and party , for whose ends they th●● violated their oathes and covenants . a strong engagement both to our brethren of scotland and us , to take heed of covenant breaking one with another , least thereby we expose our selves to heavens vengeance , and to th●tyranny and slavery of the common enemy . amos 1. 9. 10. thus saith the lord ; for three transgressions of tyrus , and for foure , i will not turn away the punishment thereof , 〈◊〉 they delivered up the whole captivity to edom , and remembred not the brother● covenant . therefore will i send a fire on the wall of tyrus , which shall devoure the palaces thereof . printed at london for m. s. 1646. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91260e-30 * see tho. walsingham , hist. ang. an. 1383 p. 133. & antiquitates , eccles. brit. p. 295. 296. * to wit , of england . note . articles of peace offered by the crown of france france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) 1696 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04186 wing l3103a estc r180073 52614776 ocm 52614776 175962 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04186) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 175962) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2757:3) articles of peace offered by the crown of france france. sovereign (1643-1715 : louis xiv) louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], printed at london, ; and re-printed : in the year 1696. caption title. reproduction of original in: national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -early works to 1800. france -foreign relations -england -17th century -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -france -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -william and mary, 1689-1702 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion articles of peace offered by the crown of france i. the crown of france for the foundation of a future peace , will observe the westphalia and nimeguen treaties . ii. notwithstanding the said crown intended to keep strasburgh and luxemburgh , and give for an equivalent friburg , in the state it is in at present , with its dependencies : and also brisack , with all its fortifications , except those of the new city , the fort of esch and the fort of ryne , to be demolished : nevertheless upon the allies refusing to accept them , the said crown promises to give up the city of strasburgh only in the condition it was in when taken . iii. to deliver up philipsburgh to the bishop of spire . iv. to raze the fort of kiell , and other forts made on the rhine . v. as also fort-louis and huninghen . vi. to raze montroyal and roseback , provided the allies will be obliged not to re-fortifie them . vii . to restore to the elector of pallatine , not only his electoral lands , but also the dutchies of simmeren and lauteren , and the county of spanheim , with all other places whereof his ellectoral highness has been dispossessed to this present time . viii . madam the dutches of orleans will not proceed by force on her protestant subjects , but will prosecute her right only before a competent judge in relation to the elector . ix . to give satisfaction to the other crowns , in relation to other revenues ; that is to say to the crown of sweeden , for the dutchies of deux-ponis ; and all its dependencies . x. to the count of valdentz , for his town and castle of valdentz . xi . to restore bischweiter to the count of hanow . xii . to the count of obersteine the county delamoets . xiii . the signory of salme , and that of salstein , to the prince of salme , or to whom they lawfully appertain , since there is still a dispute about it . xiv . the signory of lustenstein , and that of altsheim , to those to whom they belong . xv. obsworter to the house of nassaw . xvi . to the house of wirtemburgh , the county of montraband , herricourt . blamont , and chastillet . xvii . germersheime to the house of the elector palatine ; notwithstanding former treaties . xviii . stadez . and landeburgh to the count de valitz . xix . to restore all that has been taken since the peace of nimeguen : xx. as to lorrain . this crown would have it referred to the general treaty of peace ; and in the mean time , france promises to offer more on this subject than she has ever hitherto done . xxi . to restore to the bishop of liege , dinant , in the state it was in when she possessed her self of it . xxii . that to all other princes , whether comprehended in the alliance or not , their pretensions shall be respited ; and that france obligeth her self to give them satisfaction in the time of the negotiation . xxiii . that this crown will acknowledge william the third for lawful king of england , without any reserve or restriction , tho' not before the conclusion of the peace ; since if this crown should do it at present , and the peace should not be concluded , it would be necessary for her to retract it , an inconvenience she would avoid . printed at london , and re-printed in the year , 1696. by the king, a proclamation commanding noblemen, knights, and gentlemen of quality, to repayre to their mansion houses in the country, to attend their seruices, and keepe hospitality, according to the ancient and laudable custome of england england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) 1622 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22289 stc 8695 estc s122824 23957020 ocm 23957020 27017 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22289) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27017) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1813:34) by the king, a proclamation commanding noblemen, knights, and gentlemen of quality, to repayre to their mansion houses in the country, to attend their seruices, and keepe hospitality, according to the ancient and laudable custome of england england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) james i, king of england, 1566-1625. 1 broadside. by bonham norton, and iohn bill ..., imprinted at london : m.dc.xxii. [1622] "giuen at the court at newmarket, the twentieth day of nouember, in the twentieth yeere of our reigne of england, france, and ireland, and of scotland the six and fiftieth." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -james i, 1603-1625. great britain -politics and government -1603-1625. england -officials and employees. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ir diev et mon droit . honi ✚ soit ✚ qvi ✚ mal ✚ y ✚ pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation commanding noblemen , knights , and gentlemen of quality , to repayre to their mansion houses in the country , to attend their seruices , and keepe hospitality , according to the ancient and laudable custome of england . his most excellent maiestie , taking into his royall consideration , that the celebration of the feast of christmasse approacheth , and how needfull it is ( especially in this time of scarcity and dearth ) to reuiue the ancient and laudable custome of this realme , by house-keeping and hospitality , which in all parts of this realme is exceedingly decayed , by the too frequent resort and ordinary residence of lords spirituall and temporall , knights , and gentlemen of quality , vnto cities and townes , and chiefly into , or neere about the cities of london and westminster ; and willing to prouide remedy , aswell for that , as sundry other inconueniences , which of necessity must ensue , by the absence of those out of their countries , vpon whose care , a great and principall part of the subordinate gouernment of this realme doth depend : doth heereby strictly charge and command , aswell all his lords spirituall and temporall ( except such as are of his priuie counsell , or beare office about the person or court of himselfe , or of his most dearely beloued sonne the prince ) and likewise all deputy lieutenants , and iustices of peace , and other gentlemen of quality , which haue mansion houses in the country , wherein they and their families haue vsually dwelt and aboade ; that they , and euery of them , immediately vpon the end of this present month of nouember , depart from the cities of london and westminster , and other cities and places with their families and seruants , vnto their seuerall countries , to attend their seruice there , and keepe hospitality , as appertayneth to their degree and calling , vpon paine , not only of his maiesties heauy indignation and displeasure , and disablement to hold any such places of seruice or trust , vnder his maiestie ; but also of such further censure and punishment , as may be inflicted vpon them , for such their disobedience and contempt , or neglect of this his royall commandement ; whereof , as his maiestie intendeth to take a strict and seuere accompt , so he doth heereby require and command , aswell the lords and others of his priuie counsell , as all other his officers and ministers , whom it shall any way concerne , to take order that all such as shall offend , may receiue condigne punishment , without toleration or conniuence . giuen at the court at newmarket , the twentieth day of nouember , in the twentieth yeere of our reigne of england , france , and ireland , and of scotland the six and fiftieth . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxii . act for a new imposition upon english commodities. at edinburgh, the twenty one of august, one thousand six hundred and sixty three. scotland. parliament. committee of estates. 1663 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b06077 52612233 wing s1081 estc r183888 52612233 ocm 52612233 179538 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b06077) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179538) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2793:10) act for a new imposition upon english commodities. at edinburgh, the twenty one of august, one thousand six hundred and sixty three. scotland. parliament. committee of estates. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by evan tyler, printer to the kings most excellent majesty, edinburgh : 1663. caption title. royal arms at head of text; initial letter. imperfect: stained with some loss of text. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tariff -law and legislation -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -commerce -england -early works to 1800. england -commerce -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides -scotland -17th century. 2008-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms act for a new imposition upon english commodities . at edinburgh , the twenty one of august , one thousand six hundred and sixty three . the estates of parliament considering , how much it concernes the credit and wealth of the kingdom , that our own native commodities be manufactured amongst our selves , and that the endeavours of such persons as are setting up manufacturies and trades have been , and are much retarded , by the importation of such forreign commodities as may be made within the kingdom . therefore , and for their due encouragment , the kings majesty , with advice and consent of the estates of parliament , statutes and ordains , that from and after the first day of september next , twelve pounds scots upon ilk ell of broad english cloath ; six pounds upon ilk ell , of york-shire and all narrow cloath ; two pounds eight shillings upon ilk ell of searge ; thirty shillings upon ilk ell of castilians ; fourty eight pounds upon ilk beaver-hat ; twenty four pounds upon ilk demy beaver 〈◊〉 vigon ; and three pounds upon the piece of ilk common hat ; thirty six pounds upon the 〈…〉 four pounds upon the dozen of stag-gloves ▪ , and 〈◊〉 pounds upon the dozen of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , c 〈…〉 s , kid or shiverings ; and twenty four shillings upon ilk pound of tobacco imported either for sale or private use into this kingdom from england , all scots money , be exacted , levied and collected and fourscore per cent . upon all other sorts of commodities imported into this kingdom from england , and not particularly named in this act , and upon all the growth and manufactury of that kingdom , though imported from any other place , and that over and above all other impositions put upon the same already . and to the effect this present act may be the more exactly put to execution , it is statute and ordained , that all goods imported from england , or of the growth and manufactury of england , not above particularly exprest , shall be valued , after sighting , by two skilfull honest men upon oath , to be nominate by the dean of gild or his assessors , or magistrates of the burgh , or next adjacent burgh to the custom-office where the saids g●●●● are entered , or by the oath of the party to whom the saids goods belongs , and accordingly pay the said f●●●●score per cent . and the lords thesaurer and thesaurer-depute , and lords of his maiesties exchequer , are hereby required to take an oath , and bond with sufficient caution , from the farmers or collectors of the saids impositions , that they shall exactly collect the same , without any abatement thereof , directly or in directly ; and that they shall not suffer any of the saids goods to pass or be conveyed away un-entered , and that under the penalty of the worth of the saids goods , if the contrary shall be made appear , the one half thereof to his maiesties use , and the other half to the informer , and under the pain of forfaulting their lacks and commissions , and being declared incapable to farm or collect , in any time thereafter , any custom , excise , or other imposition whatsoever within this kingdom . and if any of the foresaids goods or commodities shall be informed and made appear to be brought in , or shall be seized upon , not being entered in the custom-office , or any other office appointed for that effect , then the same to be wholly confiscate , the one half to his maiesties use , and the other half to the first informer or seizer thereof . and ordains these presents to be printed , and published at the mercat cross of edinburgh , and other places needfull , where-through none may pretend ignorance of the same . edinbvrgh , printed by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majesty , 1663. james r. whereas in the charters, patents or grants made to several cities, burroughs and towns corporate, a power is reserved to us to remove, displace, and discharge by order under our signet and sign manual, the mayors, sheriffs ... proclamations. 1688-10-17 england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) 1688 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a84509 wing e848 estc r223119 99897758 99897758 170953 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84509) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 170953) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2532:7) james r. whereas in the charters, patents or grants made to several cities, burroughs and towns corporate, a power is reserved to us to remove, displace, and discharge by order under our signet and sign manual, the mayors, sheriffs ... proclamations. 1688-10-17 england and wales. sovereign (1685-1688 : james ii) james ii, king of england, 1633-1701. england and wales. orders in council. 1688-10-17. [4] p.; printed by charles bill, henry hills, and thomas newcomb, printers to the kings most excellent majesty, london : 1688. "acting under the powers of discharge reserved to the king, all officers of corporations holding under charters granted since 1679, except the cities named in the proclamation no. 3881, q.v., whose deeds of surrender are enrolled, or judgements in quo warranto against them entered, are removed from office." -steele. a bifolium; pp. [1] and [4] blank. title taken from caption title and first lines of text on p. [2] (steele 3884). at end of p. [2]: given at our court at whitehall the 17th day of october, 1688. in the fourth year of our reign. by his majesties command. sunderland p. caption title on p. [3]: at the court at whitehall the 17th day of october, 1688. present, the king's most excellent majesty. (steele 3885). signed at end of p. [3]: john nicholas. arms 107; steele notation (p. [2]): made place requi-. arms 109; steele notation (p. [3]): to men re-. reproduction of original in the harvard law school library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng municipal corporations -england -early works to 1800. cities and towns -england -17th century -early works to 1800. england -charters, grants, privileges -early works to 1800. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev . et mon. droit james r. whereas in the charters , patents or grants made to several cities , burroughs and towns corporate , a power is reserved to vs to remove , displace , and discharge by order under our signet and sign manual , the mayors , sheriffs , recorders , town-clerks , aldermen , common council-men , assistants , officers , magistrates , ministers , freemen and other members of the same : we do accordingly hereby remove , displace and discharge all mayors , sheriffs , recorders , town-clerks , aldermen , common council-men , assistants , officers , magistrates , ministers , freemen , and other members of our said respective cities , burroughs , and towns corporate , which have or claim such offices or places by charter , patent or grant from the late king our most dear brother of ever blessed memory , or from vs since the year one thousand six hundred seventy nine , except such cities and towns in our proclamation named , whose deeds of surrender are inrolled , or against whom judgments in quo warranto are entred : and they , and every of them , are hereby removed , displaced and discharged accordingly , in pursuance of the power reserved to vs as aforesaid : whereof all persons concerned are hereby required to take notice . given at our court a whitehall the 17th day of october , 1688. in the fourth year of our reign . by hi● majesties command . sunderland p. london , printed by charles bill , henry hills , ad thomas newcomb , printers to the kings most excellent majesty , 1688. diev et mon droit at the court at whitehall the 17th day of october , 1688. present , the king 's most excellent majesty . his r. h. prince geo. of denmark , lord chancellor , lord privy-seal , dake of hamilton , marquess of powis , earl of huntingdon , earl of craven , earl of berkeley , earl of moray , earl of middleton , earl of melfort , earl of castlemain , viscount preston , lord godolphin , mr. chancel . of the exchequer , master of the rolls , lord chief justice herbert , sir thomas strickland , sir nicholas butler , mr. petre. whereas in the charters , patents , or grants made to several cities , burroughs and towns corporate , a power is reserved to his majesty by his order in council , to remove , displace and discharge the mayors , sheriffs , recorders , town-clerks , aldermen , common council-men , assistants , officers , magistrates , ministers , freemen , and other members of the same . his majesty is this day in council pleased to order , and it is hereby ordered accordingly , that all mayors , sheriffs , recorders , town-clerks , aldermen common council-men , assistants , officers , magistrates , ministers , freemen , and other members of the said respective cities , burroughs and towns corporate , which have or claim such offices or places by charter , patent or grant from the late king of blessed memory , or from his majesty since the year 1679. except such cities and towns in his majesties proclamation named , ( whose deeds of surrender are inrolled , or against whom judgments in quo warranto are entred ) be removed , displaced , and discharged , in pursuance of the power reserved as aforesaid , and they and every of them are hereby removed , displaced , and discharged accordingly . john nicholas . london , printed by charles bill , henry hills , and thomas newcomb , printers to the king 's most excellent majesty , 1688. a briefe discourse, touching the happie vnion of the kingdomes of england, and scotland dedicated in priuate to his maiestie. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1603 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01064 stc 1117 estc s104437 99840175 99840175 4650 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01064) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4650) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 871:04) a briefe discourse, touching the happie vnion of the kingdomes of england, and scotland dedicated in priuate to his maiestie. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [48] p. printed [by r. read] for fœlix norton, and are to be sold by william aspley, at london : 1603. by francis bacon. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-c. the first leaf and the last three leaves are blank. running title reads: the happy vnion of england and scotland. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a briefe discovrse , tovching the happie vnion of the kingdomes of england , and scotland dedicated in private to his maiestie . at london printed for foelix norton , and are to be sold by william aspley . 1603. a briefe discourse , touching the happy vnion of the kingdomes of england , and scotland . dedicated in priuate to his maiestie . i doe not finde it straunge ( excellent king , ) that when heraclitus , hee that was surnamed the obscure , had set foorth a certaine booke , which is not now extant : many men tooke it for a discourse of nature , and many others tooke it for a treatise of policie , and matter of estate . for , there is a great affinitie and consent , betweene the rules of nature , and the true rules of policie : the one being nothing els but an order in the gouernement of the world , and the other an order , in the gouernment of an estate . and therefore , the education and erudition of the kings of persia , was in a science , which was termed by a name , then of great reuerence , but now degenerate and taken in ill part . for , the persian magicke , which was the secret literature of their kings , was an obseruation of the contemplation of nature , and an application thereof to a sense politicke 〈◊〉 taking the fundamentall lawes of nature , with the branches and passages of them , as an originall , and first modell , whence to take and describe a copie and imitation for gouernement . after this manner , the foresaid instructors fet before their kings , the examples of the celestiall bodies , the sunne , the moone , and the rest , which haue great glorie and veneration , but no rest or intermission , beeing in a perpetuall office of motion , for the cherishing , in turne , and in course , of inferiour bodyes . expressing likewise , the true manner of the motions of gouernement , which though they ought to bee swifte and rapide in respect of occasion and dispatche , yet are they to be constant and regular , without wauering or confusion . so did they represent vnto them , how that the heauens do not inritch themselues by the earth , and the seas , nor keepe no dead stocke or vntouched treasure , of that they drawe to them from belowe , but whatsoeuer moysture they doe leuie and take from both the elements in vapours , they doe spend and turne backe againe in showers , onely houlding and storing them vp for a time , to the end to issue and distribute them in season . but chiefely they did expresse and expound vnto them , that fundamentall lawe of nature , whereby all things doe subsist and are preserued : which is , that euery thing in nature , although it hath his priuate and particular affection and appetite , and doth follow and pursue the same in small moments , and when it is deliuered and freed from more generall and common respects : yet neuerthelesse , when there is question or cause , for the sustaining of the more generall , they forsake their owne particularities and proprieties , and attend and conspire to vphold the publike . so , we see the yron in small quantitie will ascend and approach to the load-stone , vpon a particular sympathie . but , if it bee any quantitie of moment , it leaues his appetite of amity with the load-stone , and like a good patriott , falleth to the earth , which is the place and region , of massy bodies . so againe , the water , and other like bodies , doe fall towardes the center of the earth : which is , as was saide , their region or country . and yet , we see nothing more vsuall , in all water-workes and ingens , then that the water ( rather then to suffer any distraction , or disunion in nature , ) will ascend : forsaking the loue to his owne region or country , and applying it selfe to the body next adioyning . but , it were too large a digression , to proceede to more examples of this kinde . your maiesty your selfe , did fall vppon a passage of this nature , in your gratious speech of thankes vnto your councell . when acknowledging princely , their vigilancye and well deseruinges , it pleased you to note , that it was a successe and euent aboue the course of nature , to haue so great a change , with so great a quiet : forasmuch as suddayne and great mutations , as well in state as in nature , are rarely without violence and perturbation . so as still i conclude , there is , as was saide , a congruity betweene the principles of nature , and and of pollicie . and , least that instance may seeme to appone to this assertion , i may , euen in that perticular , with your maiesties fauour , offer vnto you a type or patern in nature much resembling this present euēt in your state : namely earthquakes , which many of them , bring euer much terror and wonder , but no actuall hurt ; the earth trembling for a moment , and sodainely stablishing in perfect quiet , as it was before . this knowledge then , of making the gouernment of the world , a mirror for the gouernement of a state , beeing a wisedome almost lost ( whereof the reason i take to be , because of the difficulty , for one man to imbrace both philosophies ; ) i haue thought good to make some proofe , ( as farre as my weakenesse , and the straights of time will suffer , ) to reuiue in the handling of one particular wherewith now i most humbly present your maiesty . for , surely , as hath beene said , it is a forme of discourse , anciently vsed towardes kings . and , to what king , should it be more proper then to a king , that is studious to conioyne contemplatiue virtue and actiue virtue together . your maiesty is the first king , which hath had the honour , to be lapis angularis , to vnite these two mighty and warlike nations of england and scotland , vnder one soueraignety and monarchy . it dooth not appeare by the recordes and memories , of any true history , nor scarcly by the fiction and pleasure of any fabulous narration , or tradition : that euer , of any antiquity , this iland of great brittaine was vnited vnder one king , before this day . and yet , there be no mountaines or races of hils , there be no seas , or great riuers , there is no diuersity of toung or language , that hath inuited or prouoked this ancient separation , or diuorce . the lot of spaine was , to haue the seuerall kingdomes of that continent ( portugal onely except , ) to be vnited in an age , not long past : and , now in our age , that of portugal also , which was the last that held out , to bee incorporate with the rest . the lot of france hath beene , much about the same time likewise , to haue reannexed vnto that crowne , the seuerall duchies and portions , that were in former times dismembred . the lotte of this iland , is the last reserued for your maiesties happye times , by the speciall prouidence and fauour of god : who hath brought your maiesty to this happy coniunction , with great consent of harts , and in the strength of your yeares , and in the maturity of your experience . it resteth therefore , but that , ( as i promised ) i set before your maiesties princelye consideration , the grounds of nature , touching the vnion and commixture of bodies ; & the correspondence which they haue with the groundes of pollicie , in the coniunction of states and kingdomes . first therefore that position , vis vnita fortior , beeing one of the common notions of the minde , needeth not much to be induced or illustrate . we see the sunne ( when he enters , & while he continues vnder the signe of leo ) causeth more vehement heates , then when he is in cancer : what time his beames are neuerthelesse , more perpendicular . the reason whereof , in great part , hath beene truely ascribed , to the coniunction and corradiation in that place of heauen , of the sunne , with the foure starres of the first magnitude , syrius , canicula , cor leonis , & cauda leonis . so , the moone likewise , by ancient tradition , while she is in the same signe of leo , is saide to be at the heart , or , to respect the hart . which is not for any affinity , which that place in heauen can haue , with that part of mans body : but onely , because the moone is then ( by reason of the coniunction and neerenesse with the starres aforenamed ) in greatest strength of influence : and so worketh vppon that part , in inferiour bodyes , which is most vitall and principall . so , wee see waters and liquors , in small quantity , do easily purrifie and corrupt : but , in large quantity , subsist long , by reason of the strength , they receiue , by vnion . so , in earthquakes , the more generall doe little hurt , by reason of the vnited weight , that they offer to subuert : but , narrow and particular earthquakes , haue many times ouerturned whole townes and citties . so then , this point touching the force of vnion is euident . and therefore it is more fitte to speake of the manner of vnion . wherein againe , it will not be pertinent , to handle one kinde of vnion , which is vnion , by victory : when one body , doth meerely subdue another , and conuerteth the same into his owne nature , extinguishing and expulsing , what part so euer of it , it cannot ouercome . as , when the fire conuerteth the wood into fire , purging awaye the smoake and the ashes , as vnapt matter to inflame . or , when the bodye of a liuing creature dooth conuert and assimilate foode and nourishment : purging and expelling whatsoeuer it cannot conuerte . for , these representations doe aunswere in matter of pollicie , to vnion of countreyes by conquest : where the conquering state dooth extinguish , extirpate and expulse any parte of the estate conquered , which it findeth so contrarye , as it cannot alter and conuerte it . and therefore leauing violent vnions : wee will consider onelye of naturall vnions . the difference is excellent , which the best obseruers in nature doe take , betweene compositio and miltio ; putting together and mingling . the one beeing but a coniunction of bodyes in place , the other in quality , and consent : the one , the mother of sedition and alteration , the other of peace and continuance : the one rather a confusion , then an vnion , the other properly a vnion . therefore we see those bodies which they call imperfectè miltio , last not , but are speedily dissolued . for , take for example , snow or froth , which are compositions of ayre and water : in them you may behold , how easily they seuer and dissolue , the water closing togeather , and excluding the ayre . so , those three bodies , which the alchymists doe so much celebrate , as the three principles of things , that is to say , earth , water and oyle , ( which it pleaseth them to terme salt , mercury and sulphur : ) wee see , if they bee vnited onely by composition , or putting togeather , how weakely and rudely they doe incorporate . for , water and earth , make but an vnperfect slime , and , if they be forced togeather by agitation , yet , vpon a little setling , the earth resides in the bottome . so , water and oyle , though by agitation it be beaten into an oyntment . yet , after a little setling , the oyle will floate vppon the toppe . so as , such vnperfect minglinges , continue no longer , then they are forced : and still in the ende , the worthiest getteth aboue . but , otherwise it is , of perfect mixture . for , wee see those three bodies , of earth , water and oyle ; when they are ioyned in a regetable or minerall , they are so vnited , as without great subtiltie of arte , and force of extraction , they cannot bee seperated and reduced into the same simple bodyes againe . so as , the difference betweene compositio and mistio , cleerelye set downe is this : that compositio , is the ioyning or putting togeather of bodyes , without a new forme : and mistio , is the ioyning or putting togeather of bodies , vnder a new forme . for , the new forme , is commune vinculum : and without that , the oulde formes , will be at striefe and discorde . now , to reflect this light of nature , vpon matter of estate : there hath beene put in practise in gouernment , these two seuerall kindes of pollicie , in vniting & conioyning of states & kingdomes . the one to retaine the auncient formes still seuered , and onely conioyned in soueraingtie ; the other , to superinduce a new forme agreeable and conuenient to the entire estate . the former of these hath beene more vsuall , and is more easie : but the latter , is more happy . for , if a man doe attentiuely reuolue histories of all nations , and iudge truly therevpon : hee will make this conclusion , that there were neuer any state that were good commixtures , but the romaines : which because it was the best state in the worlde , and is the best example of this pointe , wee will chiefely insist therevpon . in the antiquities of rome , virgill brings in iupiter , by way of oracle or perdiction , speaking of the mixture of the troyans and the italians : sermonem ausonij patrium , moresque tenebunt . vtque est , nomen erit : comisti corpore tantum subsident teucri , morem , ritusque sacrorum adijciam , faciamque omnes vno ore latinos . hine genus ausomo mistum quod sanguine surget , suprà homines , suprà ire deos pietate videbis wherein iupiter maketh a kinde of partition or distribution , that italy should giue the language and the lawes ; troye should giue a mixture of men , and some religious rites , and both people should meete in one name of latines . soone after the foundation of the citie of rome , the people of the romaines and the sabines mingled vppon equall termes . wherin the interchange went so euen , that ( as liui noteth ) the one nation gaue the name to the place , and the other to the people . for , rome continued the name : but , the people were called quirites , which was the sabine worde deriued of cures , the countrie of tacitus . but , that which is chiefly to be noted , in the whole continuance of the romaine gouernment , they were so liberall of their naturallizations , as in effect , they made perpetuall mixtures . for their manner was , to graunt the same , not onely to particular persons , but to families and linages : and not onely so , but to whole citties and countries . so as , in the end it came to passe , that rome was communis patria , as some of the ciuilians call it . so , we read , that saint paul , after he had beene beaten with roddes , and therevpon charged the officer with violation of the priuiledge of a citizen of rome : the captaine then sayde to him ; art thou then a romaine ? that priuiledge hath cost mee deere ! to whome saint paul replyed : but i was so borne . and yet , in another place saint paul professeth of himselfe that hee was a iewe by tribe . so as it is manifest that some of his ancestors were naturallized , to him and to his descendents . so , wee read , that it was one of the first despights that was done to iulius caesar , that whereas hee had obtayned naturalization for a cittye in gaul , one of the cittizens of that cittye , was beaten with roddes , by the commaundement of the consul marcellus . so wee read in cornelius tacitus , that , in the emperour claudius time , the nation of gaul , that part which was called comata , the wilder part , were suters to bee made capable of the honours of beeing senators and officers of rome . his wordes are : cùm de supplendo , senatu agitaretur , primoresque galliae quae commata appellatur , foedera et ciuitatem romanam pridem assecuti , ius adipiscendorum in vrbe honorum expeterent : multus ea super re , variusque rumor , et studijs diuersis apud principem certabatur : and , in the ende , after long debate , it was ruled , they should be admitted . so likewise , the authoritie of nicholas machiauell , seemeth not to bee contemned : who , inquiring of the causes of the growth of the romaine empire , dooth giue iudgement , there was not one greater then this , that the state did so easily compound , and incorporate with straungers . it is most true , that most estates and kingdomes , haue taken the other course : of which this effect hath followed , that the addition of further empire and territorie , hath beene rather matter of burden , then matter of strength vnto them ; yea , and further ; it hath kepte aliue the seede and rootes of reuoltes and rebellions , for many ages : as , wee may see in a freshe and notable example of the kingdome of aragon , which though it were vnited to castile by mariadge , and not by conquest , and so descended inhereditarie vnion by the space of more then a hundreth years : yet , because it was continued in a diuided gouernement , and not well incorporated and cemented with the other crownes ; entred into a rebellion , vpon point of their fueros , or liberties , now , of very late yeares . now , to speake briefely , of the seuerall partes of that forme , whereby states and kingdomes are perfectly vnited : they are , besides the soueraignety it selfe , foure in number . vnion in name , vnion in language , vnion in lawes , and vnion in employmentes . for name , though it seeme but a superficiall and outward matter ; yet it carrieth much impression and inchantment . the generall and common name of grecia , made the greekes alwayes apt to vnite ( though otherwise full of diuisions amongst themselues : ) against other nations , who they called barbarous . the he●●●tian name , is no small band to knit together , their leagues and confederacies , the faster . the common name of spaine , no doubt hath beene a speciall meane of the better vnion and conglutination , of the seuerall kindomes of castile , aragon , granada , nauarra , valencia , catalonia , and the rest : comprehending also now lately portugall . for language , it is not needfull to insist vpon it : because both your maiesties kingdoms , are of one language , though of seuerall dialects : and the difference so small betweene them , as promiseth rather an inriching of one language , then a continuance of two . for lawes , which are the principall synewes of gouernment , they be of three natures . iura , which i will terme freedomes , or abilities , leges , and mores . for abilities and freedoms , they were amongst the romans ; of foure kindes , or rather degrees ius connubij , ius ciuitatis , ius suffragij , and ius petitionis , or ius honorum . ius connubij , is a thing , in these times , out of vse . for , marriage is open betweene all diuersity of nations . ius ciuitatis answereth to that we call denization , or naturalization . ius suffragij answereth to voyce in parliament , or voice in election of such , as haue voyce in parliament . ius petitionis , aunswereth to place in councell and office . and , the romanes did many times seuer these freedoms , granting ius connubij , sine ciuitate , and ciuitatem sine suffragio , & suffragium sine iure petitionis , which was commonly with them the last . for lawes , it is a matter of curiosity and inconuenience , to seeke eyther to extripate all particular customes , or , to draw all subiectes to one place or resort of iudicature and session . it sufficeth , there be an vniformity in the principall and fundamentall lawes , both ecclesiasticall and ciuill . for , in this point the rule houldes , which was pronounced by an ancient father , touching the diuersity of rites in the church . for , finding the vesture of the queene , ( in the psalme ) which did prefigure the church , was of diuerse colours : and , finding againe , that christes coate was without a seame : hee concludes well , in veste varietas sit , scissura non fit . for manners , a consent in them is to be sought industriously ; but , not to bee inforced . for , nothing amongst people , breedes so much pertinacie , in houlding their customes , as suddaine and violent offer to remooue them . and , as for employments ; it is no more , but an indifferent hand , and execution of that verse : tros , tyriusué mihi , nulle discrimine agetur . there remaineth onely , to remember out of the grounds of nature , the two conditions of perfect mixture : whereof the former is time. for , the naturall philosophers say well , that compositio , is opus homines : and mistio , is opus naturae . for it is the dutie of man , to make a fitte application of bodies together . but , the perfect fermentation and incorporation of them , must bee left to nature and time : and vnnaturall hasting thereof , dooth disturbe the worke , and not dispatche it . so , wee see , after the grift is put into the stock , and bound ; it must bee left to nature and time , to make that continuum , which was at first but contiguum . and , it is not any continuall pressing , or thrusting together : that will preuent natures season , but rather hinder it . and so , in liquors , those mixtures which are at the first troubled : growe after cleere and setled , by the benefit of rest and time . the second condition is : that the greater drawe the lesse . so wee see , when two lights doe meete , the greater dooth darken and drowne the lesse . and , when a smaller riuer , runs into a greater , it leeseth both his name and streame . and hereof to conclude , we see an excellent example in the kingdomes of iuda and israel . the kingdome of iuda contained two tribes ; the kingdome of israel , contained ten . king dauid raigned first ouer iuda , for certaine yeeres : & , after the death of isbosheth , the sonne of saul , obtayned likewise the kingdome of israel . this vnion continued in him , and likewise in his sonne salomon , by the space of seuentie yeares at least , betweene them both . but yet , because the seate of the kingdome was kept still in iuda , and so the lesse sought to drawe the greater ; vppon the first occasion offered , the kingdomes brake againe , and so continued , diuided for euer after . thus hauing in all humblenesse made oblation vnto your maiestie of these simple fruites , of my deuotion and studies : i do wish ( and i do wish it , not in the nature of an impossibilitie , to my thinking , ) that this happye vnion of your maiesties two kingdomes of england and scotland ; may bee in as good an houre ; and vnder the like diuine prouidence , as that was , betweene the romaines and the sabines . finis . a copy of a letter from the french king to king james in answer to one from him. translated from the french copy. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. 1692 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). b04187 wing l3104 estc r180074 52612197 ocm 52612197 179499 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b04187) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179499) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2790:31) a copy of a letter from the french king to king james in answer to one from him. translated from the french copy. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. james ii, king of england 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([2] p.) [s.n.], london printed : and reprinted, 1692. caption title. dated and signed at end: from our camp before namur, june the 18. 1692. lewis. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng grand alliance, war of the, 1689-1697 -sources. france -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -france -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -17th century. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of a letter from the french king to king james in answer to one from him . translated from the french copy . your majesty seems to be too sensibly afflicted with the late disaster of our fleet ; the disappointment we must confess was unexpected and surprizing , & has occasion'd no small interruption in the measures we had taken : but however the severe application that you have made , by imputing that unhappy accident to the ill fortune that attends your affairs since you betook your self to our protection , we cannot admit of , much less can we allow the consequence which you seem to imply , and which your friends are apprehensive of , that the blame of that disappointment should , in our nation , any wayes affect your majesty . the mistaken informations you receiv'd from your dependents in great britan , we are sensible were no otherwise represented to us by your majesty , than as they were first communicated to you ; the ill success whereof shall be so far from obliging us to withdraw our protection from you , that it has only added vigor to our endeavours , to repair by land the misfortune we have sustain'd at sea. the glory and grandure of the french nation has been too well established , to be shaken by one storm . the success we may reasonably expect from the siege of namur , will be sufficient at least to ballance the insulting hopes of our enemies : we are already masters of the town , and have no reason to despair ( if the assurances given us by vauban may be rely'd upon ) of a prosperous progress from so formidable forces as are now employ'd in that service . 't is true , the account of the surrender of great waradin comes something unseasonable , but we hope the consequence is too remote , to affect the enterprizes of our summers campaign on this side , upon which the fortune of the war seems to depend . we hope to perswade our people , that the descent which the english seem to threaten upon our coast , is rather an ammusement than any awayes practicable . there are some about us ( and with whom our most important councils are concenred ) who appear apprehensive in case of a descent , or any other inrode into our kingdom of france , that it may occasion a revolt amongst our subjects . but we presume the discipline we have used , has not been so ill bestowed as to admit of any such rebellious practice . our subjects are french men , and we have taken care to make them catholicks , who will not easily learn the hereticall distinction between revolt and rebellion . the request which you make of retiring from our kingdom , we cannot at this time hearken to . the late obsticles in our affairs , upon which you seem to ground your proposal , is an irrefragable argument for our with-holding our consent : forasmuch as it would be looked upon by all the world , as well friends as enemies , that we want either inclination or power to protect you , which would be unsuitable to our character , and inconvenient for the present posture of affairs . from our camp before namur , june the 18. 1692. lewis . london printed , and reprinted , 1692. a letter from the parliament of scotland, to the honourable william lenthall esquire, speaker to the house of commons. scotland. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a92575 of text r211207 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.14[50]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a92575 wing s1284 thomason 669.f.14[50] estc r211207 99869937 99869937 163038 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a92575) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163038) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f14[50]) a letter from the parliament of scotland, to the honourable william lenthall esquire, speaker to the house of commons. scotland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1649] dated at end: edenburgh, 26 junii 1649. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. scotland -history -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a92575 r211207 (thomason 669.f.14[50]). civilwar no a letter from the parliament of scotland, to the honourable william lenthall esquire, speaker to the house of commons. scotland. parliament 1649 839 1 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter from the parliament of scotland , to the honourable william lenthall esquire , speaker of the house of commons . sir , the estates of the parliament of this kingdom having received a letter dated the 23 of may , signed by you as speaker of the parliament , and written in the name of the common-wealth of england ; which titles , in regard of the solemn league and covenant , and treaties , and the many declarations of the parliaments of both kingdoms , are such as they may not acknowledge . as for the matter therein contained ; those many things of just resentment , wherein satisfaction is demanded from this kingdom , are onely mentioned in the generall , and therefore cannot so well receive a particular answer : but if by these generall expressions , the late unlawfull engagement against england be understood , they desire that their protestation against the same in parliament , and the opposition made thereunto by them afterward in arms ( which they never laid down untill the garisons of berwick and carlisle were restored unto the kingdom of england ) may be remembred , together with the letter of the house of commons to the generall assembly of this kirk , of the third of august 1648 : and that lieutenant general cromwel , authorized from both houses of parliament , did upon the 5 of october last , represent to the committee of estates of this kingdom , the wrongs and injuries committed against the kingdom of england in that engagement ; and thereupon did demand that they would give assurance in the name of the kingdom of scotland , not to admit or suffer any who have been active in , or consenting to that engagement , to be imployed in any publick place or trust whatsoever ; which was not onely granted , and afterward confirmed in parliament , but all acts for prosecution thereof have been repealed , and all proceeding relating thereunto publickly disclaimed . and if any other wrongs shall be make known unto us , we shall be ready to return such an answer as may give just satisfaction . if the bonds of religion , loyalty to the king , and mutuall amity and friendship betwixt the kingdoms be impartially considered , according to the solemn league and covenant , and the professions and declarations of both kingdoms , the estates of parliament think that they have just cause to complain of the late proceedings in england in reference to religion , the taking away of the kings life , and the changing the fundamentall government of that kingdom ; against which this kirk and kingdom and their commissioners , have protested and given testimony , whereunto they do still adhere . and since it is apparent there hath been of late in england a backsliding and departure from the grounds and principles wherein the two kingdoms were engaged , the parliament of this kingdom doth propound , that the late proceedings there against covenant and treaties may be disclaimed and disavowed , as the prosecution of the late unlawfull engagement against england hath been disclaimed and disavowed here ; and that such as have departed from these principles , and their former professions , may return to the same : upon which grounds they are content to ●uthorize commissioners on behalf of this kingdom , to treat with commissioners from both houses of the parliament of england , sitting in freedom , concerning all matters of just complaint which either nation may have against the other , and for redresse and reparation thereof , and to do every thing that may further conduce for continuing the happy peace and union betwixt the kingdoms , which can never be setled upon so sure a foundation as the former treaties , and the solemn league and covenant : from which , as no alteration or revolution of affairs can absolve either kingdom ; so , we trust in god , that no success , whether good or bad , shall be able to divert us ; but as it hath been our care in time past , it shall be still our reall indeavour for the future to keep our selves free of all compliance with , or inclining to the popish , prelatical and malignant party upon the one hand ; or to those that are enemies to the fundamentall government by king and parliament , and countenance and maintain errour , heresie , and schism upon the other . i have no other thing in command from the parliament of this kingdom , but to take notice that there is no answer returned to their letter of the 5 march last . and so rests for the honourable will . lenthal esquire , speaker of the house of commons . edenburgh , 26 junii 1649. your humble servant , loudoun cancellarius , praeses parliamenti . finis . a direction for the plantation in vlster contayning in it, sixe principall thinges, viz. 1. the securing of that wilde contrye to the crowne of england. 2. the withdrawing of all the charge of the garrison and men of warre. 3. the rewarding of the old seruitors to their good content. 4. the means how to increase the reuenue to the crowne, with a yearely very great summe. 5. how to establish the puritie of religion there. 6. and how the vndertakers may with securitie be inriched. blenerhasset, thomas. 1610 approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16207 stc 3130 estc s102660 99838432 99838432 2810 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16207) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2810) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 624:06) a direction for the plantation in vlster contayning in it, sixe principall thinges, viz. 1. the securing of that wilde contrye to the crowne of england. 2. the withdrawing of all the charge of the garrison and men of warre. 3. the rewarding of the old seruitors to their good content. 4. the means how to increase the reuenue to the crowne, with a yearely very great summe. 5. how to establish the puritie of religion there. 6. and how the vndertakers may with securitie be inriched. blenerhasset, thomas. [32] p. by ed. allde for iohn budge, dwelling at the great south doore of s. paules church, imprinted at london : 1610. dedication signed: thomas blener hasset. signatures: a-d⁴. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ulster (ireland) -history. ireland -politics and government -17th century. england -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. 2004-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 rina kor sampled and proofread 2004-07 rina kor text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a direction for the plantation in vlster . contayning in it , sixe principall thinges , viz. 1. the securing of that wilde countrye to the crowne of england . 2. the withdrawing of all the charge of the garrison and men of warre . 3. the rewarding of the olde seruitors to their good content . 4. the meanes how to increase the reuenue to the crowne , with a yearely very great somme . 5. how to establish the puritie of religion there . 6. and how the vndertakers may with securitie be inriched . ¶ imprinted at london by ed. allde for iohn budge , dwelling at the great south doore of s. paules church . 1610. to the mightye and high renowned prince , henry , prince of great brittaine , all happines . mightie and high renowned prince , the fourth parte of ireland , depopulated vlster , but now redeemed , deliuered and quite acquitted by the kinges maiesties ( your most louing fathers ) wonderfull wisdome & industrie , from the vsurping tyrannie of traytors , & from a long & a most lamentable captiuitie : dispoyled , she presents her-selfe ( as it were ) in a ragged sad sabled robe , ragged ( indeed ) there remayneth nothing but ruynes & desolatiō , with a very little showe of any humanitie : of her selfe she aboundeth with many the very best blessings of god : amongst the other prouinces belonging to great brittaines imperial crowne , not much inferiour to any . thē regard her , for vnto your highnesse it belongeth chiefely to regard her . fayre england , she hath more people then she can well sustaine : goodly vlster for want of people vnmanured , her pleasant fieldes and rich groundes , they remaine if not desolate , worsse . would your excellencie with fauourable respectes , but countenance the action , then the neuer-satisfied desires of a fewe , should not quite disgrace and vtterly ouerthrowe the good and exceeding good purposes of many , but with an excellent plantation it would be peopled plentifully , yea fortified and replenished with such and so many goodly strong corporations , as it would be a wonder to beholde : without which it is not possible ( for i say what certainely i knowe ) so sufficiently to secure that wilde countrie any long time . the desire wherof hath caryed ( or rather violently drawne me to this presumption ) i being a playne country-man and one of the vndertakers in farmannagh . if my endeauours may in any respect be so auailable ; that fayre successions , long posteritie may at length beholde her with securitie in some proportion beautified , then i shall be of many , the most happy , especiallie if your highnesse shall giue good acceptance to these my desires . the almightie god of heauen blesse and preserue your excellencie still and euermore , with those his super-exceding graces . your excellencies most humble suppliant : thomas blener hasset . for the plantation of vlster . excellent and high renowned prince , since such time as it hath pleased the lord treasurer to referre the peticion of m. henry honnings , vnto the irish commissioners , for the vndertaking of threescore thousand acres of the escheated lands in the north of ireland , to bee planted by certaine english gentlemen , of which my selfe being one , considering the greatnes of the action , to satisfie my selfe i passed the seas , and not farre from the lyfford i found that very worthy gentleman , sir arthur chichester , the kings lord deputie with other commissioners , surueying those escheated lands from the church lands , and from their lands who haue hitherto bene loyall . i being there conuersant with some of the chiefe knights and captaines , desired of them to know the cause why they themselues were not forward to vndertake those profitable seates and rich grounds : i was answered , that to build castles and fortes was chargeable , neither then if there should be a mannor erected with twentye or fortye tennants , would they and it secure their goods : for although that castle or forte would serue for a sufficient refuge to preserue their liues vpon any extremitie , yet the cruell wood-kerne , the deuowring woolfe , and other suspitious irish , would so attend on their busines , as their being there should be little profitable vnto them . for an example : sir tobye cawlfield he dwelleth in charlemount a forte of many other the best , and well furnished with men and munition : yet now ( euen in this faire calme of quiet ) his people are driuen euery night to lay vp all his cattle as it were in warde , and doe hee and his what they can , the woolfe and the wood-kerne ( within calieuer shot of his forte ) haue often times a share : yet i do verily beleeue , no man keepeth better order , aswell for the safeguard of himselfe and his neighbors , as for the gouernment of al those parts about him . the like i haue obserued in many other places ▪ and to speake the truth , all men there in all places doe the like , and that within the english pale ( as they a long time haue cald it ) sir iohn king he dwelleth within halfe a mile of dublin : sir henry harringtō within halfe a mile on the other side thereof , fewe men that euer i haue seene better seated for much good soyle : they also doe the like , for those sore named enemies , doe euery night suruey the fields to the very wals of dublin , whatsoeuer is left abroad is in danger to be lost : so they cannot for the foresaid causes contriue any thing to much profit , although it hath bene inhabited a long time . the consideration whereof satisfied me with the impossibilitie of planting a mānor vnder the protection of any strong built castle ; but after that i had trauailed amōgst the meere irish , and had sufficiently informed my selfe with their conditions , their nature , and manner of life , i found it most certainely impossible by such kinde of plantation to improue any thing with security , to any great profit , neither any with whome i conferred , would or could set downe how with security any thing might be vndertaken . therefore the principall studd of this frame must be wrought with a tennor more substantiall then hath bene hitherto by any one mencioned . i acknowledge and see it sufficiently , that many castles and fortes well fortified , doth and wil restraine the violence of such a scattered people as they are , being at this present altogether without men of conduct or armour , but i thinke those castles & fortes more necessary in time of warre ; for then thereby the cattell of the rebels are cut off , and they are inforced to vnite themselues into many strong troopes , otherwise the garisons of those places would bereaue them of all their victuals , and hinder their commerce , and all their other intentions whatsoeuer , for they cannot be strong ynough at one instant in euery place to encoūter the force of those millitary garrisons , who are maintained at a great rate ( as i thinke ) out of the exchequer : for these vndertakers to plant themselues so in this time of quiet , i doe verily beleeue it would be to small auaile , and not the best way to secure themselues with their goods , and that wilde country to the crowne of england ; for although there be no apparant enemy , nor any visible maine force , yet the wood-kerne and many other ( who now haue put on the smiling countenaunce of contentment ) doe threaten euery houre , if oportunitie of time and place doth serue , to burne and steale whatsoeuer : and besides them there be two , the chief supporters of al their insolencie , the inaccessable woods , & the not passible bogs : which ot subiect to our desires is not easie , and that not performed , it is not possible to make a profitable , improuement , no not by any meanes in any place . moreouer the frowning countenance of chance and change , ( for nothing so certaine as that all thinges are most vncertaine ) doth also incite a prouident vndertaker to lay such a foundation , as it should be rather a violent storme then a fret of foule weather that should anoy him . a scattered plantation will neuer effect his desire : what can the countenance of a castle or bawne with a fewe followers doe ? euen as they at this present doe : which is nothing to any purpose . what shall we then say ? or to what course shal we betake our selues ? surely by building of a wel fortified towne , to be able at any time at an houres warning with fiue hūdred men well armed , to encounter all occasions : neither will that be sufficient , except that be seconded with such another , and that also ( if it may be , as easily it may ) with a third : so there will be helpe on euery side , to defend , & offend : for as in england , if a priuy watch be set , many malefactors are apprehended , euen amongst their cuppes : so there when the spaces in the woods be cut out , and the bogges be made somewhat passible , then these new erected townes intending a reformation , must often times at the first set a vniuersall great hunt , that a suddaine search may be made in all suspitious places , for the woolfe and the wood-kerne , which being secretly and wisely appointed by the gouernors , they with the helpe of some irish , well acquainted with the holes and holdes of those offenders , the generallitie shall search euery particular place . for an example , the fourth day of march , the lyfford , the omigh , they in farmanagh , donganon , and colrayne , shall on that day send forth from euery one of those places , an hundred men ; which fiue hundred men shall as then make search in all , or in all the most suspitious places : and by being at one instant dispersed with furniture fit for such busines , they shall discouer all the caues , holes , & lurking places of that country , euen for an hundred miles compasse : & no doubt it will be a pleasant hunt , and much preye will fall to the followers : for what dooth escape some , will fall to the hands of others , and bring such a terror , that the woolfe himselfe will not dare to continue his haunt , where such so suddaine incursions shall be vsed , although it be but once in a moneth : the charge none , the pleasure much , the profit more : then may they make inclosures , & venture their cattell abroad , for to starue in the night doth ouerthrow the feede of the day , with the generall improuement and chief profit , for the feeding of al kind of cattle : then may they sowe , mowe , plant , thriue & be merry , for this kind of planting wil not onely supplant those domesticall enemies , but there will be out of those townes fiue thousand well armed men , to encounter any forraine enemy , that shall offer arriuall to inuade , whereby his maiestie shall shortly haue little neede of those so chargeable garrisons : for these vndertakers will easily restraine the mutinies of them at home , and confront the power of any inuader whatsoeuer , and those good fellowes in trowzes , i meane the euery where dispersed creatures in the creats , seeing this course , they will no longer hearken after change , nor entertaine the lurking wood-kerne , as now they doe . throughout all ireland where there be fortes and garrisons in paye , if all those places were planted with this kinde of vndertaking , & the old worthy soldiers , who in those places haue garrisons in pay , with euery one of their soldiers , if they were rewarded with the fee simple thereof , to them & to their heires , paying after one life yearely vnto his maiestie a fee-farme , as the other vndertakers doe : but these captaines and soldiers would haue their pay continued , otherwise they shall not be able to proceede with the charge of planting , and then other lands there next adioyning laide also to such places , that many might ioyne with them to erect corporations : which may be performed now ten times better cheape then it wil be heerafter : their security would be much better , and the societye farre excell , & so the charge of the garrisons might be withdrawne , the olde worthy warriour who hath gone already through with the brunt of that busines , shall with a good satisfaction be rewarded , and all vlster a whole hundred times better secured vnto the crowne of england : for the generation of the irish , ( who doe at this time encrease ten to one more then the english , nay i might well say twenty ) will neuer otherwise be sufficently brideled : of all which i would satisfie your highnes by an example . the lyfford , whereas there be an hundred soldiers in pay , ( as is reported ) which cannot come vnto lesse then a thousand pounds yearely , and if there were in that kingdome many such , it would amount vnto a great somme by the yeare , and many of them peraduenture like this , able indeed a smal time to withstand the first or second assault of a weake enemie . but if the lyfford and the lands adioyning neere thereunto , were vndertaken by many , their many helping hands ( euery man respecting his owne profit ) they would not regard charge , not be weary with labor and paines to frame a perpetuall security , and good successe to their businesse : and so there might out of dout by that goodly riuer side , be laid out so much land , ( besides the gouernours and soldiers allowance ) as the vndertakers would cleere all that pay , and the like in many such other places : and giue vnto the crowne a hundred poūds yerely for a fee-farme for euer , which would rise in that kingdome , to every great masse , and the great charge of the garrisons withdrawne . i might say the like of the omigh , of dongannon , and of many such other places , and so there would be in stead of popery true religion ; & a comfortable society , whereas at this present , there is small apparance and much defect of them , and of all other the chiefest things to make the life of man happy , onely plenty of good victuall excepted . how exceedingly wel standeth ardmath , better seate for rich soyle there cannot bee , but so poore , as i doe verily thinke all the houshold stuffe in that citty is not worth twenty pounds , yet it is the primate of all ireland , & as they say for antiquitie , one of the most antient in all europe : it is also of so small power as forty resolute men , may rob , rifle , and burne it : were it a defenced corporation it would soone be rich and religious , and the security would make one acre more worth then now twenty be . at this present it is a most base and abiect thing , not much better then strebane , & not able to restraine , no , not the violence of the woolte . moreouer many be the commodities of this kinde of vndertaking a scattered plātation , for many vndertakers to be dispersed three score miles in cōpasse , alas they shal be now at the first like the vnboundsticks of a brush fagot , easie to be gathered , hewen and had to the fire , neither shall there be true religion , sweete society , nor any comfortable security amongst them , no , nor any other the principall respectes and commodities that mans life desireth , as they who there now doe liue do know very well : but in one and the selfe-same estate for many to be bound vp together in the band of one hope , so as all must be but one , it must be the power of some great monarch , who receiuing more blowes then benefites , shall buy the vnbinding of this fagot , at a much greater rate then will be for his gaine or reputation . but some peraduenture will say here is much speech of corporations , but nothing how the lands which lyeth farre remote , which these vndertakers must take vp , shall be vsed , for it will be very inconuenient that vnto this corporation all the commodities of that great quantity of ground shal be presently transported , both for the distance of the place , and other discommodities : and it is expected that there should be manors erected , & not that one corporation should containe so great a circuit . my answere is , that the corporation shall containe all that quantity of ground , for when they therein haue framed the country to their desires , then there shall be by these vndertakers many manors erected , and after the first or second yeare , most of the houses within this corporation built by these vndertakers , ( for euery man according to the quantity of his land must put to his aide ) although these houses shall be still their owne , yet then , when the great huntes before mentioned , haue reduced the country to such passe , as in the seueralties of euery man , their cattell may be in security , then most of those buildings in the corporation shall be left , and euery man of the vndertakers shall build on his demeanes a strong mannor house , and certaine tenements for his tenants about him , on such lands as he shall allot them by coppy of court role , or otherwise , to them and their heires for euer : and within the corporation , euery one of the vndertakers shall stil retaine his mansion house , there to dwel at his pleasure , and all the other of his houses there , shall be set ouer vnto tradesmen ; as shoomakers , smithes , carpenters , weauers , and such like : so in sommer he may remain with his tennants in the country , and in winter with his farmers the tradesmen in the corporation , which i hope to see a faire well gouerned and a very strong citty , which will serue at all times to defend them and all their moueables , if inuasion or any other violent storme should come : so all the land farre remote shall be built and inhabited with good security . on this word myne is a strong warrior , euery man for his owne will aduenture farre , the mercinary rutter will often times haue his charge empty with men , when his purse shall be full with dead payes . this my valiant and prouident warriour myne , he will rather increase then decrease his nomber , he doth watch and ward night & day without ceasing . therefore in this our vndertaking , let all the people be such as shall enioy euery man more or lesse of his owne , and if they were such as had no other estate then there , it were the better . but i feare , if many shall peruse this recital , most of them wil be vtterly deterred with the charge , saying , it is easie to be spoken , but to their capacitie very difficult to be performed , and so they will withdrawe themselues & their conceits from imbracing that which i would haue them entertaine cherefully in the best fashion . therefore i doe incite them to consider , that all those great and sumptuous buildings which former ages haue left vnto euerlasting posterity , were not erected any where , where continuance of peace had improued all thinges to a high rate and great price , but the originall of all nations , was where and when the lands and all the commodities of those places were of small worth . to enter into the perticular heereof would be rather tedious then necessary . there be twelue of vs vnder the assignation of the right honorable , gilbert earle of shrewesbury , who intend by the help of almighty god to imploye a good part of our substance , and bestowe our best indeuours therein : for discoursing will not doe it , it must be a paineful hand , & a discreet minde furnished with knowledge and much experience : we cannot enioy the happy elizian fields , but by passing ouer the blacke riuer stix : for heauen wil not be had without some tribulation , neither may we feede vpon the delicates prepared in a rich and plesant banquetting gallery , except we doe straine our feete to passe vpon the first & second staire : so difficult is the thing that we intend , demidium toti , qui bene caepit , habet . if any thing seeme difficult , rouse vp thy spirit , and put to both thy hands . great thinges without much labor can not be obtained : rome was not built in one day , but this in fiue yeares may be performed without admiration , especially if all these planters do draw closely together without dissentiō , or muteny : therfore there must especiall regard be had , that in this corporation the chiefe gouernor be of wisdome , wealth , and authoritie , such a one as wil be obeyed , yet will conferre with other , and not be too much addicted to his owne conceits : without gouernment there is nothing but confusion : so many heads so many opinions . let all the vndertakers haue recourse vnto the consultations , the meanest may sometimes bring foorth a necessary knowledge , therefore let euery mans opinion be heard , but let the gouernor with his assistants determine , and let all the rest consent thereto , or endure condigne punishment . and as for thee that puttest diffidence in the assurance , which thou shalt haue from his maiestie , thou needest not trouble thy head therwith , there hath bene already two suruaies to know the parcels and precincts exactly : no doubt vpon the deuision there will be proclamation , that whosoeuer can iustly and apparantly claime any part of those lands to these vndertakers by pattent assigned , he shall then within some conuenient time put in his claime or else be silent for euer . so before thou doost charge thy selfe any way , thy portion shall be cleere , or else thou shalt haue some other that shall be voide of all incombrance . furthermore , to comfort thy fearefull spirit , there thou shalt haue many good neighbors , for all they thy countrymen that are already there estated with part of those lands , of which there be many of the chiefe in that kingdome , they are hearty well willers vnto al vndertakers , both for that your good proceedings will second , and as it were fortifie their already beginnings : and they be indeede gentlemen of such sort and quality , as they speake alwaies what they thinke , and performe what they speake . they doe not after the fashion of this age carry bread in the one hand and a stone in the other ; but they haue a sword alwaies ready to mainetaine truth and equity ; besides a very excellent course of proceeding by law : and to knit thy affection more firmely to the hope of thy well doing there , i doe insure thee , there be excellent warriors , and they such worthy men as wil willingly backe thy busines , & in time of need violently abate the violence of any that shal intēd thy trouble : so mars himselfe shall protect thee , & perhaps mercury too : & if thou beest honestly content with that which is thine , thou mayest there liue and neuer trouble the lawyer , and thou shalt finde it to be a great blessing . all which i haue written to encourage thy fainting spirit , which rather then faile wil obiect the charges thither , and the danger , which is nothing so much as amongst good fellowes it is , to be beastly drunke at home . to conclude , what art thou ? one whome kindenes , casualty , or want of wit hath decayed ? make speede , get thee to vlster , serue god , be sober , if thou canst not gouerne , be gouerned , thou shalt recouer thy selfe , and thy happines there will make thee reioyce at thy former fortunes . art thou rich , possessed with much reuenue ? make speed without racking of rents , or other offenciue meanes ; thou shalt doe god and thy prince excellent seruice . thou hast the three brayded bande which will binde beares , vse there thy talent , it will be quickely a million . art thou a poore indigent fellow ? and hast neither faculty nor mony ? goe not thither , for though there be plenty of all thinges , thou shalt starue there , loyterers and lewd persons in this our new worlde , they will not be indured . art thou a tradesman ? a smith , a weauer , a mason , or a carpenter ? goe thither , thou shalt be in estimation , and quickely inriched by thy indeauours . art thou an husband man , whose worth is not past tenne or twenty pounds ? goe thither , those new manor-makers will make thee a coppy holder : thou shalt whistle sweetely , and feede thy whole family if they be six for six pence the day . art thou a gentleman that takest pleasure in hunt ? the fox , the woolfe , and the wood-kerne doe expect thy comming : and the comely well cabbazed stagge will furnish thy feast with a full dish . there thou shalt haue elbowe roome , the eagle and the earne and all sorts of high flying fowles do attend thee . art thou a minister of gods word ? make speed , the haruest is great but the laborers be fewe : thou shalt there see the poore ignorant vntaught people worship stones and sticks : thou by carrying millions to heauen , maiest be made an archangell , and haue whiles thou doost liue for worldly respects , what not . so vlster which hath bene hitherto the receptacle and very denne of rebels and deuowring creatures , shall farre excell munster , and the ciuellest part of all that country , and peraduenture in ciuility and sincere religion , equal euen faire england herselfe , with a christian and comfortable society , of neighbourhood , & so they at the least * three hundred thousand soules , besides children ( which are no lesse in number ) may come vnto the true knowledge of god , and by faith in iesus christ may be freede from euerlasting damnation . so the kings maiestie shall be disburthened of a very great charge out of the exchequer , the country safely secured vnto the crowne , and we his maiesties subiects inriched by our endeauours , which god of his vnspeakeable mercy graunt , for his deere sonne iesus christ his sake . amen . the conclusion , contayning an exhortation to england . fayre england , thy flourishing sister , braue hibernia , ( with most respectiue termes ) cōmendeth vnto thy due consideration her yongest daughter , depopulated vlster : not doubting ( for it cannot but come vnto thy vnderstanding ) how the long continuance of lamentable warres , haue raced & vtterly defaced , whatsoeuer was beautifull in her to behold , and hath so bereaued all her royalties , goodly ornaments , & well beseeming tyers , as there remaineth but onely the maiesty of her naked personage , which euen in that plite is such , as whosoeuer shall seeke and search all europes best bowers , shal not finde many that may make with her comparison . behold the admirable worth of her worthines ! euen now shee giues the world to vnderstand by testimoniall knowne sufficiently to all that knowe her , that if thou wilt now but assist her with meanes to erect her ruynes , she will nourish thee with much dainty prouision , and so furnish thee , as thou shalt not neede to send to thy neighbour-kingdomes for corne , nor to the netherlands for fine holland : shee will in requitall of thy kindenesse prouide those thinges , with some other , such as thy heart most desireth . art thou ouerchargde with much people ? vlster her excellency will imbrace that thy ouerplus in her amourous sweete armes : she will place them as it were by euphrates , and feed them with better ambrosia then euer iupiter himselfe knew . then proclaime , & let all the inhabitants of spatious brittane know , that ( in respect euen of their own good ) it is conuenient and most necessary that euery one of thē should in some proportiō put to his assistance : didst thou , and were thy people indeede willing ? with horse , with men , with munition , and money , oftentimes , and euer anon to abate their insolency , whose pride sought to bereaue from thee and them , your right and interrest in her fields and forrests ? true it is , and some thousands , no doubt thou didst imploy to keepe her from the captiuity of traytors : do then , and let thy people willingly finish the worke which you so valiantly haue ( although not performed ) yet brought to such passe as now there remayneth nothing but how to couer her nakednes , & to furnish her coastes with corporations and other such meanes , as heereafter there shall be no doubt of change or chance , but that she may repose her selfe in such sweete security , as her beautifull bosome shall by peace & plenty abound with so many dainty goodly thinges , as it will be a wonder to behold . some of thy most louing and welbeloued children , to their great glory and euerlasting renowne , with feruent mindes , they haue taken this taske in hand , thinking it no small honor for thē to aduenture their liues , their liuings , and all their indeauours therein . the county of farmannagh , sometime mack gueres country , reioyce : many vndertakers , al incorporated in minde as one , they there with their followers , seeke & are desirous to settle themselues . woe to the wolfe and the wood-kerne ; the ilands in loughearne shall haue habitations , a fortified corporation , market townes , and many new erected manors , shall now so beautifie her desolation , that her inaccessible woods , with spaces made tractable , shall no longer nourish deuowrers , but by the sweete society of a louing neighbourhood , shall entertaine humanity , euen in the best fashion . goe on worthy gentlemen , feare not , the god of heauen will assist & protect you , the rather for that simply of your selues , you do desire to performe so honourable an action . and they the successors of high renowned lud , will there reedifie a new troy. their spatious coffers haue the receipts of englands treasure , and the continuall resplendancy of his maiesties presence doth so illustrate with the neuer-discending-beames of his euer-respecting fauour , their super-exceeding good , that all whatsoeuer by imagination may be thought of , or by pollicy of man be deuised , so much absolutely haue they from thence , therefore they wil not capitulate the fresh and flourishing county of colraine , with the exceeding bounty ol the band that may suffice . they haue ocanes country , and whatsoeuer irelands eden can affoord , and therefore euen in respect of their owne reputation , they of them selues wil performe this the most honourable action that euer they attempted . therefore let colraine reioyce , for the heart of england ( london herselfe ) will no doubt make her more beautifull then many , and furnish loughfoyle with a goodly fleete . o powerfull englād ! no doubt if thou wilt extend the bounty of thy liberall hand , to other lesse able to performe such designes , then they also will vndertake the other counties , so as within three yeares their endeauours shall bring thee and thine altogether out of doubt , euer heereafter to be charged with any taxation for her defence : for certainly so she shall shortly be able rather to lend then to borrow aide . let not then these kinde vndertakers want any kinde of kindenesse . little doe many of thy inhabitants , care to spend a pound or two to passe away one houre ( as it were ) at a merry meeting ; and presently it is forgotten . let euery one of worth giue but his crowne to this honourable intention and merry meeting , it shall remaine as a crowne of glory to euerlasting posterity , and free euery one of them peraduenture from the expence of many pounds . and this trophy of al thy triumphs the most renowned , obtained with the liues of many thousands of thine ( as the euery where dispersed sculles of slaine men doe there at this present manifestly declare ) if it be now neglected , they thy next neighbours & those the princes and people far remote , wil suppose thee very poore both in power and pollicy . and thus ( faire england ) hauing laid before thy amiable eyes , how naked vlster may be relieued , deckt , and richly adorned , and thy selfe certainely disburdned of much charge : i referre the effecting thereof to the kings most excellent maiestie , who hath power to commaund , and will no doubt prouide for vlsters prosperity . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a16207-e320 hassets hunt. * in all ireland the riuer of the band. the schoole of vertue, the second part: or, the young schollers paradice contayning verie good precepts, wholesom[e] instructions, the high-way to good manners, dieting of children, and brideling their appetites. godly graces, and prayers. verse fit for all children to learne, and the elder sort to obserue. schoole of vertue, the second part. west, richard, fl. 1606-1619. 1619 approx. 38 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14957 stc 25265 estc s102137 99837937 99837937 2284 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14957) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2284) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1046:11) the schoole of vertue, the second part: or, the young schollers paradice contayning verie good precepts, wholesom[e] instructions, the high-way to good manners, dieting of children, and brideling their appetites. godly graces, and prayers. verse fit for all children to learne, and the elder sort to obserue. schoole of vertue, the second part. west, richard, fl. 1606-1619. west, richard, fl. 1606-1619. schoole of vertue. [20] leaves printed by edw: griffin for nathaniel butter, and are to be sold at his shop being the signe of the bull, neare s. austins-gate by pauls-churchyard, london : anno dom. 1619. by richard west. signatures: a-b c⁴. west's name is an acrostic on verso of title page. printer's device (mckerrow 272) on title page. a1 and c4 blank, excepting woodcut illustration on verso of former and on recto of latter. in verse. a continuation of stc 22135, another edition of the schoole of vertue, published in 1557. print faded and show-through; some pages stained. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the 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each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng table etiquette -early works to 1800. etiquette for children and teenagers -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 marika ismail sampled and proofread 2003-08 marika ismail text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the schoole of vertve , the second part : or , the young schollers paradice . contayning verie good precepts , wholesom instructions , the high-way to good manners , dieting of children , and brideling their appetites . godly graces , and prayers . verie fit for all children to learne , and the elder sort to obserue . london , printed by edw : griffin for nathaniel butter , and are to be sold at his shop being the signe of the bull , neare s. austins-gate by pauls-churchyard . anno dom. 1619. to the reader . ●ightly conceiue me , and obserue me well , doe what héere is done for childrens good . christ in his gospell ( as s. ma●ke doth tell ) hath not forbidden children , nor withstood any that should but aske the ready way , regarding children , not to say them nay . directing all that came , how faith should be , what they should craue of gods high maiestie , euen saluation , through their faithfull prayer , sending their contemplations into the ayre , to his high throne , whose loue so guide vs all , euen to the end we neuer cease to call . eternall father patron of true pietie , blesse vs o god we pray , euen by thy deitie . a table of the poynts principall contained in this booke . 1 a digression for children how they ought to be instructed . 2 how they ought to prepare themselues in the morning when they rise . 3 their morning prayer in méeter . 4 the charge of children in their carriage and behauiour . 5 their charge in going and comming from schoole . 6 laying the cloth , and making ready the table . 7 godly graces before and after meat in méeter . 8 their manner of demeanor in seruing at the table , and dinner being ended , and the allowance and disallowance of certaine misdemeanors in companie or presence of their betters : as in silence at the boord seruing or filling drinke going on errands going to schoole againe . keeping close the lips yawning laughing biting the lips & tongue . using the browes the eyes , the forehead the countenance the nose , the breath . spitting hammering in speaking belching uomiting . snuffling in the nose , néesing , colour of the chéekes naturall kéeping close the mouth . kéeping cleane teeth , and kembing the head hanging downe the head cariage of the body . hanging the head aside priuie members urine , or wind sitting , courtesie . gate in going apparrell , &c. 9 behauiour at the church . 10 forbidding walking or talke in the church . 11 rules for children in guiding them for apparrel . 12 ordering children in their dyet and drinking . 13 moderating childrens appetites from sawcines . 14 thankesgiuing with godly graces and prayers for children . the schoole of vertue . a digression for children how they ought to bee instructed . children ( draw neare ) attend what i say obserue well these precepts , and marke them i pray , though many rules formerly haue beene set out , to quicken the spirits of children in doubt , yet youth is so fickle , and loath to be taught , that being obserued , t is vnseemely and naught : for childrens instructions in vertue and good , foure things must be noted , and many withstood . the first to be marked , is so that the mind be seasoned with vertue , and godlie enclind . the second to ayme at the liberall arts , to practise and exercise schollerlike parts . the third , to be taught as times doe require , all moderate actions this age doth desire . the fourth that comming to more yeares & strength ▪ that all to ciuility he bend at the length , obserue well the rules which now shall ensue , and find them right wholesome , delightfull , and true . how thou oughtest to prepare thy selfe , when thou risest in the morning . when moderate sléep thy head hath possest , and giuen thy body his naturall rest , shake sluggishnesse off , bethinke thée of things , that for thy soules health swéet melody brings . seuen houres for a childe is temperate and good , if more , it offendeth and hurteth the blood . with heart then vnfained , to god first of all frame well thy petition , and thus to him call . morning prayer . thou father of mercy and maiesty great , that sittest aboue in superiour seat , cast downe on me ( god ) thy pittifull eyes , and order my doings when i shall arise . o father omnipotent , doe not permit . my thoughts to be wauering , bad or vnfit : but that my heart may goe with my tongue in prayer deuout ; and though i be young , assist me ( o god ) with wisdome and wit , that in this day following , whether i goe , or sit , or stand , or what euer my thoughts shall conceiue , it all may be done with thy fauour and leaue . so guide me with vertue and loue of thy will , that no wicked temptings my purpose may spill ; blesse me and my doings with fauour and grace , o lord let not sathan thy gospell deface : nor lead me to wickednesse by night or day , all this of thy grace i doe heartily pray , that when it shall please thée héereafter to call me , no subtill deuices of sathan enthrall me : lord guid me with godlinesse , then shall i sing praise onely to god our heauenly king. amen . the charge of children in their carriage . thy prayer so commended to god : haue a care to wash hands & face , and to kembing thy haire , and then for the schoole bethinke thou to goe , the secrets of god the better to know . in entring to schoole , let eyes be vpcast , to god for his blessings formerly past , to endue thée with godlinesse , vertue and piety , sent thée from heauen from god in his deity . for without his help can nothing be done , nothing be finished , nothing begunne . then marke thou with diligence being so prouided , what shall at schoole be sayd or decided . let not thy thoughts goe wandring about , and not minding thy practice , abroad for to scout : and answer with shamefastnesse what is required , for modesty in youth is chiefly desired . deserue not correction , as néere as thou mayst , nor to thy schoole-master giue any distaste , nor yet thy companions , or schoole-fellowes kinde : obserue what i speake , and beare it in minde . be ready to teach , and not to confute thy schoole-fellowes arguments , when you dispute . let christ haue his library plac't in thine heart , and euer of scriptures be reading a part . let all be well measured what thou shalt read , not posting away with 't , or making much spéed : for haste ouerthroweth the minde and the wit , eschew and abandon then things so vnfit . if all at an instant thou not comprehend , to morrow séeke further , thy fault to amend . desire of authors to read of the choyce , of such , as for eloquence carry the voyce ; as cicero , salust , gellius , and terence , quintilian and others , great authors of reuerence . obserue all with care and diligent eare , thy learning the greater shall grow and appeare . the charge of children in going from schoole and comming . in going from schoole , obserue it full well , in streets stand not staring , nor tales sée thou tell , what hath béene at schoole , sayd , spoken , or done among thy companions : but home get thée gone , and vnto thy parents fee duty thou doe , with reuerent carriage and modesty too , not bold or vnmannerly , gentle and milde , and shew them the office of a dutifull childe . if that thou haue time , ere dinner begin , rehearse to thy selfe the lesson or thing thou heardst at the schoole , let time be well noted , the déeper with wisdome thy braines will be quoted . laying the cloth , and making ready the table . be sure to be ready , the bord to prepare at times : as accustom'd with diligent care : the table-cloth first sée fairely be spread , faire trenchers , cleane napkins , the salt & the bread , let glasses be scowred , in countrey guise , with salt and faire water , and euer deuise the place most conuenient , where they may stand , the safest from breaking and néerest at hand . grace before dinner . blessed is god in all his gifts , and holy in all his deeds , our help is in the name of the lord , from whence all good procéeds , who giues repast to hungry hearts , and comforts rich and poore , his name be euer sanctified , from henceforth euermore , blesse vs ( o lord ) and this our meat , by thy grace to vs sent , god grant we vse it moderately , our bodies to content . amen . another . the lord , who sends to all mens vse , in all their time of need , prouiding all and euery thing , his children for to féed , blesse vs ( o god ) and these thy gifts , of thy great mercy sent , lord giue vs grace to vse them well , and grace for to repent , and eke amend our wickednesse , in time while we haue space , so shall our soules for euermore , in heauen with thée haue place . amen . grace after meat . glory and euerlasting praise be giuen to the most high and mighty god , the most holy and blessed god , and the great king of heauen , who hath fed our hungry bodies in such abundance , and giuen vs this so pleasant and comfortable refection . fill vs ( o lord ) with grace and gladnes in thy holy spirit , that we may also be found worthy to taste of thy spirituall and heauenly food : and be for euermore dwelling in thy presence . and that we neuer be ashamed or confused , when thou shalt bee pleased to call vs to account , euery one according to his déeds , through our lord and sauiour iesus christ. amen . another . we giue thée thankes most gracious god , which by thy power and might , hast all prouided graciously , and sent all things aright , who giuest strength to christians all , to magnifie thy name , grant that for these thy benefits , we all may doe the same , and in thy lasting kingdome ( lord ) uouchsafe that we may taste the food of immortality , and heauenly swéet repast . amen . dinner ended . thinke and haue a carefull minde , to help the poore , the lame and blinde , remember god , who sent thy store , whose name be prais'd for euermore . blessed is hee that considereth the poore and néedy , the lord shall deliuer him in the time of trouble . he that taketh pity vpon the poore , lendeth vnto the lord , and looke what he layeth out , the lord will repay in his kingdome . demeanour in seruing at the table . stand straight vpright , & both thy féet , together closely standing , be sure on 't , euer let thine eye be still at thy commmanding . obserue that nothing wanting be , which should be on the bord . unlesse a question moued be , be carefull : not a word . if thou doe giue or fill the drinke , with duty set it downe , and take it backe with manlike chéere , not like a rusticke lowne . if on an errand thou be sent , make haste and doe not stay , when all haue done , obserue the time , serue god and take away . when thou hast done and dined well , remember thou repaire to schoole againe with carefulnesse , be that thy chéefest care . and marke what shall be read to thée , or giuen thée to learne , that apprehend as néere as may be , wisdome so doth warne . with stedfast eye and carefull eare , remember euery word thy schoole master shall speake to thée , as memory shall afford . let not thy browes be backward drawn , it is a signe of pride , exalt them not , it shewes a hart most arrogant beside . nor let thine eyes be gloting downe , cast with a hanging looke : for that to dreamers doth belong , that goodnesse cannot brooke . let forehead ioyfull be and full , it shewes a merry part , and chéerefulnesse in countenance , and pleasantnesse of heart . nor wrinckled let thy countenance be , still going to and fro : for that belongs to hedge-hogs right , they wallow euen so . nor imitate with socrates , to wipe thy sniuelled nose upon thy cap , as he would doe , nor yet vpon thy clothes . but kéepe it cleane with handkerchiffe , prouided for the same , not with thy fingers or thy sléeue , therein thou art too blame . blow not alowd as thou shalt stand , for that is most absurd , iust like a broken winded horse , it is to be abhord . nor practize snufflingly to speake , for that doth imitate the brutish storke and elephant , yea and the wralling cat . if thou of force doe chance to neeze , then backewards turne away from presence of the company , wherein thou art to stay . thy cheekes with shame fac't modesty ▪ dipt in dame natures die , not counterfet , nor puffed out , obserue it carefully . keepe close thy mouth , for why , thy breath may hap to giue offence , and other worse may be repayd for further recompence . nor put thy lips out like a foole as thou wouldst kisse a horse , when thou before thy betters art , and what is ten times worse . to gape in such vnseemely sort , with vgly gaping mouth , is like an image pictured , a blowing from the south . which to auoyd , then turne about , and with a napkin hide that gaping foule deformity , when thou art so aside . to laugh at all things thou shalt heare , is neither good nor fit , it shewes the property and forme of one with little wit. to bite the lip it séemeth base , for why , to lay it open , most base dissembling doggednesse , most sure it doth betoken . and so to bite the vpper lip , doth most vncomely shew , the lips set close ( as like to kisse ) in manner séeme not so . to put the tongue out wantonly , and draw it in agen , betokens mocking of thy selfe , in all the eyes of men . if spitting chance to moue the so thou canst it not forbeare , remember doe it modestly , consider who is there . if filthinesse , or ordure thou vpon the floore doe cast , tread out , and cleanse it with thy foot , let that be done with haste . if in thy tale thou hammering stand , or coughing twixt thy words , it doth betoken a liers smell , that 's all that it affords . to belch or bulch like clitipho , whom terence setteth forth , commendeth manners to be base , most foule and nothing worth . if thou to vomit be constrain'd , auoyd from company : so shall it better be excus'd , if not through gluttony , kéep white thy téeth , & wash thy 〈◊〉 , with water pure and cleane , and in that washing , mannerly obserue and kéep a meane . thy head let that be kembd and trimd , let not thy haire be long , it is vnseemely to the eye , rebuked by the tongue . and be not like a slothfull wight , delighted to hang downe the head , and lift the shoulders vp , nor with thy browes to frowne . to carry vp the body faire , is decent , and doth shew a comely grace in any one , where euer he doth goe . to hang the head on any side , doth shew hypocrisie : and who shall vse it trust him not , he deales with policie . let not thy priuy members be layd open to be view'd , it is most shamefull and abhord , detestable and rude . retaine not vrine nor the winde , which doth thy body vex , so it be done with secresie , let that not thee perplex . and in thy sitting vse a meane , as may become thee well , not straddling , no nor tottering , and dangling like a bell . obserue in curtesie to take a rule of decent kinde , bend not thy body too far foorth , nor backe thy leg behind . in going kéep a decent gate , not faining lame or broken , for that doth seeme but wantonnesse and foolishnesse betoken . let thy apparrell not excéede , to passe for sumptuous cost , nor altogether be too base , for so thy credit 's lost . be modest in thy wearing it , and kéep it neat and cleane , for spotted , dirty , or the like , is lothsome to be séene . this for thy body may suffice , how that must ordred be : now at the church thou shalt obserue to god how all must be . how to behaue thy selfe at the church . at all times , as oft as to church thou doest goe , remember what duty to god thou doest owe , discouer thy head , and humbly bow to god , for his mercy to send it thée now : thus humbly , thou being on bended knées , art bound to pronounce such words out as these : o father of mercy and god of all good , which hast sent thy son to shed his déere blood for my redemption and safety from hell , where my mortall enemy the diuell doth dwell , great god ( of thy mercy ) so guide thou my heart , that hell nor his fury in me haue no part , me thinkes that with millions of angels so bright , my heart so enriched by thy heauenly light , thy gospell assuring thy wonderfull powers , and féeding my heart so with spirituall flowers and manna from heauen , assureth saluation to such as repent and make contemplation . good lord ( of thy mercy ) my gracious maker , of all thy good gifts let me be partaker , enrich me with wisdome , and guide me with grace , and with thée in the heauens assure me a place , lord prosper my doings in worldly affaires , protect me from tedious and troublesome cares : from hands of my foes ( good lord ) set me frée , that enemies none may haue power of mée . amend thou mine enemies , and giue them a space , and hearty repentance to call for thy grace , forgiue their faults , lord , thou their hearts turne , to waile their offences , and earnestly mourne . this prayer and others , when as thou hast said , rise vp with deuotion , and be not afrayd . obserue to demean thée , so reuerent in place , that god may adorne thée with mercy & grace . not to walke in the church . in seat sit thou quiet , and walke not about , for t is most vnséemely , without any doubt , t is fit in a faire , or in some market towne , and not in gods house for to walke vp and downe . the church is ordained for sermons , orations , and prayers diuine for the soules recreations . and not like a play house , vnhallowed to be , despising the reuerence to gods maiestie . giue eare most attentiue to what thou shalt finde , for gods word is light to the godly in minde , great ease commeth ( out of the reuerent text ) for troubled in heart and in conscience perplext . doe all this with duty and reuerend heart , and god will reward thée full well for thy part , obserue well the times , for to stand or to knéele the more inward ease of thy heart shalt thou féele , to knéele on the ground with one knée alone , is euen as comely as though it were none , how can thy deuotion be hearty and sound , if thou doe refuse to lay knées to the ground ? t is like to the souldier , who mockingly came , saluting our sauiour , and gaue him the name ( haile king of the iewes ) his knee was so bent , not with any duty , nor godly intent . if thou in the church alone chance to bee , still let heart and thy tongue be so free , as neuer to cease : but with due veneration , to call to the lord with vnfained contemplation . let neither thy tongue be talking nor tattling , nor settle of any thing to be a prattling , nor let thine eyes walke , nor cast them about , for of that deuotion there is a great doubt . necessary rules to be obserued for the guiding of children in their apparrell and otherwise . let not children haue their pleasures in the ordring of their garments , some delight to haue them iagged and cut : but such fantasticknesse ought to be reformed by wiser and elder , considering their foolishnesse is beyond measure , if all may bee done at their pleasure : and ancient writers repute them out of their wits and mad men that fauour it . againe , painted and gawdy apparrell is not so fantasticke in childrens eyes ; but as costly to the parents purses , whereby ancient writers proclaime such parents fellow-fooles with their children . the modesty and decency of the vestments of children are strong and good , not curious to the eye alone : and such as are cleane and without fowlnesse or filthinesse : which after the estate and meanes of the parents ought to bee principall , so long as by the crafts man it be made with reasonable , and good form and fashion . how to order a childe in his diet for drinke . for a childe to make the beginning of his dinner drinke , is a good way to bréed him vp to drunkennesse . especially , if he take it for wanton custome , and not for necessity of thirst . it is dishonest to bee suffered , and anoysome to the health of the body of a childe . let not a childe drinke after he hath supt hot broth , immediately vpon it ; much lesse if he haue béene fed with milke . let not a childe drinke aboue twice or thrice at the most at one meale , and that gently , and not without reason : who bestoweth wine and beere on his childe beyond reason , defameth and abuseth him more by dishonouring his reason , and prouoking him to an vnreasonable diet . to moderate the appetite of a childe from sawcinesse and being liquorish . socrates being olde , would not drinke of the first cup : for why ? his braine was light , and the first drinke is euer the most fuming and ouercomming . if thy childe be set with his betters , let his hand be last in the dish . and that hee doe it not at all , vnlesse he bee first bidden . neither suffer your children to put their hands or fingers into brothes , sawces caudles , or such like , at the table especially . other wise let correction bridle their wantonnesse . if he be of sensible yéeres , let him forbeare his fingers in a dish , and vse a knife without chusing at his pleasure : for it is vnséemely . homer often reprehendeth sawcinesse in these 〈◊〉 such like words , they boldly put their hands into the meat that is set before them . and as it is vnséemely to a liquorish person to traine his hands to euery side of the dish , so is it more vile to turne the best morsels in a dish towards thy selfe . to gnaw bones belongeth chéefly to doggs , but is is a ciuill thing to picke them cleane with a knife . the licking of a dish belongeth to cats and dogs and not to children nor men , be the reliques neuer so swéet , and betokeneth liquorishnesse , not manners . to drinke or speake with meat in the mouth , is most vnciuill and dangerous withall . let the children rise from the boord when nature is sufficed , either by asking leaue , or withdrawing themselues . let children beare away with them their trenchers , saluting their parents , and first the chéefe in the company , then the rest . when the dinner is ended , let children euer bee ready to giue god thankes : euery man holding their peace , let the children turne their faces reuerently to him that sitteth vppermost at the boord , saying : grace after meat . o reuerend , most holy , and immortall father of heauen , powre downe thine inestimable blessings vpon these thy creatures , which thou hast giuen vs moderately to féed vpon , for the sufficing of our hungry bodies : giue vs grace , to call vpon thee euerlastingly , and grant vs , we humbly beséech thee , for euer to obtaine thy continuall fauour and comfort , for our needfull sustenance , soberly to vse thy louing gifts , and willingly to adore thy holy name , through our onely lord and sauiour iesus christ. amen . god preserue thy vniuersall church , the king and queenes most excellent maiesties , the prince and nobility . god send vs peace and truth in iesus christ. amen . grace before meat . blesse vs ( o lord ) we beseech thee with thy celestiall fauour , and sanctifie these thy creatures , which ( of thy louing mercy ) thou hast bestowed vpon vs : adorne them with thy fauour , enrich vs with thy continuall grace , and so possesse vs with reuerence to thy most blessed maiesty , that what wee receiue may be thankefully taken , thy holy name for euer blessed and worshipped , and our hungry bodies sufficiently recreated through the same , through iesus christ our lord. amen . god preserue , &c. grace after meat . glory and honour be to thee ( o god ) which hast fed vs since our creation and tender yeeres : now ( blessed lord ) enrich vs so with gladnesse and ioy , that our hearts may reioyce to consider of thy tender care euer had ouer vs , and continuing still thy former fauours : o lord encrease our faith , and grant vs thy euerlasting peace . amen . grace before supper . as day doth passe , so night doth come , and man still waxeth old , which warneth vs our liues to mend , in sinne not to be bold . for suddenly the lord will come , his trump will vs awake , and then from world & worldly things , our farewell we must take . lord grant vs that we may in time , so farre embrace thy loue , that euermore we may receiue it of thée from aboue , blesse vs ( o lord ) and this our meat , our king and queene defend , and grant thy people may enioy thy peace vnto the end . amen . grace after supper . as we haue felt thy grace ( o lord ) abounding in the gift we haue receiued from thy hands , so we our hearts doe lift , proclaiming honour to thy name with reuerent heart and hand , desiring thee to blesse and keepe vs with thy holy hand . that when we haue refresht our selues with sleep and quiet rest , we may extoll with reuerence thy name so holy blest . preserue , o lord , thy faithfull church , &c. grace before meat . of diues and of lazarus the scripture telleth plaine , how diues liu'd in wealth and ease , and lazarus in great paine , the rich man he was clothed well , and fared of the best , but lazarus for hunger great , could take but little rest : but crying aad lamenting still , for some man to releeue him , with crums that fell from diues boord , whereof no man did giue him . thus perished poore lazarus , and that by want of food , and also the rich glutton died , for all his worldly good : where he in torments punished with euerlasting fire , may mooue our hearts to charity , and prayer with full desire , that god he may inspire our hearts to loue and help the poore , whereby we may most sure in heauen , be blest for euermore , where we may raigne with lazarus , with ioyes that be incomparable , euen by the loue of iesus christ , vnto our soules most profitable . amen . grace after meat . now we ( o lord ) haue had repast , and eke our bodies fed , o lord preserue vs with thy grace at boord and eke at bed : o lord behold the comfortlesse , and send vs grace , that wee may help the poore , according as our states and wealth may bee . amen . god saue , &c. a prayer to bee sayd in the morning . o most gracious god , in the name of thee , and thy sonne , and the holy ghost . amen . o lord god blesse , preserue and kéepe vs , and haue mercy and compassion on vs this day following , and for euermore . amen . our father which art in heauen , hallowed be thy name , thy kingdome come , thy will be done in earth as it is in heauen , giue vs this day our daily bread , & forgiue vs our trespasses , as we forgiue them that trespasse against vs , and lead vs not into temptation , but deliuer vs from euill , for thine is the kingdome , the power and the glory , for euer and euer . amen . o most gracious and euerliuing god , creatour and maker of all the world , by whose power we haue receiued comfortable ease and rest , without interruption of any meane or inferiour power , and hast permitted vs quietly to come to the beginning of this day : protect vs and kéepe vs ( o lord ) within the same by thy might and maiesty , and through thine eternall power . and kéep vs ( lord ) that we may bee possessed with no sinnefull thought , nor incurre any manner of wrong , nor rush into any kinde of danger , either of the soule or body : but whatsoeuer wee doe ( o lord ) that it may wholly redound to thy honour and glory , and to the aduancement of thy euerlasting name , and that by thy gouernment we may be ordred to doe all in equity and righteousnesse , according to thy holy will and pleasure : to thy honor and glory , & to thy euerlasting praise , from this time forth for euermore , world without end . amen . a prayer for children ere they goe to schoole ( to be sayd . ) euerlasting god , which of thy free abundance hast bestowed vpon all mankinde all things needfull , and hast prouided for all men , such sundry graces , as in thy fatherly wisdome are meetest : powre vpon me ( thy most vnworthy seruant ) the spirit of vnderstanding , knowledge , and vtterance , and reueale vnto me ( o lord god ) the hidden secrets of thy glorious gospell , that whatsoeuer i shall study , read , thinke , say , or doe , it may redound to thy honour and praise : o lord guide my heart & tongue aright , that i may ( with sence and reason ) comprehend what i shall read , or what i shall bee taught : to the end , that vnderstanding the right , i may not any way erre : but with purenesse and sanctitie of heart i may euer praise thy most magnificent and euerlasting name , through iesus christ our lord. amen . a prayer to be sayd by children after they haue studied , at their going to bed . i giue thee most humble and hearty thanks , o most gracious & blessed father of heauen , in that it hath pleased thee , of thy most gracious goodnesse , to heare my request . o lord still giue me grace to go onward in vnderstanding and knowledge , that i may euermore praise thy holy name , and grant me thy grace to amend my life , and to returne vnfainedly vnto thy seruice . and for as much as no creature can breath without thy protection and fauour , vouchsafe to extend thy mercies vnto mee this night , that i may peaceably and quietly take that rest , which thou hast appointed for the refreshment of my body and minde , the night and darknesse being by thy goodnesse ordained , as a time conuenient to take the same in , and to cease from our bodily labours . and grant vnto me ( o lord my god ) who of my selfe am neither able to lie downe , nor being laid able to rise vp , thy especiall assistance & help , that i may repose my selfe , and receiue ( at thy mercifull hands ) swéet and comfortable rest , not according to the gréedinesse of corrupt nature , but as shall bee most expedient for the comfort and refreshing of my wearied body and mind , that both may be strengthened and enabled to goe forward with that study and exercise , which thou hast ordained and appointed for me . lastly , grant me true repentance for my sinnes , blesse and defend my parents , brethren , sisters , kinsfolke , neighbours , and others , whom thou wouldst i should commend to thy fatherly protection , wheresoeuer they remaine , and for the more true and zealous calling vnto thée for these things , giue me grace in faith , to say that prayer which thy sonne iesus christ hath taught mee saying , o our father which art in heauen , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14957-e810 silence . seruing or filling drinke . if on an errand . to schoole againe . to vse the browes . the eyes . the fore-head . countenance . the nose . blowing or breathing . snuffling in the nose when you speake . neezing . the cheekes . breathing . lips. yawning . laughing . biting the lip . biting the vpper lip . the tongue . spitting . hammering in speech . belching . vomiting . keeping the teeth cleane . kembing the head . hanging down the head . carriage of the body . hanging the head aside . priuy members . vrine or winde . sitting . curtesie . the gate in going . apparrell . his majesties most gracious letter to the parliament. [sic] of scotland england and wales. sovereign (1694-1702 : william iii) 1696 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a96549 wing w2371c estc r220113 99899745 99899745 135559 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96549) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135559) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2450:11) his majesties most gracious letter to the parliament. [sic] of scotland england and wales. sovereign (1694-1702 : william iii) william iii, king of england, 1650-1702. 1 sheet ([1 p.]) printed by the heirs and successors of andrew anderson, printer to the king's most excellent majesty, [edinburgh : 1696] dated at end: given at our court at loo the 28 august 1696. and of our reign the eighth year. appointing john, earl of tullibardine, commissioner for the session of parliament. imprint from wing. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scotland -history -1689-1745 -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. broadsides 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-07 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties most gracious letter to the parliament of scotland . william r. my lords and gentlemen , the continuance of the war obliging us to call you together at this time , for your own safety and security , as well as for our service , and hindering us to be present in person : we have appointed our right trustee , and right well beloved cousin and counsellor , john earl of tullibardine to be our commissioner , for representing our person and authority in this session of parliament . the knowledge we have of his capacity , as well as of his zealous affection , and firm fidelity to our person and government , will certainly render him acceptable . we have fully instructed him in all that may concern the good and welfare of that our antient kingdom , and the interest of our service ; and therefore you are to give him entire trust and credit . he is to ask nothing of you in our name , but what your own safety makes necessary . the delivery that god almighty lately gave us , from that imminent danger to which both our person and kingdoms were exposed , by the crafty and bloody designs of our enemies , is fresh in your remembrance , and calls for our joint care and providence for the future . the supplies granted in the last session of parliament , are now almost expired ; and you also know how much the funds there to appointed , are sunk below expectation . the continuing of the forces , the buying of arms and ammunition , the repairing of forts and garisons , and the provisions for your frigats , being all for your own defence , with the other charges and contingencies of the government , will readily perswade you to give what is needful , for those ends. and that in the most effectual and easy manner , recruits during the war must also be had ; which we hope you will provide in such ways as may best prevent abuses . we have impowered our commissioner , to give our royal assent , to such laws as shall be judged necessary , for the better securing to our subjects their rights and properties . it hath been , and shall still be our royal care , to preserve you in peace and safety , and to promove your welfare and prosperity : and therefore we expect you will treat and conclude all matters , with that prudence , calmness and concord , as will be most to our satisfaction , and no less to your own honour and advantage ; and so we bid you heartily farewell . given at our court at loo the 28 august 1696. and of our reign the eighth year . john taylors vvandering, to see the vvonders of the vvest. how he travelled neere 600. miles, from london to the mount in cornwall, and beyond the mount, to the lands end, and home againe. dedicated to all his loving friends, and free minded benefactors. in these dangerous dayes for rich men, and miserable times for the poore servants of the late king, (whereof i was one, 45. yeers to his royall father and himself) i thought it needful to take some course to make use of some friends, and devise a painfull way for my subsistence; which was the journey i have past, and this booke heere present; for which purpose i gave out many of these following bills, to which neere 3000. gentlemen and others, have kindly subscribed, to give me a reasonable reward. taylor, john, 1580-1653. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64216 of text r203757 in the english short title catalog (wing t528). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64216 wing t528 estc r203757 99863590 99863590 115800 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64216) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115800) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 88:e573[12]) john taylors vvandering, to see the vvonders of the vvest. how he travelled neere 600. miles, from london to the mount in cornwall, and beyond the mount, to the lands end, and home againe. dedicated to all his loving friends, and free minded benefactors. in these dangerous dayes for rich men, and miserable times for the poore servants of the late king, (whereof i was one, 45. yeers to his royall father and himself) i thought it needful to take some course to make use of some friends, and devise a painfull way for my subsistence; which was the journey i have past, and this booke heere present; for which purpose i gave out many of these following bills, to which neere 3000. gentlemen and others, have kindly subscribed, to give me a reasonable reward. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [2], 21, [1] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeer 1649. partly in verse. place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "7ber [i.e. september] 12 1649". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england -description and travel -1601-1700. a64216 r203757 (wing t528). civilwar no john taylors vvandering, to see the vvonders of the vvest. how he travelled neere 600. miles, from london to the mount in cornwall, and beyo taylor, john 1649 7263 9 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion john taylors vvandering , to see the vvonders of the vvest . how he travelled neere 600. miles , from london to the mount in cornwall , and beyond the mount , to the lands end , and home againe . dedicated to all his loving friends , and free minded benefactors . in these dangerous dayes for rich men , and miserable times for the poore servants of the late king , ( whereof i was one , 45. yeers to his royall father and himself ) i thought it needful to take some course to make use of some friends , and devise a painfull way for my subsistence ; which was the journey i have past , and this booke heere present ; for which purpose i gave out many of these following bills , to which neere 3●00 . gentlemen and others , have kindly subscribed , to give me a reasonable reward . printed in the yeere 1649. taylors westerne voyage to the mount . t is a mad world ( my masters ) and in sadnes i travail'd madly in these dayes of madnes : eight yeares a frenzy did this land molest , the ninth year seem'd to be much like the rest , my selfe ( with age , griefe , wrongs , and wants opprest , with troubles more then patience could digest ) amongst those isles , i chose the least and best , which was to take this journey to the west : and sure it is an argument most fit , that he who hath a portion of small wit as i have , and good store of friends , 't were sloth and foolery , not to make use of both . my wit was worne thread bare , halfe naked , poore . and i , with it , went wool-gath'ring for more . this long walke ( first and last ) i undertooke on purpose to get money by my booke : my friends ( i know ) will pay me for my paine . and i will never trouble them againe . six hundred miles , i ( very neere ) have footed , and all that time was neither sho'd or booted ; but in light buskins i perform'd this traveli o're hill and dale , through dust dirt , flint , and gravell . and now no more words i in vaine will scatter , but come unto the marrow of the matter . my reader must not her suppose that i will write a treatise of geography : or that i meane to make ex●ct relations of cities , townes , or countries scituations ; such men as those i turne them o're to reade the learned cambden , or the painefull speed . and now ( good reader ) i my muse do tune , i london left , the twenty one of june : to brainford , colebrooke , maidenhead and henly , i past ( the weather faire , the high wayes cleanely ) to abington . where foure dayes i remain'd , by friends and kinsfolkes kindely entertain'd : thankes to my nephew john , with all the rest , to whom that time i was a costly guest . and now me thinkes a little profe may be relished amongst friends ; i left abington on wednesday the 27. of june , and ( for the case of my purse ) i gave 2s . 6d . for the hire of the skelliton or anatomy of a beast to carry me ten miles to farington ; the thing i was mounted on was neither horse , mine , or gelding , it was all spirit , with very little ( or no flesh . ) it was none of your pursy foggy jades , and amongst horsemen it might have past for a light horse , too much worke , and too little meate , made him as gaunt as a greyhound : thus ( mounted like don quixot ) i entred farington , but worse guests then i had been there since these troubles ; for the kings party burnt one part of the towne , and the parliaments fired the rest , so that between them there was a good hansome market towne turned into ashes and rubbidge : it begins to bud and spring out againe , for heere and there a pritty house peepes up : so that it will in short time be rebuilt , and phaenix like ( out of it's owne cinders ) be revived and reneued to a more pleasing and beautifull prospect . from farington i footed it foure miles to hiworth , ( a market towne ) and from thence to purton seaven miles more , where i lodged , there was nothing remarkable in all that dayes travels ; but that in the morning a church at a village called kingston , ( five miles from abington having no steeple ; but the church at purton ( where i lay all night ) had two steeples : but i was certified that the minister that had two steeples , had but one benefice , and he that had none , had two , by which meanes the reckoning was even betwixt them , for what the one had , the other had not . the 28. of iune , i betook me to my feete an house and halfe before the sunne could shew his face in somersetshire , and for one shilling i hired an old drunkard to guide me eight long miles to the towne of malmsbury , where all worthy remembrance was , that i found an ancient towne , an old castle , and new ale ; from thence i hired a horse for 25. seaven miles , and footed it seaven miles more that day to the famous , renowned , ancient , little pritty city of bathe , i lodged in the mayors house : but his worship was as ignorant as my selfe , for he being a baker , had let halfe his house to a victualler : so he sold bread without , and i bought drinke within : the next day i had notice where i was , wherefore i went to his stall or shop window , and told him what i was , and that i was he who came nine yeares agoe from london , to that city with a small scullers boate ; mr. mayor was pleased to entertaine me most kindely ( with both his hands in his pocket ) and like a man of few words , forbore to say wellcome to towne ; so wee parting dryly i left him in his shop , lord baron of the browne loaves , and master of the rolls ( in that place : ) but there is no doubt but the man may live a faire age , and dye in his bed , if be escape the unfortunate destiny of pharoahs baker . friday 29. of iune , i had the luck twice to have not one dry thread about me , ( being wet to the very skin ) and yet my cloathes were as dry as a bone : the reason is , that i was in the bathe , and my cloathes out . iune 30. i travelled fifteene miles to the towne of wells , where i stayd but little , and found as little matter of observation , but that these holy , prophane days , and blessed execrable times of troublesome tranquility , have spoyled and defaced one of the goodliest and magnificent cathedrall churches in the christian world : but such pious workes as polution and abusing of churches , wee neede not goe amongst turkes for proofes ; for though peters at westminster hath scaped reasonable cleanely , yet pauls in london hath layen out of order , in ord●●e a battenning . the same day i went foure miles further to the ancient towne of glastonbury , there i saw the ruines of an abby , which was one of the statelyest and most sumptuous structures in england or europe : there ●●●●aines yet the ruined walls of a chappell built in memory of joseph of arimathea ( who as it is recorded by authentique historians ) did first convert this land from paganisme to christianity : and wee have great neede of another good ioseph to come amongst us , to doe as much for us now . but there is no memoriall of any place where that good old man was buried : the abby was walled more then a mile about , with a wall of free-stone , as faire as london wall ; it is very probable that king arthur ( our english worthy ) was there sepulchred : for there i saw some stones of marble , of which i placed the broken pieces together ; i read these words in latin , hic jacet guineverus regins , vxores , &c. queene guinever was wife to the great arthur , and she being buried there , it is to be conjectured that his bones were not layd far from her . mr. camden , doth quote the ancient historian , william of malmsbury , to write these words following concerning glastenbury . that it was the first land of god in england , the first land of saints in england , the beginning and fountaine of all religion in england , the tombe of saints , the mother of saints , the church founded and built by the lords disciples . i saw a branch or slip of the hawthorne tree that did beare . blossomes every yeare ( when all other trees were frost-bitten , and seemed dead : ) this tree onely , on christmas day , the day of our blessed saviours birth ; this tree did ( in its kinde ) snew its joy in comemoration of the nativity of the redeemer of unkinde mankinde : there are all the inhabitants in the towne will verifie it , and thousands in england and other countries will affirme that it is no fable : the souldiers being over zealous did cut it downe in pure devotion ; but a vintner dwelling in the towne did save a great ship or branch of it , and placed or set it in his garden , and he with others did tell me that the same doth likewise bloome on the 25. day of december , yearely ; i saw the sayd branch , and it was ten foote high , greene , and flourishing ; i did take a dead sprigge from it , wherewith i made two or three tobacco stoppers , which i brought to london ; my humble thankes to mr. brooke , with ( his good sister ) for they entertained me freely ; so that the towne of glastonbury was not one penny the richer for any expences of mine . monday the second of iuly , i went to bridgewater ten miles , where all that was worthy of note was , that neare the towne , at a stile i had a great disaster ; for a shagge or splinter of the stile tooke hold of my one and onely breeches , and tore them in that extreme unmercifull , unmannerly manner , that for shame and modesties sake i was faine to put them off , and goe breechlesse into the towne , where i found a botching threepenny taylor , who did patch me up with such reparations as made me not ashamed to put my breeches on againe , and trot five miles further to a ragged market towne called neather-st●y , where extreame weary , i tooke up my lodging , at a signe and no signe , which formerly was the rose and crowne ; but roses are withered , and crownes are obscured , as the signe was . surely that day was a mad , sad , glad , auspicious , unlucky day to me , worse then an ominous , childermas , or a dogged byting dog-day ; for the hostesse was out of towne , mine host was very sufficiently drunke , the house most delicately deckt with exquisite artificiall , and naturall sluttery , the roome be sprinckled and strewed with the excrements of pigs and children ; the wall and sielings were adorned and hanged with rare spiders tapistry , or cobweb lawne ; the smoake was so palpable and perspicuous , that i could scarce see any thing else , and yet i could scarce see that , it so blinded me with rheum a signe of weeping ; besides all this , the odorifferous and contagious perfume of that house was able to outvie all the millainers in christendome or somersetshire . i being thus embellished , or encompassed with these most unmatchable varieties ; but to comfort me compleatly , mine host swing'd off halfe a pot to me , bad me be merry , and asked me if i would have any powdred beefe and carrets to supper ; i told him yes , with all my heart ; but i being weary of the house , i went and sate three houres in the street , where mine host often did visit me with most delightfull and hydropicall non-sense ; at last , 7 of the clock was struck , and i went into the house to see if supper were ready ; but i found small comfort there , for the fire was out , no beefe to be boyled , mine host fast asleep , the maid attending the hogs , and my hungry selfe halfe starv'd with expectation ; i awaked mine host , and asked him where the beefe was , he told me that he had none , and desired me to be contented with egges fryed with parsly ; i prayed him to shew me my chamber , which he did ; the chamber was sutable to the rest of the house ; there i stayd till neere 9 a clock , expecting fry'd egges , when mine host came to me with an empty answer , there were no egges to be had , so at the last i purchased a piece of bread and butter , and to bed , and then began my further torments ; for thinking to take a little rest , i was furiously assualted by an ethiopian army of fleas , and do verily believe that i layd so manfully about me that i made more then 500 mortuus est : they were so wel grown that as i took 'em i gave 'em no quarter , but rub'd 'em between my finger and my thumbe , and they were so plumpe & mellow , that they would squash to pieces like yong boyled pease : but all these troubles i patiently past by , making no more account of them , then of so many flea-bytings . for my further delight , my chamber-pot seemed to be lined within with crimson plush , or shag'd scarlet bayes , it had scaped a scowring time out of minde , it was fur'd with antiquity , and withall it had a monumentall savour ; and this pisse-pot was another of my best contentments . at last , wearinesse and watching , began to inforce sleep upon me , so that ( in spight of the fleas teeth ) i began to winke , when suddenly , three children began to cry , and for an hours space i was kept waking , which made mee fall to the slaughter againe . the children being hush'd asleep , the game began afresh amongst the dogs , for the cry was up , and the bawling currs took the word one from the other , all the towne over ; and the dogs had no sooner done , but the day break appeared , and the hogs began to cry cut for their breakfast : so i arose , and travelled ( almost sleeping ) 10. miles that day ; which was to a towne called dunstar , where upon a lofty hill stands a strong castle , it had then a garrison in it ; i'must confesse i was free there , from nasty roomes , that never fels broomes , from excrements , and all bad sents , from childrens bawling , and caterwawling , from grunting of hogs , and barking of dogs , and from byting of fleas , there i found ease . the fourth of iuly , i travelled to exfourd ( so named ) because it stands near the head , or spring of the river ex , which runs downe fom north to south neere 40 miles to the city of exeter , and to exmouth , where it delivers it selfe into the ocean , and from thence to brayfourd , ( another fourd which runs into the river of ex , as the people told me ; but i finde it not so in the map , ) that dayes journey was sixteene miles , a teadious weary way for a crazy , old , lame , bad , foundered footman , i am sure i found it so ; for when i came to my lodging i had more minde to eate then to fight , and a better stomack to a bed then a supper . the fifth of iuly , i walked but seven mi'es to barnstable , a very fine sweete towne , so cleane and neate , that in the worse of weather , a man may walke the streets , and never foule shooe or boote ; there i stayd till the next day noone , being well and wellcomely entertained by one mr. iohn downes , who gave me fidlers fare , meate , drinke and money , for which i heartily thanked him : from thence i past by water five miles to aplear . iuly the sixt ( being friday ) i paced it ten miles to a place named ferry crosse , in the parish of allington , and the seven day i turned my back upon devonshire , having gone that day fifteene miles to the first market towne in cornewall ( on the north-side of the county ) named stratten . cornewall is the cornucopia , the compleate and repleate horne of abundance for high churlish hills , and affable courteous people ; they are loving to requite a kindenesse , placable to remit a wrong , and hardy to resort injuries ; the countrey hath its share of huge stones , mighty rocks , noble , free , gentlemen , bountifull housekeepers , strong , and stout men , handsome , beautifull women , and ( for any that i know ) there is not one cornish cuckold to be found in the whole county : in briefe they are in most plentifull manner happy in the abundance of right and left hand blessings . it is a wonder that such rugged mountains do produce such fertility of corn , and cattle ; for if the happy dayes and times of peace were once settled . cornewall might compare with any county in england , for quantity of all necessaries needfull , and quallity of persons . the ninth of iuly i left stratten and ambled twenty miles to the towne of camelfourd , and to a village called blistland , and there i was taken for the man i was not ; for they suspected me to be a bringer of writs and processe to serve upon some gentlemen , and to bring men into trouble : but with much adoe i scaped a beating , by beating into their beliefes that i was was no such creature . iuly the tenth , i came to bodman , ( a market town ) and from thence the same day to a village called st. enedor , a part of which parish is called penhall , there at a smiths house was good lodging , better cheare , and best drinke ; the smith was lame , his wife was faire and handsome , where if i could haue acted the part of mars , there might have been played the comedy of vulean and venus : that dayes travell was eighteen miles . iuly eleaventh , i progressed to trure , another market towne , which is the lord roberts his land ; there i bought a fish called a breame for three pence , it would have served foure men ; after dinner i went eight miles further to a towne called redruith , in all that dayes travells eighteen miles , i saw nothing strange to me but a few cornish dawes ( or choughs ) with red bills , and legs : they saluted me upon the wing , just in the language of our jack dawes about london , ka , ka. the twelfth of iuly , i came within two miles of saint michaels mount , to an ancient house called by the name of trimineague : it hath been , and is the birth place of worthy families , of the noble name of the godolphins : the right owner and possessour of it now is francis godolphin , esquire , a gentleman endowed with piety , humanity , affability and ability ; he hath a heart charitable , a minde bountifull , and a hand liberall ; he hath ( deservedly ) the cordiall love of all the county , and would have the enjoyments of earthly contentments , if once these discontented times were quieted : seaven dayes i stayed with him , in which time he was pleased to send a kinsman of his ( m. anthony godolpheny ) with me to see the mount , which i thus describe . it is about a mile in compasse at the foote , and it rises 700 peces very steepe to the top , it is in forme like a great hay-cock or reeke , or much like a mounteere ; on the top or piram●s of it , is a fine church called saint michaels , the sayd church is now for no other use but a well stored magazine with ammunition , from whence ( for a relique of remembrance ) i brought halfe a yard of saint michaels mounts monumentall match : i went to the top of the church tower seventy steps higher , and in my comming downe i viewed the bells ( which were five in number ) being faire and handsome , they cannot be rung , because the crack rope souldiers have broke all the bell-ropes , insomuch as for any more ringing there , the bells being ropelesse , the people are hopelesse . to speake the truth of this so much talked of famous mount ; it is lofty , rocky , innaccessible , impregnable not to be taken , or kept , nor worth the taking or keeping : it is a barren stony little wen or wait , that with men , amunition , and victualls is able to defend it selfe ; but if it hath not the sea and land to friend , there is an enemy called hunger ( or famine ) that will conquer mounts and mountaines : it can do no service to the seaward , for the water is so shallow , that no ship can saile within shot of it , and for land service the towne of market iew , stands better for defence : the mount is an island , and no island , twice in every 24 houres : for when the sea is up , boates must be used to go to it , but upon the ebbe , troopers may ride to it forty in ranck : market iew is about two flight shoote of it , the mayor whereof ( one mr. william mabb ) caused me to dine with him , for which i returne him a few printed thanks . in the mount i saw a craggy rugged seat , of rocky upholstery , which the old fabulous rumour calls st. michaels chayre : and a well i saw there , which twice in 24 howres is fresh water , and salt water : this mount had a garrison within it , which made the country people to grumble without it ; yet the soldiers are pretty civill : and one captaine geary did courteously regard and drink with me at the maiors house at market iew . from thence i returned to mr. godolphins , and he did perswade mee to see the lands end , fourteen miles further ; for which journey on the 16. day of july , he did lend me 2. horses , with his kinsman to ride with me , where ( for his sake ) i was welcome by the way , with a good dinner , at one mr. levales house , from whence i rode , and went as far as i could ride , goe , or creepe , for rockes and sea : and there i saw the island of silly , with other smaller islands , which are sayd to be 16. or 17. in number . the mayne island is held for the prince , by one captaine ( or as some say , a knight ) called sir iohn greenvill ; it is very strong , with a good safe harbour , and as it is reported there , hath a good fleet of ships in it : some doe call it a second argiere , for there cannot a ship or vessell passe by it , but they doe make out upon them , whereby they have great riches , with all necessaries : it was 8. leagues at least from me , insomuch that i could but onely see it dimly , and 2. ships i perceyved that lay at road ( perdue ) to give notice ( as i conjectured ) of the appearance of any shipping that sayled within their ken : i did cut my name 4. inches deep in a small patch of earth amongst the rockes , at the lands end , and i am sure no man can go thither and set his name or foot , halfe a foot before me . the same day i returned to one mr. iones his house a mile thence , in the farthest western parish of the county of cornwall , called sevin ; there i had good entertainment all night , by the gentlemans and his wives free welcome , which was out of their owne curteous disposition ; but chiefly for mr. godolphins sake , to whom at trimiweagow i returned , on the 17. of july , where i rested one day : and on the 18. day i tooke my leave , having received 7. dayes hospitality in plenty , with many other curtesies in money and other necessaries which i wanted ; besides hee sent his kinsman with mee to direct mee the way to another francis godolphin of godolphin house . that gentleman is the chiefe of that noble name ; his house a stately ancient pallace , and my chear and welcome at dinner , most freely bountifull . after dinner hee walked with me , where ( in my way ) i saw his mines of tin , and a house where his workemen were refining and melting of tin , which is a rich commodity . so at my taking leave of him , hee put ten shillings in my hand , which came to me in an acceptable time . from thence i jog'd 3. miles further , to a house called clowance in the parish of crowen , where dwells one mr. iohn sentabin , he is sonne in law to the first godolphin i came to , whose daughter he marryed ( a vertuous and beautifull gentlewoman ) where i tooke a welcome , a supper and a bed , till the next morning , being iuly 19. he sent a man with me eight miles to a sister of his , named mrs. gertrude , to her i was so welcome , that after i thought she had been weary of me , she would faine have had me to stay two dayes more , which i ( with thankes refusing ) she lent me a mare ( and a man to bring her home againe ) which mare i roade to a towne called penny com quick , within a mile of pendennis castle , which castle i looked on a far off , but i durst not attempt to offer to go into it , for feares and jealousies might have mistaken me for a spy ; for at all places of garison , there is very strict examinations of persons , and at every townes end , in all the sea townes of part of cornewall , devonshire , dorsetshire , and every shine , no traveller could passe without catechizing words : as what is your name , whence came you , where dwell you , whither go you , what is your businesse , and wherefore came you hither ? now he that cannot answer these particular demands punctually , is to be had before governours , captaines , commanders , mayors , or constables , where if a man doe chance to be suffered to passe freely from them , yet it is a hazard of the losse of a travellers liberty by either their unbeliefe or misp ision , and at the best it is a hinderance to a mans journey and losse of time . these considerations made me doubtfull to presume to looke into pendennis castle , or any other garrison or place of defence : this castle is seated very high , and it stands very defensive for the famous haven of faymouth , ( one of the best harbours for shipping in the world : ) it was built by king henry the eight , it is impregnable , and as long as it is well manned , amunitioned , and victualled , it is thought to be invincible , and there 's an end of that poynt . that day i past a ferry called king harries passage , ( but why it is so named few men knowe ) there i lodged at the ferry mans house , and the next morning being 21 of iuly , i travelled twelve miles to a fisher towne called mevageasie ; that towne hath in it two tavernes , and six ale-houses , to every one of which i went for lodging , and not any one would harbour me , then i fought for a constable to helpe me , but no constable was to be found ; the people all wondring at me , as if i had been some strange beast , or monster brought out of affrica ; at which most incivill and barbarous useage , i began to be angry , and i perceiving that no body cared for my anger , i discreetely went into the house where i first demanded lodging ; where the hostes being very willing to give me the courteous entertainement of iack drum , commanded me very kindely to get me out of dores , for there was no roome for me to lodge in . i told her that i would honestly pay for what i tooke , and that if i could not have a bed , yet i was sure of a house over my head , and that i would not out till the morning : with that a yong saucy knave told me that if i would not go out , he would throw me out , at which words my choller grew high , my indignation hot , and my fury fiery , so that i arose from a bench , went to my youth , and dared to the combate ; whereat the hostesse ( with feare and trembling ) desired me to be quiet , and i should have a bed , at which words my wrath was appeared , and my ire asswaged . but straite wayes another storme seemed to appeare ; for an ancient gentleman came suddenly out of another roome ( who had heard all the former friendly passages , ) and hee told mee that i should not lodge there , for though i had sought and not found a constable , yet i should know that i had found a justice of peace before i sought him ; and that he would see me safely lodged : i was somewhat amazed at his words , and answered him , let him doe his pleasure , for i submitted my selfe to his disposall . to which he replyde , that i should go but halfe a mile with him to his house , which i did , and there his good wife and he did entertayne me courteously , with such fare and lodging , as might have accommodated any gentleman of more worth and better quality then one that had been ten times in degree before me : there i stayd the saturday and all the sunday , where i found more protestant religion in 2. dayes , then i had in 5. yeers before . the gentlemans name is mr. iohn carew , a gentleman of noble and ancient descent , and a worthy iustice of the peace in those parts . i was certified , that in that little town of mevagesey , there are 44. fisher boats , which doe fish for pilchards , that every boat hath 6. men , and that every 2. boats have one net between them : they doe call the 2. boats a seine ; so there are 22. seines , and 22. nets : every cornish bushell is in measure 2. bushels and a halfe of our measure at london : every 2. boates ( or seine ) doe spend 250. bushels of salt ( cornish measure ) to salt pilchards only ; every seine do use 100. hogsheads to pickle the sayd pilchards in yearly . so that this one little towne , doth spend by gods blessing , and the meanes of those small fishes , every year , of salt , 22 times 350 cornish bushells , which is in the number of our bushells , 14000,350 . of hogsheads , or caske , 2200. of men for 44 boats , 6 men for each , 264. these men with their families ( being many in number ) are all maintained by pilchard catching ; but this is not all , for there are other greater ●ownes in the county , which doe every one of them use the same trade of fishing , with more and greater numbers of men , boats , nets , caske , and much more quantity of salt ; some of the other townes are s. keverne , foye , lee , with others which i cannot recite . this infinite number of pilchards , being salted and put up in caske , are bought a mane by the spanish , french , datch , italian , and other merchants , and by them they are either eaten or fold , and transported to many other people and nations : and now i hope i have filled my renders bellies with pilchards , without cloying or offending their stomack● ; if any one be queasie , or doe feele a wambling in the gizzard ; let them call for a cup of s●ck , drinke it , and pay for it . the 23 of iuly , i came to foye , and to loo or low ) twenty miles ; this towne of loo , is divided in two parts , or two townes together , two mayors , two churches , two governours , and more then two religions ; all that i can say of either of the looes , is , that there was souldiers and swordmen , strong beere and dagger ale , land flesh and sea fish in plenty . on the 24. of iuly , i turned my back upon cornewall , and went from loo to plimouth in devonshire , twelve miles : at plimouth i stayd not two houres , the towne was too full of suspitions to hold me : there i saw colonel william leg , a prisoner in the towerhouse , or guild hall , i spake to him ( being on the ore side of the way in a window , and he on the other ) in a low whispering voice that every one might heare what we sayd ; i wished him health and liberty , and so left him in thraldome ; there was two stationers did make me very welcome for two or three houres ; their names were thomas ratcliffe and william weekes , they gave me smoake and drinke in plimouth , for which i require them in paper and inck at london . that afternoone i left plimouth , and went foure miles further , to plimpton , and on the morrow ( being saint iames his day ) i hired a horse forty miles to exeter , where i was two dayes entertained at mine owne cost , with some charges that burgomasters and bookesellers underwent : i can say little of exeter , but that it is a faire sweete city , a goodly cathedrall church ( not yet quite spoyled or stabled ) and it had large suburbs , with long streets , and many fine dwellings till this mad fire of contention turned all to ruines , rubbidge , cinders , ashes , and fume . two houres before phabus appeared in our hemisphere , i was on footback from exeter to honiton , the 27. of iuly , there i had a nights lodging , and dyet of such a homely fashion , as i have no occasion to boast of ; there i hired a horse ( which proved to be a blinde mare ) she had two wens as big as clusters of grapes hung over both her eyes , and five or six wens on her shoulders and flanks , all which beautifull ornaments i could not perceive or see till i had road the beast foure mile , ( for i was mounted before the breake of day ; ) but when i saw the comelynesse of the beast , betweene shame and anger i was almost mad at the rogue that owned her ; and being neere to a market towne called axmister , i dismounted , and footed eight miles to broad winsor in dersetshire , where i was better horst eight miles further to evershot , and then i paced on foote eight miles further to the towne of sherbourne , that dayes travell was 31 mile . the 31 of iuly , i went from sherbourne to shafisbury , and so to wilton , and salisbury , 31 mile : at wilton i saw the earle of pembrokes magnificent and sumptuous building and repairing of such a stately fabrick , that for strength , beauty , forme , state , glazing , painting , gilding , carving , pollishing , embellishing and adorning : it may be a pallace for the greatest king in christendome : the springs , and fish-ponds , the garden , the walkes , the rare artificiall rocks and fountaines , the ponds with fish on the house top , the strange figures and fashions of the water workes , the numerous , innumerable varieties of fruits and flowers ; yea all , and every thing that may make an earthly paradice , is there to be seene , felt , heard , or understood , ( which because i understand not ) i shut up all with this , there is inestimable cost , exquisite art and artists , most exceeding good work and workemen , onely one thing ( that is quite out of fashion almost every where ) is used there , which is good and just payment . from wilton , to salisbury two miles , there i sleeped out the later end of the whole moneth of iuly . i had a desire to go into the church there ( one of the fairest in england ) but now the playes be downe , there was no sights to be seen without money , which though i could have payd , yet for two reasons i would not ; the one was because i had oftentimes seene that church in former times , when gods service was sayd there , and the second cause why i would not be guilty of simony , and with corrupting mammon enter or intrude into the house of god . the first of august , i footed to andover , fifteene old miles , and eighteene new ones , ( of the posts late measuring : ) the next day to merrell greene , 24 miles , the third day to stanes , eighteene miles , and the fourth of august fifteene miles to london : my journey being in all 546 miles , which i went and came in six weekes , and lay still and rested twelve dayes in severall places on weeke dayes , besides six sundayes : but all this was nothing to me , being a youth of threescore and ten , with a lame leg and a halfe , and there is an end of the story . like to the stone of sisiphus . i roule from place to place , through weather faire and foule , and yet i every day must wander still to vent my bookes , and gather friends good will ; i must confesse this worke is frivalowse , and he that ( for it ) daigues to give a lowse , doth give as much for 't as 't is worth , i know ; yet meerly merily i this jaunt did goe in imitation of a mighty king . whose warlike acts , good fellowes often sing , the king of france and twenty thousand men , went up the hill , and so came downe agen . so i this travell past , with cost and paine , and ( as i wisely went ) came home againe . finis . for the right honourable the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england. scotland. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84669 of text r211045 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[44]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84669 wing f1438 thomason 669.f.13[44] estc r211045 99869781 99869781 162940 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84669) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162940) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[44]) for the right honourable the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england. scotland. parliament. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john wright, at the kings head in the old-bayley, london : 1648. as they were thankful for the coming of the army under lieut.-gen. cromwell and maj.-gen. lambert so now that they are retiring the committee of estates bear testimony to their excellent carriage, strengthening and confirming the amity of both kingdoms -cf. steele. dated at end: edenburgh 7. novemb. 1648. order to print dated: die veneris 17 novemb. 1648. signed: joh. brown cler. parliamentorum. hen. elsyng cler. parl. d. com. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a84669 r211045 (thomason 669.f.13[44]). civilwar no for the right honourable the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england. scotland. parliament 1648 286 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion for the right honourable the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of england . right honourable , as we are very sensible of the benefit and advantage afforded to this kingdome , ( against the enemies to the peace and happinesse of both nations ) by the comming hither of your forces under the command of lievtenant generall crumwell , and major generall lambert ; so we hold it fitting when the condition of our affaires and posture of our forces have now permitted their returne , to render them this deserved testimony , and to acknowledge that the deportment of the generall officers , under-officers and souldiers in their comming into this kingdome , during their aboad amongst us , and in their returne to england , hath beene so faire and civill , and with so much tendernesse to avoid all causes of offence , and to preserve a right understanding betwixt the kingdomes , that we trust by their carriage the maglignant and disaffected shall be much convinced and disappointed , and the amity of both kingdomes strengthned and confirmed , which we shall likewise on our part inviolably study to preserve , and to witnesse that we are edenburgh 7. novemb. 1648. your very affectionate friends and humble servants loudoun canc. signed in the name , and by command of the committee of estates . die veneris 17 novemb. 1648. ordered by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , that this letter be forthwith printed , and published . joh. brown cler. parliamentorum . hen. elsyng cler. parl. d. com. london printed for john wright , at the kings-head in the old-bayley , 1648. by the king. a proclamation for proroguing the parliament proclamations. 1607-09-30 england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) 1607 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22039 stc 8405 estc s117198 99852413 99852413 17734 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22039) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 17734) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1136:19) by the king. a proclamation for proroguing the parliament proclamations. 1607-09-30 england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) james i, king of england, 1566-1625. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. 1607. plague precautions. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london -early works to 1800. england -proclamations -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for proroguing the parliament . whereas at the rising of the late session of our parliament , wee prorogued the same vntill the sixteenth day of nouember now next ensuing , for as much as the infection of the plague is now in some parts of our citie of london , so that it is to bee feared that if the terme and parliament should meete together , and thereby draw a double concourse of people from all parts of the realme thither , it might giue occasion both to increase the saide sickenesse thereabouts ( where our most abode is ) and to disperse it into other parts of the realme , wee haue therefore thought it fit to prorogue it further into the winter , that is to say , to the tenth day of february next , at which day our purpose is , god willing , to hold the same ; and doe hereby giue notice to all whom it concerneth , that they may frame their affaires accordingly , and attend at the said tenth day of february to that seruice . giuen at our honour of hampton court the last day of september , in the fifth yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. 1607. the counter scuffle whereunto is added the counter rat. written by r.s. r. s. (robert speed) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a61061 of text r221749 in the english short title catalog (wing s4890b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 52 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a61061 wing s4890b estc r221749 99833011 99833011 37486 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61061) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 37486) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2062:7) the counter scuffle whereunto is added the counter rat. written by r.s. r. s. (robert speed) [54] p. : ill. printed by r.b. and are to be sold by iohn stafford, london : 1648. signatures: a-g⁴. ascribed to robert speed. cf. bm, halkett & laing, allibone. in verse. the last leaf is blank. imperfect; pages are stained and have print show-through affecting legibility. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england -social life and customs -humor -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -17th century -early works to 1800. a61061 r221749 (wing s4890b). civilwar no the counter scuffle. whereunto is added the counter rat. written by r.s. r. s 1648 8338 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 b the rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the counter scuffle . whereunto is added the counter rat . written by r. s. london , printed by r. b. and are to be sold by iohn stafford . 1648. the covnter-scvffle . let that majestick pen that writes of brave k. arthur and his knights , and of their noble feats and fights : and those who tell of mice and frogges and of the skirmishes of hogges , and of fierce beares , and mastive dogges , be silent . and now let each one listen well , while i the famous battell tell , in woodstreet counter that befell in high lent. in which great scuffle only twain , without much hurt , or being slain , immortall honour did obtain by merit , one was a captain in degree , a strong and lusty man was hee , t'other a trades-man bold and free of spirit . and though he was no man of force , he had a stomack like a horse , and in his rage had no remorse or pitty . full nimbly could he cuffe and clout , and was accounted , without doubt , one of the prettiest sparks about the city . and at his weapon any way he could performe a single fray , even from the long pike to the tay lors bodkin . he reckt not for his flesh a jot , he feard nor englishman nor scot , for man or monster , car'd he not a dodkin , for fighting was his recreation , and like a man in desperation , for law , edict , or proclamation he car'd not and in his anger ( cause being given ) to lift his hand 'gainst good sir steven , or any iustice under heaven , he fear'd not . he durst his enemy withstand , or at tergoos or calis sand , and bravely there with sword in hand would greet him . and noble ellis was his name , who'mongst his foes to purchase fame , nor cared though the devill came to meet him . and this brave goldsmith was the man , who first this worthy brawle began , which after ended in a can of milde beere . but had you seen him when he fought , how eagerly for blood he sought , ther 's no man but would have him thought a wilde beare . imagine now you see a score of madcap gentlemen , or more , boyes that did use to royst and rore , and swagger . among the which were three or foure , that rul'd themselves by wisdoms lore , whose very grandsires scarcely wore a dagger . a priest and lawyer , men well read , in wiping poones and chipping bread , and falling to , short grace being sed , full roundly : whose hungry mawes no sallets need good appetites therein to breed , their stomacks without sauce could feed profoundly . 't was ill that men of sober dyet , who lov'd to fill their guts in quiet , were plac'd with ruffins that to ryot were given : and ( o great griefe ! ) even from their food , ( their stomacks too , being strong & good ) and that sweet place whereon it stood , be driven . but here 't is fitting i repeat , what food our dainty prisoners eat ; but if in placing of the meat and dishes , from curious order i do swerve , 't is that themselves did none observe , for which nor flesh they did deserve , nor fishes . but some ( perhaps ) will say that lent , affords them not what here is ment , so much , so good , and that they went without it 't is like ; but if i adde a dish , or twain , or three , of flesh or fish , they either had , or did it wish , ne're doubt it . then wipe your mouths , while i declare , the goodnesse of this lenten fare , which is in prison very rare , i tell ye . furmity as sweet as any nut. as good as ever swill'd a gut. and butter sweet as e're was put in belly . eggs by the dozen , new and good , which in white salt uprightly stood , and meats which heat and stir the blood to action . as butter'd crabs , and lobsters red , which send the married payre to bed , and in loose bloods have often bred , a faction . fish butter'd to the platters brim , and parsnips did in butter swim , strew'd ore with pepper neat and trim salt salmon . smelts cryde , come eat me , do not stay , fresh cod , and maids full nearly lay , and next to these a lusty bacon con gammon stuck thick with cloves upon the back , well stuft with sage , and for the smack , daintily strew'd with pepper black , sous'd gurnet , pickrell , sturgeon , tench , and trout , meat farre too good for such a rout , to tumble , tosse , and throw about and spurn it . the next a neats-tongue neatly dryde , mustard and suger by his side . rochets butter'd , flounders fryde . hot custard . eeles boyl'd and broyl'd : and next they bring herring , that is the fishes king , and then a courtly poll of ling , and mustard . but stay , i had almost forgot the flesh which still stands piping hot , some from the spit , some from the pot new taken , a shoulder , and a leg of mutton , as good as ever knife was put on , which never were by a true glutton forsaken , a loyne of veale , that would have dar'd one of the hungriest of the guard , and they sometimes will feed full hard , like tall men . and such as love the lusty chine : but when that i shall sup or dine , god grant they be no guests of mine , of all men . thus the descriptions are compleat , which i have made of men and meat . mars ayd me now , while i repeat the battle , where pots and stooles were us'd as gins , to break each others heads , and shins , where blowes did make bones in their skins to rattle . where men to madnesse never ceast , till each ( furious as a beast ) had spoyld the fashion of a feast , full dainty . whereon had they not been accurst , they might have fed , till bellies burst : but ellis shew'd himselfe the worst of twenty . for he began this monstrous brall , which afterward incens'd them all , to throw the meat about the hall , that even . and now give eare unto the jarre , that fell between these men of warre , wherein so many a harmlesse skarre was given . the board thus furnisht , each man sate , some fell to feeding , some to prate , mong whom a jarring question strait was risen . for they grew hotly in dispute , what calling was of most repute : t was well their wits were so acute in prison . while they discours'd , the parson blythe fed , as he meant to have the tythe of every dish , being sharp ( as sythe ) in feeding . but haste had almost made him choke , or else perhaps , he would have spoke in prayse of his long-thred-bare cloke , and breeding . but after a deliberate pause , the lawyer spoke , as he had cause , in commendation of the lawes profession . the law , quoth he , by a just doom , doth censure all that to it come , and still defends the innocent from oppression . it favours truth ; it curbs the hope of vice ; it gives allegiance scope ; provides a gallowes and a rope for treason . this doth the law , and this is it which makes us here in prison sit , which grounded is on holy writ and reason . to which all men must subject be , as we by daily proofe do see , from highest to low'st degree ; the scholler , noble , and rich : it doth subdue the soulidier , and his swaggering crue , but at that word the captaine grew in choller . he lookt full grim , and at first word rapt out an oath , that shook the board , and struck his fist , that the sound roar'd like thunder . it made all skip that stood him neare , the frighted custard quak'd for feare , and those that heard it , stricken were with wonder . nought did he now , but frown and puffe , and having star'd and swore enough , thus he began in language rough . thou cogging , base foysting lawyer , that dost set thy minde on nothing , but to get thy living by thy damned pet tifogging . a slave , that shall for halfe a crown , with buckram bag , and daggled gown , wait like my dogge about the town , and follow a businesse of the devils part , for fees , though not with law nor art : but head as empty as thy heart is hollow , you stay at home and pocket fees , while we abroad our bloods do leese , and then , with such base termes as these you wrong us . but lawyer , it is safer farre for thee to prattle at a barre , than once to shew thy face i'th'warre , among us , where to defend such thanklesse hinds , the souldier little quiet finds , but is expos'd to stormy winds , and weathers , and oft in blood he wades full deep , your throats from forrain swords to keep , and wakes when you securely sleep in feathers . what could your lawes or statutes doe , against invasions of the foe , did not the valiant souldier goe to quell 'em ? and to prevent your further harmes , with ensigne , fife , and loud alarmes of warlike drum , by force of armes repell 'em ? your trespasse action will not stand , for setting foot upon your land , when they in scorn of your command come hither . no remedy in courts of powles , in common pleaes , or in the rowles , for joulling of your iobbernowles together . wer 't not for us , thou swad , quoth he , where would'st thou fog to get a fee ? but to defend such things as thee , 't is pity . for such as thou , esteem us least , who ever have been ready prest , to guard you , and the cuckowes nest , your ctiy . that very word made ellis start , and all his blood ran to his heart , he shook , and quak'd in every part with anger . he lookt as if nought might asswage the heat of his enflamed rage , his very countenance did presage some danger . a cuckowes nest ? quoth he : and so , he humm'd , and held his head full low , as if distracted thoughts did o-verpresse him . at length , quoth he , my mother sed , at bristow she was brought abed , and there was ellis born and bred , god blesse him . of london city i am free , and there i first my wife did see , and for that very cause , quoth he , i love it . and he that cals it cuckowes nest , except he sayes he speaks in jest , he is a villain and a beast , i le prove it . this i le maintain , nor do i care , though captaine pot-gun stamp and stare , and swagger , sweare , and teare his hayre in fury . and with the hazard of my blood , i le fight up to the knees in mud , but i will mak my quarrell good , assure ye . for though i am a man of trade , and free of london city made , yet can i use gun , bill , and blade in battle . and citizens , if need require , themselves can force the foe retire , what ever this low-countrey squire do prattle . for we have souldiers of our own , able enough to guard the town , and captaines of most faire renown , about it , if any foe should fight amain , and set on us with all his train , wee 'll make him to retire again , nere doubt it . we have fought well in dangers past , and will do while our lives do last , without the help of any cast commaders that hither come , compell'd by want , with rusty swords , and suits provant , from vtrich , numigen , or gant , in flanders . the captain could no longer hold , but looking fircely , plainly told the citizen , he was too bold , and call'd him proud boy , and for his sawcy speech , did shortly vow to whip his breech : then ellis snacht the pot , with which he mall'd him . he threw the jugge , and therewithall , he gave the captain such a mall , as made him thump against the wall his crupper . with that the captain took a dish that stood brim-full of butterd fish , as good as any heart could wish to supper . and as he threw , his foot did slide , which turn'd his arme and dish aside , and all be-butter-fishifide nic ballat . and he , good man , did none disease , but sitting quiet and at ease , with butterd rochets sought to please his pallat . but when he felt the wrong he had , he rag'd , and swore , and grew stark mad , some in the roome been better had without him ; for he took hold of any thing , and first he caught the poll of ling , which he couragiously did fling about him . out of his hand it flew apace , and hit the lawyer in the face , who at the board in highest place was seated . and as the lawyer thought to rise , the salt was thrown into his eyes , which him of sight in wofull wise defeated . all things nere hand , nic ballat threw : at length his butterd rochets flew : and hit by chance , among the crew , the parson . the sauce his coat did all be-wet , the priest began to fume and fret , the seat was butterd which he set his — on . he knew not what to do or say , it was in vaine to preach or pray , or cry you are all gone astray , good people . he might as well go strive to teach divinity beyond his reach or when the bels ring out , go preach i' th steeple . at this mischance the silly man , out of the roome would faine have ran , and very angerly began to mutter . ill luck had he , for after that one threw the parsneps full of fat which stuck like brooches in his hat , with butter . out of the place he soon repaires and ran halfe headlong down the staires , and made complaint to master ayres with crying . vp ran hee to know the matter , and found how they the things did scatter , here a trencher , there a platter were lying . i dare not say he stunk for wo , nor will , unlesse i did it know , but some there be that dare say so , that smelt him . nor could ye blame him , if he did , for they threw dishes at his head , and did with egges and loaves of bread , bepelt him . he thrust himselfe into the throng , and u'sd the vertue of his tongue , but what could one mans word among so many ? the candles all were shuffled out , the victuals flew afresh about ; was never such a combat fought by any . now in the dark was all the coyle , some were bloody in the broyle , and some lay steept in sallet-oyle and mustard . the sight would make a man afeard : another had a butterd beard , anothers face was all besmeard with custard . others were dawb'd up to the knee with butterd fish and furmitee ; and some the men could scarcely see that beat 'em . vnder the board lluellin lay , being sore frighted with the fray , and as the weapons flew that way , he eat'em . the bread stuck in the windowes all , like bullets in a castle wall , which furious foes do seek to scale in battle . shoulders of mutton , and loynes of veale , appointed for to serve the meale , about their eares full many a peale did rattle . the which when ouen blany spide , oh , take away their armes he cryde , lest some great hurt do them betide , prevent it , and then the knave away did steale , of food that fell , no little deale , and in his house at many a meale he spent it . the captain ran the rest among , as eager to revenge the wrong done by the pot which ellis flung so stoutly . and angry ellis sought about , to finde the furious captain out , at length they met , and then they fought devoutly . now being met , they never lin , till with their lowd robustious din , the room and all that was therein , did tumble . instead of weapons made of steele , the captain took a salted eele , and at each blow made ellis reele , and tumble . ellis a pippin pie had got , a forer weapon than the pot : for lo , the apples being hot , did scald him . the captain layd about him still , as if he would poore ellis kill , and with his eele with a good will he mall'd him . at length , quoth he , ellis thou art a fellow of couragious heart , yeeld now , and i will take thy part hereafter . quoth ellis , much i scorn to heare thy words of threats , being free from feare . with which he hardly could forbeare from laughter . together then afresh they flie , the eele against the pippin pie : but blany stood there purposely to watch 'em the weapons wherewithall they fought , were those , for which he chiefly sought , and with an eager stomack thought to catch 'em . but scap't not now so well away , as at the veale and mutton fray : he thought to have with such a prey his jawes fed . but all his hope did turne aside , he lookt for that which luck deny'd ; for ellis all be-pippin-pyde his calves head wo was the case he now was in , the apples hot , did scald the skin , his skull , as it had rotten bin , did coddle . with that one foole among the rout , made out-cry all the house about , that blany's braines were beaten out his noddle which lockwood hearing needs would see , what all this coyl and stirre might be , and up the staires his guts and he went wadling . but when he came the chamber neere , behinde the doore he stood to heare , but in he durst not come for feare of swadling . there stood he in a frightfull case , and as by chance he stir'd his face , full in the mouth a butter'd playce did hit him . away he sneakt , and with his tongue , he lick'd and swallow'd vp the wrong , and as he went the roome along be-him . for helpe now doth poore lockwood crie , o bring a surgeon , or i die , my guts out of my belly flye : come quickly . blany with open mouth likewise , for present help of surgeon cryes , pittie a man , quoth he , that lyes so sickly , philips , the skilfull surgeon then , was cal'd , and cal'd , and cal'd agen , if he had skill to cure these men , to shew it . at length he comes , and first he puts his hands , to feel for lockwoods guts , which came not forth so sweet as nuts , all know it . he cries for water . in the mean one cals up madge the kitchin quean , to take and make the baby clean , and clout it . fast by the nose she tooke the squall , and led him softly through the hall , lest the perfume through knees should fall about it . shee turn'd his hose beneath the knee , nor could shee chuse but laugh to see , that yellow , which was wont to bee a white breech . shee took a dish-clout off the shelfe , and with it wipt the durtie elfe , which had not wit to helpe it selfe poore-breech . thus leaving lockwood all be-rai'd , vnto the mercie of the maide , who well deserved to be paid for taking such homely paines , now let us east , our thoughts backe on the stirre that 's past , and them whose bones could not in haste leave aking . and like the candles , shall my pen shew you these gallants once agen , which now like furies , not like men appeared . fresh lights being brought t' appease the bral , shew twenty mad men in the hall , with bloud and sauce their faces all besmeared . their cloathes rent and sows'd in drinke , oyle , mustard , butter , and the stinke , which lockwood left , would make one thinke in sadnesse , that these so monstrous creatures dwell , either in bedlam , or in hell , or that no tongue , or pen can tell their madnesse they were indeed disfigured so , friend knew not friend nor foe-man foe , and each man scarce himselfe did know : but after a frantick staring round about , they suddenly did quit their doubt , and loudly all at once brak out in lafter . the heat of all is now alaid , the keepers gently doe perswade ; and ( as before ) all friends are made , full kindly . ellis , the captaine doth imbrace ; the captaine doth return the grace , and so doe all men in the place , as friendly by ioue i love thee , ellis cryd ; the captaine soone as much replyed , thou art , quoth he , a man well tryd : and vulcan with mars at ods againe shall be , e're any iarres twixt thee and me : and thereupon i drink to thee a full can. and then he kneeld upon the ground . drink 't off ( quoth ellis ) for this round for ever shall be held renownd : and never may any quarrell twixt us twaine arise , or this renew againe , but may we loving friends remaine for ever amen , cryde captaine , so did all , and so the health went through the hall , and thus the noble counter-brall was ended . but hunger now did vexe'em more , then all their anger did before : they searcht i' th roome how far their store extended . they want the meat which blany stole , one finds a herring in a hole , with durt and dust blacke as a coale , and trodden all under feet ; the next in post snaps vp , and feeds on vvhat was lost , and lookes not whether it be rost or sodden . a third finds in another place a piece of ling in durtie case , and mustard in his fellovves face ; another espies , that finds a loafe of bread : a dish of butter all bespread . and stuck vpon anothers head i' th poother . thus what they found , contented some , at length the keeper brings a broome , meaning there with to cleanse the roome with sweeping . but under table , on the ground , looking to sweepe , by chance he found luellin , faining to be sound ly sleeping . he pull'd him out so swift by the heeles , as if his arse had ran on wheeles , and found his pockets stuft with eeles : his cod-piece did plenty of provision bring , somewhat it held of every thing , smelts , flounders , rochets , and of ling a broadpiece . at this discoverie each man round tooke equall share of what was found , which afterwards they freely drown'd in good drink . for of good beere there was good store , till all were glad to give it o're , for each man had enough and more that would drink . and when they thus had drunk and fed , ( as if no quarrell had been bred ) they all shook hands and all to bed did shuffle . ellis , the glory of this towne , with that brave captaine of renowne , and thus i end this famous coun-ter scuffle . finis . to the reader . this bacchanalian night-prize of the counter-scuffle , being thus finished , hath ever since frighted both prisoners and iaylors from comming into any roome , for feare of a second uproare . so that the counter , for want of sweet garnishing , and cleanly looking to , is grown so nasty , that no man ( by his good will ) will thrust his nose in at any of the grates : nay , will rather goe a mile about , than come neare it ; though to keep it sweet , a great deale of mace is stuck upon every sergeant , as if he were a copon in white-broth . vpon this slovenlinesse , it is wofully haunted with rats , not such rats as runne up and downe in brew-bouses , sucking the new wort of strong beere so long , and in such abundance , that halfe the city is compelled to drink beere as small as water ; nor those rats which are not mealy mouth'd in bake-houses , where they gnaw so many batches of bread , that a penny loafe wants sometimes three or foure ounces in waight : and then the honest baker is blam'd , and curs'd , and ( perhaps ) innocently set in the pillory . neither are they those rats , which greaze their throats in tallow-chandlers shops , where they nibble so much upon candles , that not one pound in an hundred is ever full waight . no , these are no rats with foure legs , but only two ; and though they have nests in a thousand places of london , yet for the most part they run but into two rot-traps , that is to say , the counters of wood-street and the poultry , and for that cause are called counter-rats . how caught , how mouz'd , and what they are , this picture lively doth declare . the covnter rat . of knights and squires of low degree , of roaring boyes , that stick and snee , of battoon dam-mees , that cry bree , i sing now , at men and women , ( bawds and whores ) at pimps and panders that keep doores , * at all that out-face vintners scores , i fling now . what fling i ? nothing , but light rimes , ( not tun'd as are st. pulchers chimes ) no steeples heigth my muse now climbes , but flyeth . close to the ground as swallowes do , when rainy weather must ensue , she flies , and sings , and if not true , she lyeth . lay ( * hocus pocus ) thy tricks by , let martin parkers ballads die , thy theaming likewise i defie ; o fenner . let hogsdon-scrapers on their base sound fum-fum-fum from totterd case , nor meane , nor treble now take place , but tennor ; a counter-tennor is that note , too easie , — 't is nere sung by rote , but got with wetting well your throat with claret . or stout march-beere , or windsor ale , or labour in vaine , ( so seldome stale , ) or pymlico , whose too great sale did marre it : he that me reads , shall fall out flat with homers frog , and virgils gnat , and ovids flea , which so neare sat the moone shine . for i of stranger wonders write , of a wilde vermin got each night , mad buls i' th dark , but guls in sight , of sun-shine . my metamorphosis is rare , for men to rats transformed are , and then , those rats are prisoners fare , o pitty ! but t is good sport to see them drest , to garnish out a mornings feast , each bit being salted with a jest scarce witty : these are not rats that nibble cheese , or challenge mouldy crusts for fees , and rather will their long tayles leese than bacon : no , these are they , whose guts being cram'd , ( as canons hard with powder ram'd ) and bag-pipe cheekes with wines inflam'd , are taken by constables and bill-men eke , who speak not latine , french , nor greek , but are night-sconces out to seek night-sneakers , who late in taverns up do sit , whiffing smoke , money , time , and wit . pouring in boules , till out they spit full beakers . these ( then ) being to the counter led . each prisoner shakes his shaggie head , and leaning halfe out of his bed , a laughing fals , — and cries out — a rat — a rat , oh! roares another , — is he fat ? if not , — fley off his cloak or hat ; thus scoffing , till morne they lye . — the poore rat gets into some hole . — besides his wits , to heare such cater walling fits , so fright him : but day being rise , — all up do rise , and call for beere to cleare his eyes , a garnish then the whole roome cryes , they bite him , aske any how such newes i tell , of wood-streets hole or poultries hell ? know , i did mongst those gypsies dwell , that cozen there . i mean the turn keys , and those knaves , who rack , for fees , men worse then slaves , i saw brought in with bils and glaves , some dozen there . for i one night by rug-gownes caught , was for a rat to th' counter brought , what there my deere experience bought , i le sell yee cheaper , than i could have it there , for they for tokens throats will teare , but such as 't is , fill with the cheere your belly . prick up your eares , — for i begin to tell , what rats , my night , came in , caught without cat , or trap , or ginne , but mildly , being call'd before the bench of wits who sit out midnights bedlam fits ; but some being rid , like iades with bits , ran wildly . first , about twelve , the counter gates thundred with thumpings , — dores & grates reel'd at the peale , — when our prison-mates vp starting , saw in the yard a frantick swarm , crying , o my head , neck , sides , leg , arme , sore had the fight been , but small harme at parting , it was a watch , swearing we bleed , but 't was their noses dropt indeed ; masters ( quoth they ) we charge ye take heed of him there . a roaring rat . that royster , us to our trumps has put , and run our beadle through a gut , his bilbo has from each man cut a limb here . they gone , vp comes the bredah-bouncer , his tusks stiffe-starcht like a brave mounser , of turnbull-puncks a staring trouncer , some knew him ; why , here ( quoth we ) why ? zounds because i tugg'd with beares , and par'd their pawes , but sure i mall'd mr constables iawes , o slew him ; all 's one , — sayd one , please you to bed sir ; he ( swearing ) roar'd , i 'm better bred sir , i scorn to rock my harnesse-head sir , in feathers ; give me a brick , sir , for my bolster , an armourer still is my vpholster , in frost , snow , muck-hils i can roll sir , hang weathers . rogue , fetch me a sweet trusse of straw , to fire thy iayle , — pox a this law , that coopes a souldier like sack daw , i' st treason ? rascall ! more claret , there 's none here sir , why then ( you mangy cur ) some beere sir , there 's not a tapster dares come neere sir ▪ thy reason ? because you thwack out such huge words sir , his wezand fears them worse than swords sir mum then , — i le take a nap o' th boords sir . he sleepes there . a crosse legg'd rat . a puritan taylor then came in , who ( to take measure ) out had bin , and ( maudlin-drunk ) to rince his sin , he weeps there . weepes to be call'd a rat , being known a man at least , — so down being thrown , on a hard bench , thus did he groan in sorrow ; brethren where am i ? one reply'd , in wood-street counter . — o my pride ! thou art tane down , and i must hide too morrow a head that was not hid before , wo worth him makes manasses roare , but die i may not in his score , beleeve me , for consolation i espy th'row my sweet spanish needles eye , the sisters will ( if here i lie ) releeve me , sisters i' th' counter ! oh no : here only the wicked ones appeare , wash then thy shame in brinish teares , confessing . th'art rightly punisht for thy yard , and for thy goose which graz'd too hard , and for some stuffes which thou hast marr'd with pressing . we ask'd him , why he was brought in , black threds of vice ( quoth he ) i spin , and then agen did thus begin , condoling , all are not friers , i see , weare cowles , nor all in minc'd ruffes , milk-white soules , i should have talk'd thus when the bowles were trolling : but then , to steale i held no harm , lappets of drink to keep me warm , but linings wet , hurt , though they arm , indeed-la o would my sheeres might cut my thred , why is this crosse-legg'd mischiefe bred ? mending my want from heele to head with speed-la . sorrow has made me dry , — no matter , out of mine eyes will i drink water , no other ram my braines shall batter , to kill me , roofe , touch no more wines , french or spanish , all drinks papisticall i banish , out of my lips this phrase shall vanish boy , — fill me . one bid him call for beere , — he sed , oh! no more beere . — but reach me bread , by that i le sweare — would i were dead , and rotten . when i agen swill ought but whay , yet lest ( being cold ) my zeale decay , hot waters shall not be one day forgotten . an old gray rat . this done , he nods , and quickly snores ; and then afresh wind flie the doores , an vsurer hedg'd in with mad whores , came wallowing , as does a great ship on the seas , set on by gallies , — for , all these were fish-wives , who had wine at ease been swallowing , and blown him up with penny-pots of sack , which fall to him by lots , payd him at weeks end by th'old trots , for shillings each monday lent them , — to buy skate crabs , plaice , and sprats at bill insgate thus , then they met , and hold thus late their drillings . he rests in peace , — but is not dead , yet is wormes meat in lowzie bed , and lies like one wrapt up in led , none stirr'd him , but all his oyster-mouthes gap'd wide , ( wine in their guts was at full tide ) the devill did so their rumps bestride , and spurr'd them : they flung & winc'd , & kick'd down staires themselves , and stampt like flanders mares , hell is broke loose , no keeper dares approach them ; for , at that dogge ( besawc'd in sack ) they grinde their teeth , and curse him black , crying out , 't is thee does break their back , and broach them so fast , that all their gaines boyle out , deep-red to dye his pockie snout , but , that which flung these brands about so hotly , 'gan now to quench them , sleep does sound retreat , dead-drunk they all lie drown'd in cast-up wine , — and on the ground the shot lie . a black rat . scarce was this hellish dinne allayd , but drencht in mire , with drink berayd , ( new curried ) was brought in a jade all mettle , an estridge that iron barres could eat , and strong-beere out of sea-coales beat , his fifty-cuffes did the watch fret and nettle ; this second smug , who had the staggers , this vulcanist , whose nayles were daggers , this smith so arm'd in ale , he swaggers , at snoring , though lockt up , yet set up his trade , bolts , hinges , barres , and grates he made fly , — which being heard , the iaylors payd his roaring . they furnish't him with iron enough . neck , hands , and leggs had armour tough , and stronger ( but more cold ) than buffe , to guard him . how did they this ? none durst come neer him like tom of bedlam did they feare , all bringing cans , to pledge them , swear him , so snar'd him , yet , for all this , he danc'd in 's shackles , and cry'd , t'other pot , i want more tackles , and thus ( till break of day ) it cackles , layd having the addle egge of his turn'd braines , in his iron nest of rusty chaines , which made him lose both sense of paines , and raving . a long tayl'd rat . the next that in our little ease , came to be bit with lice and fleas , was a spruce knave , like none of these , but sober , as the strand may-pole , — he did go , in ruffe , — his thumb th'row ring did show a gentleman seal'd , — for he was no hog-grubber : it was a petty-fogging varlet , whose back wore freez , but bum no scarlet , and was tane napping with his harlot , at noddy : but being hal'd in , his haire he rent ; and swore they all should deare repent their basenesse , — for no ill he meant to her body : the prisoners ask't then what she was , ( quoth he ) my client , — one well to passe , though here they impound me like an asse , i le ferk them . i le make the beadle pluck in 's horne , he flirted at my nose in scorne , the watch shall stink , the constable mourn , i le jerk them , hang them ( if need be ) for they broke her house , — that 's burglary , — the clock scarce counting two , — then they struck ath'mazzard . an action of strong battery ! good ! they made my nose then gush bloud ; ( one more ! ) — and that i mist the mud was hazzard . here 's law in lumps : — must , when to trial my client comes , i have denyal for ingress to her , by scabs ? a ryal i enter at midnight , — a plain case , — else ployden the case is altred : — shall each hoyden bar law her course ? dare rustick royden so venture ? a farthing-candle burning by , by chance his railing rage did die , yet to his brest , revenge did cry : so churning his brains for law-tricks how to sting them , and up to all the bars to bring them , he sat , hard-twisting cords to wring them , till morning . no more of this light skipping verse ; a dreery table i now rehearse . long this brown study did not last , but in , at compter-gates as fast throng'd in the watch again . a noise of scraping men and squeaking boys straight fill'd the house . the two-pennyward leap'd up and fell a dancing hard : out at the hole , all thrust their heads ; the knights ward left their seven-groatbeds : the masters side hearing the din swore that the devil was sure brought in : but when they heard they fidlers were ; some curs'd the noise , some lent an ear : none curs'd , but what went drunk to bed , being then for want of drink half dead . lock't were the fidlers in a room ; all cry'd , strike up , play rogues , fum fum . the minnikin tickled , roar did the base ; then bawdy songs , all sleep must chase ; the men play'd heavily , boys did whine , not seeing meat , mony , beer , nor wine : up such a laugh the prisoners took , that the beds danc'd , and chambers shook ; nay , the strange hubbub did so please , at prison-bace ran both lice and fleas . the rozzen rub'd off , the cats guts weary , vve ask'd , how they who made men merry grew sad themselves , and why ( like sprites ) fidlers being strung to walk anights , vvere they lock'd up ? — one then , i th eye putting his finger , told us why . quoth he , being met by a mad crew , in these poor cases — up they drew our fiddles , and like tinkers swore vve should play them to the blue-bore , kept by mad ralf at islington , vvhose hum and mum , being power'd upon our guts , — so burnt'em , we desir'd to part ; — being out o' th' house e'en fir'd : as our hands play'd , our heads were plyed ; and , tho the night was cold , we fryed ; for such hot waters sod our brain , like daws in june , we gap'd for rain : strong were our coxcombs , our legs weak ; vve , nor our fiddles had wit to speak . the company then being fast asleep , and we paid soundly , out did creep into the high-way — o sweet moon ! we , but for thee , had been undone : yet , though thy torch to us was sighted , vve all might well have been indited for breaking into others ground , three in one ditch being almost drown'd ; yet out scrambled , and along the play-house came , — where seeing no throng , we swore 't was sure some scurvy play , that all the people so sneak'd away ; and so the players descended were to th' star , nags-head , or christopher . to all those taverns ( we cry'd ) let 's go , at which one fell , and then swore — no . the bars in smith-field well we past , for all the watch had run in haste , arm'd with chalk'd bills , wak'd by a cry of whore-dorps tane by th' enemy . from cow-cross stood those stoves not far , in which were entred men of war ; ( low-country souldiers late come o're ) each one going in to press a whore . leaving them pressing , on we trot through the horse-fair , till we had got into the middle of long-lane , where up the devil doth brokers train . there down we fell , and then fell out , our leathern cases flew about : vve fenc'd , and foyn'd , and fought so long , that all our fiddles lay half unstrung ; their backs were broke , & we o'th'ground , swouning for grief they did not sound : our noise brought up from aldersgate the rugged watch , who before sate nodding at the old mermaids dore ; vvho with a guard of half a score seiz'd us , and cry'd , at going away , sad lachrymae you there shall play . this told , the prisoners laught out-right ; and though the whole ward had no light , yet from their beds all skipt and cry , scrapers , strike up , we the vvatch desie . the moon so bold was to look in , and saw some onely in their skin , ( naked as cuckowes when june's past ) some had long shirts down to their waste ; some wanted back-parts , some an arm ; none vvore a shirt could keep him vvarm : a french boy that svveeps chimnies , vvears his patch'd-up frock as vvhite as theirs : some on their heads no night-caps wore , some lapp'd their brows in hose all tore : they hobble about , they frisk , they sing so long , that crackt was every string , by their rude horse-play altogether , flinging their legs they car'd not whither . such horrid noise , such stinking smell cannot be heard nor felt in hell : yet o'er they gave not , till the sun arose , then all to bed did run . good-morrow . the rats into the trap that fell that night , were few — the constable belike did wink , and would not see ; for , when the winds rise , his watch and he toss all that venture on their waves ; the rocks being brown-bills , clubs & staves on which they split them — these and they when morning comes are fetch'd away : those rats o'er night whose shapes did leese , being soon turn'd men , by paying but fees ; yet some lose tail , some are seratcht bare , whilst constables and counters share . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a61061e-140 the supper . parson . lawyer . the souldier citizen ellis a bristow man . the scuffle wil. llu ellin a prisoner there , sometime the keeper . one of the under keepers . a turn-key a fat fellow . notes for div a61061e-10570 * i mean no play-doores : those are too honest . * the kings iuggler . bella scot-anglica. a brief of all the battells, and martiall encounters which have happened 'twixt england and scotland, from all times to the present. vvherunto is annexed a corollary, declaring the causes whereby the scot is come of late years to be so heightned in his spirits; with some prophecies which are much cryed up, as reflecting upon the fate of both nations. howell, james, 1594?-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86615 of text r15335 in the english short title catalog (thomason e435_25). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 51 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86615 wing h3056 thomason e435_25 estc r15335 99859842 99859842 111941 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86615) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 111941) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 68:e435[25]) bella scot-anglica. a brief of all the battells, and martiall encounters which have happened 'twixt england and scotland, from all times to the present. vvherunto is annexed a corollary, declaring the causes whereby the scot is come of late years to be so heightned in his spirits; with some prophecies which are much cryed up, as reflecting upon the fate of both nations. howell, james, 1594?-1666. [2], 19, 18-19, [1] p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare 1648. anonymous. attributed to james howell. place of publication from wing. variant: title has "hightned". annotation on thomason copy: "aprill 13th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england -military relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -military relations -england -early works to 1800. scotland -history -prophecies -early works to 1800. a86615 r15335 (thomason e435_25). civilwar no bella scot-anglica.: a brief of all the battells, and martiall encounters which have happened 'twixt england and scotland, from all times t howell, james 1648 8488 16 0 0 0 0 0 19 c the rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-08 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bella scot-anglica . a brief of all the battells , and martiall encounters which have happened 'twixt england and scotland , from all times to this present . vvherunto is annexed a corollary , declaring the causes whereby the scot is come of late years to be so hightned in his spirits ; with some prophecies which are much cryed up , as reflecting upon the fate of both nations . printed in the yeare 1648. bella scot-anglica . a briefe of all the battels and martiall encounters , which have happen'd 'twixt england and scotland , from all times to this present , &c. the proeme . the design of this short discourse , is to relate the quarrels , and sundry traverses of warre , which have passed from time to time between england and scotland , extracted out of the most approved and impartiall historians , as well scottish , as english , french , and others . out of which premisses are deduced these conclusions ; first , that scotland hath been alwayes apt and forward to apprehend any occasion to invade and visit her neighbour england . secondly , that when she was at the highest pitch of strength , and had the greatest advantages against her , when she had active and martiall kings for her generalls , and the french for her firm confederates , with other coadjutors and auxiliaries , she could never be a match no , not by many degrees , for england , whether you respect the int●insick power of the country , or the innated prowesse of the people : all which will clearly appeare by the circumstances and successe of divers battells and interchangeable exploits , which being indifferently ballanc'd it will be found ▪ that if scotland did sometimes beat england with the scabbard , england may bee truly sayd to have beaten her more often with the blade . i will not look back and rake the ashes of antiquity so far , as to speak of the sociall warre they entred into with the ancient brittaines and picts against the english , when they began to take first firme footing in england . nor , of that so famous battell 'twixt athelstan and them , at which time they had a great army of danes joyned with them ; when being above twice more in number then the english , king athelstan carried away a compleat victory by a kind of back-blow ( parthian like ) for the two armies being ready to joyne , the english made semblance to fly away , leaving all their baggage behinde , and much matter for booty , which as the scots and danes were sharing , the english suddenly wheeled about by the advantage of a woody hill , and finding them in disarray , and the souldiers laden with pillage , they rushed upon them with that resolution , that above fourty thousand of them fell , and as buchanan their prime chronologer recordeth , the flower of their nobility perished that day . but i intend not to involve my discourse in these mistie times , but will take my rise from the norman conquest , for indeed the historie of great brittaine being over clouded with so many incertainties , casteth but a dim light before those times , whereas since , she shines with such a lustre , that what stands upon record may be asserted for cleere and undeniable truth . at that time , i mean the time of the conquest , scotland did england a very good office by preserving the english blood-royall ( which not long after returned to the crowne in henry the second ) but it was casually : for prince edgar and his mother , with his two sisters , intending to goe for denmarke , ( some say for hungarie ) and being by distresse of weather driven upon the scottish coasts , they were hospitably received by malcoline , then king of scotland ; at which time civility with the english tongue took first footing in the scottish court , as the french did amongst the english . will . the second . the first dart of war that was thrown 'twixt england and scotland after the conquest was in will . rufus his raign , when the scots having made divers incursions into the english pa●e , moubray earle of northumberland was sent against them , who encountring their king malcoline with his eldest son in the field , they were both slain , and the whole army overthrown . afterwards the scots choosing the dead kings brother , king william went in person and depos'd him , causing edward the second , son of the slain king , to be crowned , and making him to sweare fealty and homage to england ; but the scots obtain'd the favour of king william , that neither english or norman should beare any office of state in scotland . king stephen . king stephen having oblig'd the scots by many high favours , by giving cumberland to david their king , and making his eldest son earle of huntington ; yet so ingratefull did they prove that they provok'd him to send thurston then archb. of yorke with such an army , that meeting with the king himselfe in the head of his forces , he utterly discomfited him , with the death of 10000. of his men . henry the second . henry the second , though the pulse of those times did beat high , and that he was distracted with a world of con●●●ions yet employing the york-shire knights , humphrey vile ; scutvill and vescy , they with their victorious armes tooke the scots king in the field and tendred him prisoner at northampton , whence king henry carried him along to attend him in his warres in france . richard the first . richard coeur de lion caused william king of scotland to carry the sword before him at his second coronation at his return from the holy land : at which time king rich. passed a royall charter , that whensoever the king of scotland was summond to the english court , the bishop of durham , and sheriffe of northumberland , should receive him at tweede , and accompany him to teis , from teis the archbishop of yorke should attend him to the borders of that county , and so the bish. and sheriffs of other counties , untill he came to the english court . king john . king iohn one of the weakest princes , and the most forlorne that ever england had considering how the pope and all the world did bandy against him , and what fearefull exigents he was reduced unto , yet finding alexander the second then king of scotland to give sanctuary to his fugitive clergy , and foment others against him , made an expedition thither himselfe but the two armies being ready to buckle , the scot seing fire and sword to gape upon him , submitted himselfe , and subscribed to such termes as the conqueror propounded . edvvard the first . now come i to the scourge , or , as his tombe in westminster tells me , the hammer of the scotts-men . edwardus primus scotorum malleus hic est . he causeth balioll to come to newcastle to sweare fealty and homage to him , who after flying to the french king , edward was so netled for this his defection , that though he had a farre greater arrand in france , yet he chose rather to employ edmund earle of lancaster thither , and to march himselfe to scotland in the front of a puissant army ; where the scots in farre greater numbers shewed their teeth only but durst not bite . king edward summons balioll to berwicke when he resubmitted himself with all the nobles in open parliament which he held there ; and for caution brought the king himselfe along with him , leaving the earle of surrey warden of scotland . not long after the scots revolted againe notwithstanding their king was in england , having one wallie for their ring-leader , who did much mischiefe on the frontiers . and their insolency grew to that hight , that besides their inrodes , they began to rhime upon him . what this edward with his land shanks ? but he payed them for their rhiming with a vengeance ; he goeth againe in person and at ●●nkirk battaile kild out right 200. of their nobles and gentry , with 40. thousand common souldiers . then he summons a parliament at edenburgh where all the nobles sweare him fealty againe ; he carrieth away the ragman roll , the blacke crosse , and the stone wherein they say the fate of their kingdome is fixed . then was there offer'd a third provocation , when le bruce was crowned king of scotland . the earle of pembrooke was sent against him , who utterly defeated him at iohnston . hereupon le bruce flyeth to the popes pantofle making him lord paramount of scotland , which moved king edward notwithstanding the menaces and fulminations of the pope who wished him to forbeare the scots ( because they were an exempt nation belonging to the roman chappell ) to make a fourth expedition thither where he constrained le bruce to fly to norway , where he blew on his nayles while k. edward lived . and ▪ so eager was this great king in pursuite of this action , that falling sickly upon the way , he said , if i die before i enter scotland , i charge you to go on couragiously , and carry my body round about the country ; but it pleased god to reprieve him untill he had done his businesse himselfe . edvvard the second . but here comes a cooling-card for the english , edward the second ▪ whose greatest honor was to be son to a peerles father , and father to an incomparable son , rosa spinam , spina rosam genuit . in his time all went to wrack especially in scotland . at bannocks battaile gilbert de clare earle of glocester , and 40 barons more , with 700 knights and gentlemen , and as some stories record above 40000. more were slaine . which defeat was imputed principally to the ill choice of ground the english had taken . the scots had behind them rocks , hills , and woods to fly into if necessity required , before them loughs , and moores , that the assailant could not march further . adde hereunto the pusillanimity of the king ( and the spirits of men are much raysed by their leader ) who was sayd to fly first : and better it is for a lion to lead sheepe , then for a sheepe to lead a company of lions . the scots hereupon were so agog that they enter ireland with an army under the conduct of edward bruce the kings brother , who landing at karig fergus ransack'd all the north parts , where he tooke such firme footing , that he proclaym'd himselfe king of ireland , though he had onely over-ranne ulster . at which time there was such a direfull famine , that in some places of ireland dead bodies were digged up , and their flesh boyled in their sculls to be eaten , as the story tells . but two yeares after , sir io. bremingham then chiefe justice , with the archbishop of armagh , went with such a power against this upstart king , that at dundalke they got a most compleat victory , one manpas as it seemed having kild the king hand to hand , for both their dead bodies were found together , and manpas covering the kings body . in england another army was sent against the scots , called the yorke army , which was also overthrowne at milton upon swayle . nevertheles the king would venture once more in person , and with a numerous army invaded scotland ; the scots fly into the woods , and places of fastnes ; and for want of provision in that hungry country , the english were forced to retire , but in the retraict they were so pursued that they lost all their ammunition , which was attributed to the treason of sir andrew harkley . but your criticall annalists ascribe it to the poverty of spirit in the royall head , who being become hatefull to god , and man first for perjury , by infringing the oath he made to his barons ; then by disobedience to his father who in his death bed charged him upon his blessing to abandon piers gaveston , whom nevertheless he still doted upon with the spencers , by whose counsels hee guided himselfe , and it was alwaies seen that princes of an ill destiny follow the worst counsells . edvvard the third . but here comes a spirit who will soundly vindicate his fathers affronts . edward the third , a prince that was the soonest a man , and the longest that lasted so of any in the whole catalogue of english kings ; yet being but young when the diadem first begirt his temples , after an encounter at stanhope park , where great multitudes of scots appeared , but vanished away like meteors , skulking in woods and mountains . in the parliament held at northampton , the king of scotland was released of his homage ; but some years after , when the young king began to understand himself , hee sent an army with balioll , whom he caused to be crowned at scone ; and afterwards there was a battell fought at hallidowne , where the english made the scots a bridge of gold to fly over , for they betook themselves all to their heeles . king balioll being thus restored , scotland became feuditary to england againe . but a few years after king ed. being deeply engag'd in his french wars , and thinking hoc agere , the scots presuming his absence would prove advantagious to them , make cursorie sallies out of scotland , and plunder all before them in the north , by the instigation of the french . but the queen and the lords of the north make such a levy of martiall forces , that they entred scotland like thunder , and at a mighty battell one copland takes the king prisoner , whom , pleading the law of arms he would not deliver the queen , untill the king had sent order from france . this overthrow was given upon saturday , and upon saturday six weeks before the battell of cressy had bin fought , with another against the duke of brittain ; in all which king edward prov'd victorious . and being triumphantly return'd from france , with the flower-de-luces upon his sword , and redoubted now by all the princes of the christian world having a triumverate of kings his prisoners , one would think the scot would have bin quiet but they still provoked him so far , that in the dead of winter ( and king ed. was a prince for all weathers ) he went thither in person himself , tooke berwick , and had all scotlond resign'd unto him , by the king himselfe , and the nobles who joyntly swore fealty and homage to him . richard the second . now the grand-childe of this great king ( who turn'd the wheele of his times every where up and downe the christian world as he pleased ) mounts the stage . the scots begin to infest the borders , and doe other acts of hostility being actually assisted by the french king , who sent thither his admirall with a 1000. men at armes , and 60. sayle with furniture to arme 10000. men more . king richard musters up an army worthy of a king , and rusheth into scotland like a whirle-wind as farre as dondee , and neither scot or french appeared to make oppos●tion . the scots ( as the french annales say ) not symbolizing with the humour of the french grew weary of them , and casheered them , but they kept jean de viene , the great admirall prisoner in a manner , untill the french king had payed his ransome , which he did , otherwise his admirall might have laine at dead anchor there all his life-time . but being returned to france , lest he should seem to shew no fruits at all of his voyage , he informs the king , that hee had pried into the uttermost intrinsique strength , both of scotland and england , and found that scotland was able to put in the field about 30000 men , and 5000. horse , and england 60000. foot , and 8000. horse , this relation induced charles the frantique to attempt the invasion of england the yeare following , with a formidable army , and fleet , which was to make sayle from the sluce , and for land-forces far exceeded the invincible armada of the yeare 88. but the admirals account was found false , and to have reckoned much without his host , for as the french historians report . king richard had levied neere upon 100000. foot and 20000. horse . henry the fourth . in hen. the fourth's time the tumultuous scot stirs againe , and pillers about the marches at last he composeth the body of an army , whom hen. hotspurre encountred , and kil'd more enemies then he had men in his own army . sir robert umphreyvile being vice-admirall , takes 14. great ships laden with corn , together with the great galeon of scotland , hard by lith , which so abated the price of corn , that hee was commonly called sir rob. mend market . a little after the young prince of wales hurld himselfe seven daies march into scotland , and did what he would . henry the fift . henry the fift that man of men , and mirrour of chivalrie ( and the strangest convert that ever was ) being come to the crown , he falls like a politician to worke in erecting forts on the frontiers of scotland , which he did without controule . after he took the young king james the first , prisoner , in a very hot incounter , and carried him up and down with him in the french warres . henry the sixt . henry the sixt for some gallant parts in the aforesaid young king james the first of scotland , married him to the lady lane , daughter to the earle of somerset his neece ; but he proved afterwards hatefully ingratefull , and perfidious to king henry , banding all his main forces against him but he was shamefully repell'd and beaten by sir ralph gray , and the knights of the north . edvvard the fourth . and no lesse ingratefull and treacherous was iames the third in edward the fourths time who desiring in mariage cicilia the kings daughter , it was condescended unto so farre that he had part of her portion advanc'd him ; yet he fell to acts of hostility and frames an army , which the duke of glocester with 15000 men ill favourdly beat ( though they were twice more in number ) and got berwicke againe . henry the seventh . now come i to that great magus of his dayes henry the seventh who was said to be hanted with walking spirits simuell warbecke , and perkins , whom hee chased away by sprinkling of bloud . the scots entertained warbecke , though they knew him to be an impostor , and raised an army for him . the earle of surry and bishop foxe , were sent against it , who drive the king and warbecke with the whole army before them six dayes march into the country , at last the scots king sent a defiance for a battell , which being to be fought the next day , the scot steales away the night before in a silent march . hereupon a peace was concluded , provided that warbecke should bee banished scotland , whom notwithstonding they furnished with ships , to goe to try his fortune with the cornish rebels . henry the eight . and now come i to the glory of his dayes ( especially two thirds of them ) henry the 8. for never did prince rise with a greater lustre in englands hemispheare , and set in a darker clowd . and being extreamly busied in the warres of france , who should disturb him but his own brothervin-law , iames the fourth , excited by the french , who contributed great summes of money towards the support of the warre ; the king sends presently from france to the earle of surry to make head against them ; at first the earle sent sir vvilliam bullmer with 200. archers upon the borders to observe their motion . the lord humes , entreth with 8000. men , and as he thought to returne with his booty , sir vvilliam bulmer having reinforced his 200 , to 1000. fell upon the 8000. scots , with that fury , that he kil'd 500. took so many prisoners , and intercepted the whole booty . this made the young kings blood boyle within him for revenge , and composing a royall army of the utmost strength of scotland went in the head thereof himselfe . the earle of surry was not idle , but raised an army of 26000 men , and his son then admirall came to him from newcastle with 1000. old sea souldiers . the two amies met in flodden , where after many hot incounters victory fluttered a long while with doubtfull wings , at last the king himselfe , with the archb. of st. andrews his brother , were slain , with 12. earles , and 14. barrons , and 12000 gentlemen and others , and there fell of the english but 1500. only , nor could the scots rescue the body of their king , but to mend the matter a little , gave out it was not the kings body , but one elfinston attired like to him , to encourage the army . but afterwards , though they acknowledged it was his body , yet would not henry the 8 , permit him to have the due rites of princely buriall , because he had so perjuriously violated his faith with him . some few years after the duke of albany rays'd an army , but he was prevented to do any hurt by the lord roos and dacres , who made bonefires of above 80. villages without seeing the face of an enemy , no sooner were they returned , but newes came , that the duke of albany had by this time in perfect equipage an army of 30000. men . hereupon the lord treasurer and admirall , were sent to finde him out , but both armies being come to sight of each other , the scots not enduring well the countenance of the english forces , ran away and shamefully disbanded , so that if the lord generall had had then commission ample enough , they might have given a fatall blow to scotland , as they themselves confessed , but by the intercession of the queen dowager , hen. the eights sister , they obtained truce . after this king hen. condiscended to meet iames the fift at york , but he fayled , sending certain commissioners , and so cunning was the scot , that their commission , and private instructions looked two wayes , and as they were treating , tydings came , that the scots had rushed into , and rifled the marches most barbarously . hereupon the earl of norfolke was sent with 20000. men , who for 8. daies did what he would within the bowels of the country . anothor army was sent undet the command of the lord dacres and wharton , who gave them such a mortall blow , that eight earls were taken prisoners , and 200. gentlemen , and 800. more , and the stories concurre , that there was scarce a souldier , but had at least his two prisoners , this was solmemosse battell . yet for all this such is the inclination of the english to bee at peace with their neighbours , that a match was concluded , and ratified by act of parliament , with a speciall instrument under the scots noble-mens hands between prince edward , and the young queen mary , yet by the cunning negotiation of the french , the scot fell off . hereupon old king henry , who could digest no indignities , sent 200. ships laden with souldiers to the frith , under the earl of hereford , who marched as far as edinburgh , burnt the town , and part of the castle , returning with revenge and rich bootie . a while after the scots understanding the king was gone to france , thought to serve themselves of that advantage , and to fall upon the borders , but the earl of hereford repelled them , edvvard the sixt . edward the sixt , though yet in his minority , seemed to be sensible of the affront the scot had put upon him for a wife , though his father had vindicated it pritty well , but as the case stood , nothing could concerne england more , then to hinder that the french of any in the world should have her . and now am i come to the last true battell that was fought 'twixt england and scotland since the conquest . the duke of sommerset was appointed generall , the earle of vvarwicke his lieutenant generall , the lord clinton admirall had 60. shipps of warre , which were to hold course with the land-forces . so from barwicke , with a sober army they entred scotland , consisting of about 13000. foot and 1200. men at arms , 2500. light horse , 16. peeces of ordnance , every peece having a guard of pioners , who came in all to 1400. they had marched as far as musselborough , far within the country , and with infinite pains did they surmount the naturall and artificiall difficulties of the wayes , three small castles they seized upon in their march without offering any act of violence to small or great . they understood the regent of scotland did far exceed them in number and there came recruits hourely to him , for the fire crosse was carried about by the heralds through all parts , which is two firebrands upon the point of a spear , that all above 16. and under 60 should resort to the generall rendezvous so that the historians on both sides leave the number of them indefinite to this day , but they all agree , that they were at least twice as many and they had twice as many ordnance , yet notwithstanding many other advantage it pleased god to give the english a compleat victory ( and victories are the decrees of heaven , when there is no tribunall on earth to determine the quarrell . this hapned precisely the same day that flodden field battell was fought 34. years before . there were 14000. slain out-right , whereof there were 3000. kirk-men ; fryars and monks , above 1500. taken prisoners , whereof young huntly , and other great lords were of the number ; the spoiles of the field 30000 jacks and 30. peeces of ordnance were shipped for england , and the english plundred the country up and down 5. daies march further . to these exploits at home may be added a smart blow the english gave the scots in ireland , in sir io. perrots government , for some 2000. redshanks being come over by the burks means , like a swarm of catterpillers they proll'd and pill'd up and down , sir ri. bingham then governour of connaught , made head against them , with a small contemptible number , and at the river of earne neer slego , slew them all out-right , so that not one soule escaped , to return to scotland with newes what became of the rest . touching these late traverses of warre 'twixt england and scotland 't is true that infortunate england hath drawne upon her selfe a great deale of dishonour in the opinion of the world abroad , specially among those who understand not the true carriage of things ; for these late rushings in of the scot cannot be so properly call'd invasions a●invitations , by some spurious and most unworthy degenerous englishmen , who from a long time had plotted the bringing of them in , and it was the most pernicious and basest treason that ever was practis'd against poore england : but to give a full and satisfactory relation of this warre , i will deduce the busines from the beginning . before this unlucky storme fell 'twixt england and scotland there were certain clowds issuing from the vapors of divers discontented braines , plainly discern'd to hover up and downe a long time in both kingdomes specially in that northerne region : the first which appeard was , when some yeers after his majesties accesse to the crowne , there was an act of revocation passed , where some things which had insensibly slipped away from the crowne , and other things which were illegally snatch'd from the church were resum'd , and reannex'd to both ; which lighting upon some of the great ones , they were over heard to murmure though this was done with as much moderation as possibly could be , and by the mature advice of the counsell of state there , with the free opinion of the approved'st lawyers of that kingdome , and from hence issued the first symptome of discontentment . not long after his majesty being inform'd of the meane and servile condition of the ministers of that kingdome , which have the charge of the conscience , and service of god , and make up a considerable part of the free borne subjects ; his majesty understanding what poore pittances they receiv'd for their subsistence , and for those small stipends also , or rather almes of benevolence , they depended upon the pleasure of the laiks , his majesty by a speciall commission to that end found away to augment and acertain that allowance , and free them from that slavish kind of clientele and dependency they had upon the seculars ; whence may bee inferr'd what monsters of ingratitude those men shew'd themselves to be afterwards , by exasperating and poysoning the hearts of the people against their soveraigne in their virulent and seditious preachments , and inviting them to armes . not long after , when the poore husbandman and owners of corn were bound to pay tithes to lay persons call'd there the lords of the ●rection , were much incommodated by them , because they could not take in their corn till the parson had fetch'd away his tithe , who sometimes to shew his power or spleen peradventure would defer of purpose the taking in thereof , whereby the whole crop , by not taking advantage of the weather , would oftimes suffer : his majesty for the redresse of this grievance , appointed commissioners who found a way to purchase those tiths , and bring the impropriators to take a pecuniary certain rent counterveylable unto them : hereupon the laie lords and gentlemen finding that the respect and dependency wherby the ministers and owners of corn were formerly oblig'd unto them to be hereby lessen'd did tacitly discover much animosity and displeasure : moreover his majestie when he went thither to be crown'd having conferr'd honours upon some whom he had found industrious to promote his service , envie ( which is alwayes the canker of honour ) began to raign among divers of them which did turne visibly afterwards to discontentments . these were the conceal'd and private grounds , now the open and avowed causes were the introduction of our liturgy , the booke of canons , ordination and consecration with the high commission court among them : and it hath bin found since that those things were introduc'd by the cunning of those discontented spirits , that thereby there might be some grounds to suscitat the people to rise , which plot of theirs tooke effect . adde hereunto that after the king of swedens death divers scots commanders came over , and made a florish in our english court , but being souldiers of fortune , and finding no trading here , they went to scotland and joyn'd counsells with those discontented spirits to beget a warre that they might be in action . the only pretence they tooke for their rising then , was our common prayer booke , hereupon his majesty sent a proclamation to be published wherein he declar'd that 't was not his purpose to presse the practise of that book upon any ones conscience , therefore he was willing to discharge them from the use and exercise of it , and to abolish all acts that tended to that end and that all things should be in statu quo prius . but this would not suffice , for they went on to fish in these troubled waters , having a designe to drayne all the episcopall sees in the kingdome , and turn them to laic land : hereupon they entred into a holy league which they term'd covenant , without his majesties privity , and this was point blank against an act of parliament 1585. which utterly prohibits all leagues , covenants or bands whatsoever without the kings consent : hereupon the body of an army was raised , and one lesley was made generall , so they marched to dunce hill within five miles of berwicke where the rendevouz was : they gave out they came with a petition to his majesty , though they brought it upon the pikes point . there were many noble english hearts which swell'd high at this insolency of the scot , and therefore went with wonderfull alacrity to attend his majesty to barwick , but there were others who were luke-warme in the businesse , and those of the greatest ones , which the scots knew wel enough , for there was nothing trans-acted or said in the kings cabinet counsell or bed-chamber , but there was intelligence given them : hereupon a pacification was shuffled up , and so both the armyes were dispersed . the king being returned to london , grew more and more sensible of these indignities of his subjects of scotland , and having called a parliament expresly for that purpose in england , some of the cheife members thereof were so intoxicated by the scot , that they did not only not resent this bravado he had done to england , but seemed to approve of his actions . his majesty finding the pulse of his parliament beat so faintly for enabling him to vindicate these indignities upon the scot , dissolv'd it , and propos'd the businesse to his privy counsell , who not only advis'd him , but supplyed him with noble summes to repaire his honour by war ; hereupon the former forces were rallied , and made up into the body of an army : the scot was not idle all this while , but reunited his former army , whereof there was a good part undisbanded ( contrary to article ) and choosing rather to make another country the theater of the war then his own , he got over the tweed , and found all passages open , and as it were made for him al the way til he came to the tine , & though there were considerable troupes of horse and foot at newcastle , yet they never offer'd as much as to face him all the way ; at nea●burg there was a small dispute , but the english infantry would not fight , so newcastle gates flew open to her inveterate enemy , without any resistance at all , where he had more freinds than foes , and the english generals rather then to be put to unworthy compositions retired in disorder : whither this happened either by secret faction , or want of affection in in the souldier , or by the faults of the generall , i will not determine ; but sure i am it was dishonourable enough to poor england , who was bought and sold in this expedition . this was the first entrance the scot made into england since these unhappy wars ; but this invitation was private , the last was publick , being voted by the english commons , and they rush'd in , in the dead of winter ; notwithstanding that his majesty had taken a toylsome journey not long before to sit amongst them himselfe in parliament , where he condescended to every thing they could imaginably desire , and they acknowledging his unparaleld grace , desired that act to be reviv'd whereby it was treason in the highest degree that could be , for any of the subjects of scotland of what degree or condition foever to levy any mlitary forces without his majesties expresse commission , and this they did to expresse their gratitude : as they said . but the yeare came scarce about before they had moulded another army , not only without , but expresly against his royall commission , and counter-command , and would intrude themselves to be vmpires twixt him and his english subjects whither he would or no ; so in they rush'd againe in dead of winter , and for martiall exployts , the little credit they got by storming of newcastle was nothing countervaylable to that which they lost before hereford , where the welsh-men bang'd them to some purpose from before the town , and made their generall to trusse up his pack and away , sending him a fat sow with pigs after her , and a blew bonnet upon her head for his break-fast . corollarie . thus have i run over , and faithfull related by collation of many authors , with their concurrent testimonies , those trave●es of warre which have passed betwixt the english and scots since the conquest , having omitted many circumstances which might have tended further to the glory of england , to avoyd prolixity , for i intended at first that this discourse should be like a skein of silke wound up close upon a small bottome , which a freer hand might put upon the loom and draw to a large peice . any man of a clear and unpassionate judgement will hence inferre that the scots have been alwayes farre inferiour to the english ( except in these latter unlucky invasions ) in poynt of true prowesse , and national power : in some examples you may finde how the english carryed away more captives then they were souldiers of themselves , driving them as sheep before them most of the battails they fought were in scotland herself , when the english had been tir'd with long marches , over uncouth , and strange places , being ignorant of the advenues , and advantages of them . indeed in edward the seconds reign they got three battails , and one at the fag end of hen. the 8. wherein sir ralph evers was slaine , but it was more by stratagem than strength , and besides the english might have been said to have fought rather against the heaven and elements then men , having wind and sun in their faces , but that might have been tearmed more properly a petty defeat then victory , for there fell not above 200. but what use did the scot ever make of those victories , though the north parts have many places of fastnesse , and tenable , yet i reade not of any place they kept except barwick ; all the rest of their warres were but tumultuary sallies , and predatory devastations , and pilfrings . but the english have taken foure of their kings captives , killed two of them in the field , carried away their crown ( which they give out to be greater and more weighty than that of england ) their ragman-roll , the blacke crosse , with other instruments of soveraignty , and did sundry acts equivalent to a conquest . they pierced the very heart of the kingdom , and the scot may be said to have onely trod upon englands toe , for they never came farther than the walls of yorke , till the reigne of this thing that cals it selfe parliament . but if one should aske me why the english having made such firme invasions from time to time into the very bowels of scotland , did not reduce it to a vassallage and perfect provincial obedience , as well as to make their kings fuedetary in which state they continued towards england near upon five hundred yeares ? my answer shall be the same that suetonius gives in behalfe of the romans , who notwithstanding they lorded over the rest of brittany four hundred and odde yeares , yet they never went about to conquer scotland , because they knew the prize would not have countervail'd the paines , by reason of the cragginesse of the countrey and incommodity of habitation , therefore they thought it enough that adrians wall which extended from tinmouth to solway frith , near upon fourscore miles should be the westerne bounds of their empire . out of the precedent examples we may also gather , that the scot hath been alwayes of a genius apt and forward to stir against england upon any the least occasion . for of those five and twenty kings and queens that have been since the conquest , onely five have been free of their insolencies : yet did england never begin with them till she was justly provoked thereunto , nor could alliances nor leagues , or any tyes of treaty confirmed by solemne oathes ( which are those religious bonds that passe 'twixt god and the soul ) detain the scotish kings from puzling and disturbing england , when her kings were most distracted in warres with france , and the better halfe of her strength imployed abroad , so that the scots may be said to have been from time to time as goads in englands sides , or a thorne in her toe ; and france leaguing meerly for his own advantage with them , may be said to have made use of scotland as the fox did of the cats foot to pull the apple out of the fire for his own eating : yet for all these eager and irrefragable combinations 'twixt the french and her against england , england ever bore up , and made her party good , and that in a victorious way against both , and for scotland she may be said to have given her blowes for phillips . but it seemes that italian was well versed in the scotishmens humours , who understanding of the late vnion between the two kingdomes , said that england had got no great catch by the addition of scotland , she had onely got a wolfe by the eares , who must be held very fast , else he will run away to france . some there are who much magnifie and cry up the scots of late yeares , for great souldiers , tacitly derogating thereby from the english , as if they should stand in some apprehension of fear of them ; but i cannot imagine upon what grounds they should do it ; true it is , that since the revolt of the hollander , and these seventy yeares tumults in the netherlands , some of them are much improved in the art of warre , and knowledge of armes from what they were ; they have also pushed on their fortunes in the warres of denmarke , sweden , russia , germany ; and france ; for poland , their profession there is to trusse packes rather than traile pikes . by reason of the quality of the soile and clime they have tough and hardy bodies , and it may adde to their courage that they venture for a better countrey , in regard they cannot go to a worse than their own . now it must be granted that the greatest advantage wherewith nature doth recompence a mountainous and sterile soile above a luxurious and easie , is , to make it produce suffering bodies ; which made the romans●e ninescore yeares conquering of spain , when they were but nine conquering of france . for the first , 't is answered , that if the scot hath made sallies abroad into other countries of late yeares , the english also have done the like , and are in some places in greater numbers , as in the low-countries , where at this day they treble the number of the scots , so that the netherlands may be said to be a military yard for the english as well : and he that is never so little versed in the moderne stories will finde that the foundation of that state hath been chiefly cimented with english bloud . for the east countrey , 't is true , there are many able scots leaders , and there are also many english of abilities and fame . to the second , if the scots are a hardy people because of their cragges and mountaines : i answer that the welch and cornish with them that dwell about the northerne alpes in england , are as mountainous as they , and i believe have as suffering and sturdy bodies ; which makes the world yield it for a maxime , that no prince of christendom hath a better choice to make souldiers of than the king of great britain . i will conclude with certain prophesies the scots do much speak of . the first is out of polychronicon , where the authour ranulphus cistrensis relates the words of a certain anchorite who lived in king egelbert his time , now near upon 900. yeares ago , and the words are these , angli , quia proditioni , ebrietati , & negligentiae domus dei dedit● sunt , primum per d●nos , deinde per normanos , tertiùm per scotos , quos vilissimos habent , conterentur : varium erit saeculum , & varietas mentium , designabitur varietate vestium . 1. the englishmen for that they wonneth themselves to treason , to drunkennesse , and wretchlesnesse of gods house ; first by the danes , then by the normans , and lastly by the scots , whom they holden least in esteem , shallen be overthrown , 't will be an instable age , and the variablenesse of mens mindes shall appear by the variablenesse of their vestments . the danish and norman conquest have happened since , and the third is to follow in the same manner , say they , not by succession , but by the sword . 2. the second are those prophesies of merlin , who much tampers with the single lion , and of the feats that he should do , which they say , is meant of their lion within a double treasure rampant , mars counterflowred . 3. then come they to the stone wherein they say , the fortune of their kingdom is fixed , which hath lain in westminster , now near upon five hundred yeares . ni fallat fatum , scoti quocunque locatum invenient lapidem regnare tenentur ibidem . if fate failes not , the scots , where ere they finde this stone , there they shall reigne and rule man-kinde . which they interpret also must be by the sword not by succession . 4. then do they apply to themselves a prophesie that the irish have very frequent amongst them , which is , that the day will come , when the irish shall weep over the englishmens graves . 5. lastly , that which is so common in the english mens monthes . [ lincolne was , london is , and yorke shall be ] which they say , shall be at last the seat of the british empire , to be erected there by them . but i am none of those that afford much faith to rambling prophesies , but will conclude with a late much cried up wise-man , ( sir w. r. ) that prophesies are as seeds sown in the vast field of time , whereof not one grain of a thousand comes to grow up : yet these prophesies may serve as so many prospectives for england , to behold , though a far off in a mist , the danger and destiny which may befall her , from this growing nation if not timely prevented . 6. hereunto may be added another very old and il-favoured one , which shall fore run her fall . gens tua te prodit , proh anglia , scotia rodit ▪ — o england , thine own people thee betray , and scotland makes of thee a prey . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a86615e-130 charles the 6. of france , called le phreatique . a piece of friar bacons brazen-heads prophesie. by william terilo [terilo, william]. 1604 approx. 26 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13627 stc 23909 estc s101742 99837548 99837548 1875 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13627) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1875) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1011:02) a piece of friar bacons brazen-heads prophesie. by william terilo [terilo, william]. breton, nicholas, 1545?-1626? aut [36] p. printed by t. c[reede] for arthur iohnson, dwelling in powles church-yard, at the signe of the white horse, london : 1604. william terilo is a pseudonym. in verse. on the decline of manners from the golden age. probably by nicholas breton--stc. printer's name from stc. signatures: a² b-e⁴. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a 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within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng satire, english -early works to 1800. england -social conditions -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a i piece of friar bacons brazen-heads prophesie . by william terilo . viressit vvlnere veritas tc printer's or publisher's device london printed by t. c. for arthur iohnson , dwelling in powles church-yard , at the signe of the white horse , 1604. to the reader . gentle reader , is such a stale title to put vpon you , that not knowing your disposition to this same vniuersal gentlenes , and perhaps at this time , so ful of melancholy , as maks you vnfit for any such kindnes : i had rather say , you that read , if you haue so much idle time to passe away , as may be somewhat better then lost , in perusing this change , or rather dreame of the change of times , i pray you for this time to haue patience , and if an other time in this you take pleasure , i will as i can take a time to run a better course to your contentment . friar bacons brazen head , was said ( in lest ) to haue spoken of three times : the time was , the time is , and time shall be : now for my selfe , i cannot goe so farre : what was , at least of late , i haue a litle read , heard , and vnderstood ▪ of the time presēt i only dreamed : but of what ●s to come , i can say nothing : and therefore making no chronicle of the first , and onely shewing my dreame of the second , i will make no prophesie of the third , but leaue all to gods pleasure : and so , leauing you to iudge of all times as you haue reason , i take my leaue of you at this time : but rest at all times . your friend as i find cause and time , william terilo . aa a piece of friar bacons brazen-heads prophesie . time was , time is . when i was but a boye and plaide with little girles : and more esteem'd a toye then pretious stones , or pearles , then natures loue , that knew no pride , with litle would be satisfide . then friends would not fall out , but soone fall in againe : when none would goe about to laie a wicked traine : but kindnesse was in such request , that malice knew not where to rest . content was then a king , although he ware no crowne : and t was a wondrous thing would make a mayden frowne , when t was no litle grace to nature for to be call'd a gentle creature . the milke-maydes paile was sweete , the shepheards cloake was cleane : and when their loues did meete , they did no falshood meane . while truth did in their passions try , there could not passe a thought awry . then obseruation found the passage of those partes : where reason laide the ground of all experience artes. while loue was rulde by grace , to seeke his spirits resting place . then praise grew of desert , desert of true conceit : whose tongue was in the hart , that could not hide deceit . but he or she , was held a fiend , that would be false vnto a friend . then shepheards knew the times and seasons of the yeare : and made their honest rimes , in mirth , and merry cheare . and sim and su , would kindly kisse , when nothing could be ment amisse . then sheepes eyes were not watcht , that lambes did waking keepe : and when the hen had hatcht , the chickens might goe peepe . when snares were set , both day & night , to hang the buzzard , and the kite . the henne , the goose , the ducke , might cackle , creake , and quacke : when not an owle would plucke a feather from her backe : except she crowed , or would not laie , then roast her on a holy day . the butchers then would keepe their flesh from blowing flies : and maidens would not sleepe , but in the morning rise , and hunt a flea so in the bed , he knew not where to hide his head . then neither wolfe nor foxe , but that did feare the hound : nor greatest headed oxe but to the yoake was bound : nor drawing tit , but knew who there , nor asse , but did his burthen beare . then oates were knowne from rie , and barley from the wheate : a cheese cake and a pie , were held good country meate . when ale and spice , and curdes , and creame , would make a scholler make a theame . and then when wooers met , it was a sport to see how soone the match was set , how well they did agree : when that the father gaue the childe , and then the mother sat and smilde . delaies were then like death to any kinde desire : when no man spent his breath to be no whit the nigher . but truth & trust so deerly loued , that what th' one did , th' other proued . then cocke a doodle doo , the houre 's diuided right : and olde to whit to whoo did watch the winter night . and in the springs the nightingale did tell the woods a merry tale. then beetels could not liue vpon the hony bees : but they the drones would driue vnto the doted trees . when he that wrought not till he sweate , vvas held vnworthy of his meate . then were no pitfalls made but in the frost and snowe : nor vvoodcocks in the glade could by the springes goe . and not a bird that bare a winge , but that would stoope vnto his winge . then russet cloth and frize did walke the world about : and no man would despise the inside for the out : but he that paide for what he spent , vvas welcome where so ere he went. then were there no deuises to draw on fond desires : but chapmen knew the prices , the sellers and the buyers : and simple truthe no cunning vsde , how simple trust might be abusde . the markets then were seru'd , vvith good sufficient ware : and cattell were not staru'de vvhen mowcher and his mare vvould bring in such a sacke of rie , as tried the millers honestie . then iohn , and ioane , and madge , were call'd the merry crew : that with no drinke could fadge , but where the fat they knew . and though they knew who brew'd the ale , yet must it stand till it were stale . then was good fellowship almost in euery house : she would not hang the lip , he would not knit the browes : but he would smirke , and she would smile , that all the house would laugh the while . then handkerchers were wrought , with names , and true loues knots : and not a wench was taught a false stitch in her spots . when roses in the gardaines grew , and not in ribons , on a shoe . then painting only seru'de , for paper , wood , and cloth : when health was most preseru'de , by labour , not by sloth . when fewe that did of phisicke heare , but they were striken with a feare . then he that heard of warre was in a wofull case : except it were so farre he could not feare the place . when peace and plentie were so sweete , as trode all fortunes vnder feete . the taber and the pipe , the bagpipe and the crowde : when oates and rye were ripe , began to be alowde . but till the haruest all was in , the moris daunce did not begin . a citie from a towne , then by his wall was seene : and none did weare a crowne , but either king , or queene : and euer vpon easter day , all iack a lents were cast away . then cloakes were for the raine , and feathers but for beddes : sheepes russet would not staine , there were no greenes nor reddes : carnation , crimson , yealow , blew , plaine people no such colours knew . the horse , the cowe , the hogge , were kept for worke and wealth : the pus-cat and the dogge , for safegard from the stealth : of rats & mise , and wolfe , and foxe , when fewe had keyes vnto their lockes . then owles nor night rauens were , no tellers of ill happes : when faith had neuer feare of any thunder-clappes : but looke what weather euer came , was welcome in gods holy name . then monkies , baboones , apes , and such il-fauour'd creatures , of such straunge fashion'd shapes were hatefull to our natures : when who heard tell but of a beare , but he could scarcely sleepe for feare . no parat , pie , nor dawe , was idely taught to prate : nor scarce a man of lawe was knowne in all the state . while neighbors so like friends agreede , that one supplide an others neede . the shepheard kept his sheepe , the goat-heard kept his heard : and in the sunne would sleepe , when were no vermin fear'd ; for euery curre would barke or bite , to put the wicked foxe to flight . and then a good grey frocke , a kercheffe , and a raile : a faire white flaxen smocke , a hose with a good waile . a good strong leatherd winter shoe , was well iwis , and better too . then iwis , well , goe too , were words of no small worth : when folkes knew what to doo to bring their meanings forth . and winke , and nod , and hem , & humme , could bring my finger to my thumbe . no cutting of a carde , nor cogging of a dye : but it was wholy barde all honest company : and faire square plaie with yea and naie , who lost the game would quickly paie . no matches then were set for yonger brothers landes : nor vsurers could get mens goods into their handes : but such as had their wittes awake , could smell a knaue before he spake . and hardly in a yeere a man should meete a thiefe : when corne was nere so deere but poore folkes had reliefe : and wickednes was loath'd so much , that no man lou'd the tickle tuch . then loue went not by lookes , vvherein laie venim hid : nor words were angle-hookes , vvhen men knew that they did , but honest hearts , and modest eies , did make the louers paradise . but now that world is changde , and time doth alter creatures : vvhose spirits are estrang'de from their owne proper natures : vvhile wofull eyes may weepe , to see how all things are , and what they bee . now euery idle boye that sells his land for pearles : fsteemes his wealth a toye , to giue to idle girles : vvhile gracelesse loue , in natures pride , vvith sinne is neuer satisfide . now friends do oft fall out , but seelde fall in againe : vvhile many goe about to laie a wicked traine : vvhere malice is so in request , that kindnes knowes not where to rest . content is now vnknowne , in either king or clowne : a sight too common showne , to see a mayden frowne : vvhen she is held a foolish creature , that shewes to be of gentle nature . the milke-maydes paile is sowre , the shepheards cloake vncleane : vvhere loue hath not the power to finde what fancies meane : vvhile faith doth so much falshood proue , that many lye , which say they loue . now obseruation findes by all experience artes : how machauilian mindes do plaie the diuels partes : vvhile loue ( alas ) hath little grace in worshipping a wicked face . now praise must follow pride , and flattery wayt on wealth : and tongues to silence tide , except it be by stealth : while he or she that cannot faine , must die a friends-ships foole in graine . the seasons of the yeere the shepheards do not know : vvhile mirth and merry cheere to griefe and sorrow grow : vvhile if a couple kindly kisse , the third thinkes somewhat is amisse . now sheepes-eies are so watcht , that lambes can hardly sleepe : for when the henne hath hatcht , ere well the chicken peepe : the buzzard and the kite so pray , that halfe the brood is stolne away . no butcher now can keepe his flesh from blowing flies : and maydes will lie and sleepe , that doe not loue to rise : while euery bedde so swarmes with fleas , i wonder how they lie at ease . how neither wolfe nor foxe , but can beguile the hound : nor gallant headed oxe , will to a yoake be bound : nor drawing tit , but skornd who there , nor asse , that will his burthen beare . wheate , barly , oates , and rie , so like are in the blade : that many a simple eye , may soone a foole be made : while curdes , and creame , and ale , and spice , will bring out but a poore deuice . now cockes dare scarcely crow , for feare the foxe doe heare : nor shriche-owle but will show , that winter time is neare : and philomens amid the spring , so feares the worme , shee cannot sing . and now when louers meete , it is a griefe to see : how heauily they greete , and how they disagree : while that the fathers eies are blinde , and that the mother is vnkinde . delaies to neere disdaine , doe feede vpon desire : and breath is spent in vaine , where hopes are nere the nigher : while truth and trust haue too much proued they hardly find wher to be loued now humble bees can liue vpon the hony bees : that not a drone dare driue , vnto the doted trees : while he that workes not for his meate , vvill liue vpon anothers sweate . now pitfalls are so made , that small birdes cannot know them : no vvoodcockes in a glade , but netts can ouerthrow them : and not a paltry carrion kite , but braues a faulcon in his flight . now veluet , cloth of gold , and silkes of highest price : doth make the good free-holde , chaung title with a trice : while he that spends and will not pay , is welcome , when he is away . now wordes of strange deuises , doe cheate vpon desires : while cunning sellers prices , doe cosen simple buiers : while truth is all so sildome vsed , that honest trust is much abused . the markets now are saru'de with much vnsauery ware : and cattell often staru'de , when that the millers mare can scarcely bring a sacke of rie , that one may be a sauer by . now iohn and ioane , and madge , can make no merry crue : the baily with his badge , so braues it in his blue : none dare discharge a carier , for feare of maister officier . and now from euery house good fellowship is gone : and scarce a silly mouse , findes crummes to feede vpon : while , lowre , and poute , and chafe and champe , brings all the household in a dampe . now clockes are for the sunne , and feathers for the winde : sheepes russet to home spunne , while a fantasticke minde must haue a colour strange and rare , to make a mad man stand and stare . the horse , the cowe , the hogge , are chiefely kept for breed : the puscat , and the dogge , to keepe the plough-mans feede : while not a locke but hath a kay : for feare the cupboord runne away . now owles and night-rauens are ill fortunes prophecies : vvhen faithlesse spirits stare , if any storme arise : and if the weather be not faire , vvhy fooles are almost in dispaire . now monkies , baboones , apes , are taught to pranke and prance : vvhile many a wizard gape , to see a monster dance : and not a woman that will feare , to see the baiting of a beare . now parats , pies and dawes , are finely taught to prate : and worldes of men of lawe , are needfull in the state : where neighbours liue so vnlike friends , that men would iudge them to be fiends . and now a satten gowne , a petticoate of silke : a fine wrought bugle crowne , a smocke as white as milke : a colour'de hose , a pincked shooe , vvill scarcely make a tit come too . now as god iudge my soule , besides my faith , and troth : on euery wassell bowle , is thought a simple oth : vvhile stampe and stare , and clapping handes , will scarce make vp a beggers bandes . now sempsters few are taught , the true sticht in their spots : and names are sildome wrought , within the true loues knots : and ribon roses take such place , that garden roses want their grace . now painting serues for faces , to make the fowle seeme faire : and health in many places , must not abide the aire : and few that haue bene bit with fleas , but runne to phisicke for their ease . now warre makes many rich , that else had bene but poore : and makes a souldiour itch , till he haue scratcht a boore : for peace and plenty breed such pride , as poore mens fortunes cannot bide . the taber and the pipe , are now out of request : and ere the rie be ripe , the bird will leaue the nest : and moris dances doe begin , before the haruest halfe be in . now many a townes mud wall , doth put a citty downe : and mistresse finicall , doth weare a bugle crowne : and many a rascall mall-content , will make his easter day in lent. now cogge and foist that list , vvho will that wit gaine say , that learnes fooles had i wist : that will and cannot play , while faire , and square , and pitch , and pay : the gamster calls fooles holy-day . now worldes of matches set , for elder brothers landes : and vsury doth get , great wealth into her hands : while he that will not watch a knaue , may bring a begger to his graue . now hardly in a day , but one shall meete a thiefe : where wealth is hid away , and poore haue no reliefe : and wickednes is vsde so much , as who but loues the tickle tuch . now loue goes so by lookes , men know not what they doo : and wordes are poisned hookes , that catch , and kill men too : while wicked hartes and wanton eies make hell in steed of paradice . now surely thus it is , it is a wonderfull change : where all goes so amisse , or else my dreame is strange : that shew'de me such a world of wo ▪ but god forbid it should be so . for dreames are idle things , and surely so is this : for true apparance brings , no proofe of such amisse : but euery thing in such good course , as god forbid it should be worse . for louers must be kinde , and neighbours must be friends : and when the folkes haue dinde , set vp the puddings ends : for t is an ancient rule in truth , that thristines is good in youth . olde men must haue their saying , and rich men must haue place : sutors must bide delaying , and children must say grace : and thiefes must hang and knaues must shift , and silly fooles must haue the lift . and lawe must speake , wit iudge , men liue vntill thy die : and snot must be a snudge , and loue haue leaue to lie : and wretches worke , and wantons play , and who can holde that will away ? and wagges must sing , and dance , and gamsters plot for gaine : who likes not of his chance , take by to helpe the maine : for he that walkes without a head , may quickly bring a foole to bed . women must haue their wills , though men would say them nay : some are such needfull ills , they cannot be away : and he that giues the humme a hemme , vvill sometimes fall aboord with them . the horse must haue his hay , the dogge must haue a bone : the ducke must haue a bay , the hawke must haue a stone ▪ and ihon must not be kept from ioane , for loue can neuer liue alone . and therefore thus in briefe , let peace endure no strife : let no man offer griefe , vnto his neighbours wife : let faire play passe through euery hand , and let him fall that cannot stand . let god be seru'd , obai'd , the king both seru'd and lou'de : church honoured , duties paide , mallice from mindes remou'de : and it may hap to come to passe , to be as well as ere it was . and blessed were the daies , if so the world did goe : that wit a thousand waies , might reasons comfort knowe . whil birds might sing , & men might speak , and malice might no musicke breake . that eyes might looke their fill , vvords might be vncontrold : and art might haue the skill , to find the stone for gold : and iealous eyes might all be blinde , that ouerlooke an honest minde . that wealth should haue her grace , in liberalitie : and honour giue a place , to euery qualitie : vvhile panders , iesters , fooles , and knaues , might walke about like silly slaues . a word might be a band , vvhere needles were an oth : vvhile yea and nay might stand , in steed of faith and troth : and tuch , and take , and pitch , and pay , might driue all cunning tricks away . a winke , a nod , a smile , might shew the iudgement iust , vvhere truth could not beguile , her honest meaning trust : but one in two , and two in one , might make the merry world alone . that quarrels might not grow of swaggering , nor quaffing : but who begins heigh ho ! might set the house a laughing : vvhen not a thought of villany might come in honest company . and gossips might be merry and tattle when they meete : and cheekes as red as cherry , might shew the wine is sweete : vvhen louers are in talke so sad , as if thy were alreadie had . power should be fearde for grace , and lawe obeyd for loue : and vertue take her place , in highest hopes behoue : and wisedome only honour god , and so should sinne be ouertrod . nought should be scornde but folly , nor in regard but reason : and nothing lou'de , but holy , and nought in hate but treason : and nought but slaunder banged , and nought but murther hanged . and then the world were well , but when will it be so ? ( alas ) i cannot tell , and therefore let it goe : and as god will , so let it bee , it shall be as it list for mee . let euery man mend one , and i will not be out : and lohn be good to ioane , or else he is a lout : and peter weaue , what parnell spunne , good night iohn line , and i haue donne . finis . platoes cap cast at this yeare 1604, being leape-yeere. evesdropper, adam. 1604 approx. 20 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a09710 stc 19975 estc s110473 99846010 99846010 10946 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a09710) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 10946) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1357:02) platoes cap cast at this yeare 1604, being leape-yeere. evesdropper, adam. [32] p. printed [by thomas purfoot] for ieffrey chorlton, london : 1604. dedication signed: adam euesdropper. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-d⁴. the first leaf and the last leaf are blank. reproduction of a photostat of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every 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as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-04 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2007-06 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-06 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion platoes cap. cast at this yeare 1604 , being leape-yeere . london printed for jeffrey chorlton . 1604. ble venus , till all the states smile at him , if your glances be not too full of yron-moulds , i presume you will fling one smile at our button-cap , and i wish no higher : for a smile is constant and doth gild each stile : but laughter is the foole of euerie smile . the wonders we entreat of here haue little harme in them , you may take more hurt in a barbers shop , if you sit there fasting , than all my prognosticating comedie , or comicke prognostication aymes at , and if these euents chaunce to happen , they will bee but merrie ones , for they wish il to none , but to those that wish ill to themselues , and none can iustly except at this , but those that cannot well read it , for there is great difference betweene reading and reading wel , for those that read wel haue a good tongue of their owne , and spoile nothing in the spelling , and to such i cast vp my cap , both in paules-churchyard , popes-head alley , and at temple-barre . yours for a raynie day . adam euesdropper . ❧ mihill mercurie the pothecarie in praise of the booke . if i haue skill , this booke 's not ill , but chast and pleasant : if i knew the author , i sweare by my daughter , i 'de giue him a pheasant . nor doe you wonder you writers of thunder , i know not the poet. t is the bookes prayse i write , but i would not for a mite haue hee himselfe know it . for if hee should spye it , i 'de flatly deny it , he would fret , chafe , & nestle . stampe more in a minute then i in a sennet at home with my pestle . therefore my best way is , not long heere to stay , because i 'me no fighter . this course then i tooke , to commend the booke , but not meddle with the writer : and because his art is so pretty and tart , and his inke so well sauourd , i sweare by my simples , a nose full of pimples is verie ill fauourd : for so he doth prognosticate , and showes a white flaxe beard wasts with a fierie nose . see where he comes , i dare not stay , i flye : so : all enuies poyson goe with mercurie . the same hand againe . platoes cap. the reuolution of this present yeere 1604 , takes his beginning , at what time the sun enters into the first minute of aries , when many a scold shall be found in ramme-alley , whose tongues will neuer linne iangling , vntill the sunne enter into another signe , as the myter , or rather some bowzing tappe-house , where they must all drinke themselues friends againe , till they are able to speak no more than a drownd rat , and then by that time , i hope they will be quiet . next i find , that the sunne entring into taurus , it will bee exceeding good this yeere for the butchers both in southwarke , eastcheape , and saint nicholas shambles , for hee takes his entrance iust vpon easter tuesday , to the deposing of lent , and the ouerthrow of salt sammon , and fresh cod , and to the restoring againe of heroick-valiant beefe , that ancient and surly courtier , that neuer appeares without a messe of mustard his gentleman-vsher bareheaded before him : red herring may goe hange himselfe then for a tweluemonth vppon the rusty beame of some farmers chimney , vntill the hungry ploughboyes cut him downe and quarter him : for oliuer offall the butcher will bee fatte and flourish , and gregorie gizzern the poulter will bring foorth his progenies of partridges , plouers , and blacke-birds , and what a pitifull sight it will bee for poore wayters and trencher-bearers to see wise men their maisters feed vpon woodcockes . from thence the sunne trauailes into gemini , not into germanie , ( as some mechanicke-readers will read germanie for gemini ) and then mayds beware of two at once , or two at a birth , if you loue to preserue your owne credits , but you especially this double signe threatnes most , that liue in marchants houses amongst wanton springals your fellow-seruants , and are at midnight at the massacre , and sacking of a posset , when your sober master and continent mistres are in their first sleepe , and little dreame of your sinamon and sugar , which are alwayes the two sweete presenters of a sack-posset , the sceane being layd in a bowle , or a bason , and the actors some halfe a dozen of siluer spoones , which seldome are out of their parts , vntill all bee eaten : there is much perill and danger in this signe , you damosels of seauenteene , and one and twentie : therefore if i might counsell you , you should bee your owne pothecaries , and preserue your honesties better than barberies : goe to bed presently after your master and mistresse , saue candles and candles , pound , for there is craft nowe adayes in waighing of candles , and great pollicie in the vttering of puddings . next the sunne takes his iourney into the stinging signe scorpio , and then beware of brokers , vsurers , and pettifoggers the scorpions of a kingdome , come not in their villaynous clutches all that moneth especially , for they will make you pay well for it , more in one moneth , than you shall bee able to recouer againe a whole tweluemonth after . but entring into sagittarius , it will bee passing good for the fletchers in grubstreet , and all the caualeero bowyers , tweluescore prickes will be in season , and those may shoote at bun-hill , that are non-suited at westminster hall. after this the sunne mounts into capricorne , and then woe bee vnto you that are horne-madde , and haue three acres at cuckolds hauen , you are well landed then , for one acre there , is more than euer you will bee able to make away as longe as you liue : this signe raignes ielosie vppon men and women , vppon ould frostie men that haue young lustie wiues , and vppon ould riueld women , that haue young beardlesse husbands , for the 〈◊〉 poyson of ielosie swelles the bosomes of vnequall bedfellowes , and a peece of a vnicornes horne can helpe any man but a cuckold , whereby that ould moth-eaten prouerbe is verified , which sayes , one mans meate , is another mans poyson : for if he should take it downe , he would thinke it woulde breede more hornes within him : such is the strange propertie of inuincible ielousie , that is stronger than the great spanish armado in eightie eight . next the sunne enters into aquarius , and then there will bee good dooings for water-men , many wanton meetings at brandford , fresh-water voyages to blacke-wall and greenewich , reuelling and domineering among amiable lads and young wenches ouer the water : but that which i finde most lamentable in this watry signe aquarius , and most to be feared of all those that loue valiant licour , is the single-sole disposition of brewers that will put to much thames in their beere , and i feare mee make it hop but of one legge , and that so lamely too , that a little thing will make it hoppe quite into the thames againe : and because ale-brewers and they are brothers , it is as much to bee doubted on the other side , that each ale-brewer will play the iewe of malta , and put but a little malt in the ale : so i hope there will bee fewer red-noses this yere than was of a yeere a great while , amongst the baser ranke , and as for tauerne-whiffers . i doe not thinke but the honest vertuous vintners will take an order , and asswage the desperate and furious humors of their wines , with a good sober quantitie of faire temperate water : nor can i much blame them , for after the reckoning hath been discharged and all , you should haue some cast it vp againe before the vintners face , and thinke themselues misreckoned in the pottle , vntill they see two gallons apparently lye vppon the floare before their eyes , and then they will beleeue it , and therefore good sober vintners i will not condemne , but rather applaud the watring of your wine : for by that honest-profitable policie , those that are your common wine-suckers will surfette and bee sicke tenne times , ere they bee drunke once , and so much for the sunnes taking barge in aquarius . the twelfe and last , is when hee turnes golden angler , and catches pisces , and then woe bee vnto you that are dissolute full mouth'd swearers , for you will neuer catch haddockes as longe as you breath , for you shall neuer heare a true fisher indeede , sweare beyonde coddes-fish , and no oath at all that hath any flesh in it : in this last and finnye signe pisces , there will bee odde dooinges in ould fish-streete , lobsters will bee no meate for lobcockes , as long as they passe for two shillinges apeece , maydes will bee no fish for harlotts , nor soles for brokers , the one wanting continence and the other conscience , marry gudginnes will bee your onely dish for countrey gentlemen , such as are come to their landes , before they come to their witte , and are one and twentie yeare ould in acres , but scarce scauen in discretion or manners , such as these may fitly dwell at fishers folly , when they haue made away all their fish pondes in the countrey , and this shall suffize for the sunnes twelue strides into the twelue signes . now for generall dispositions in all rancks of people whatsoeuer , bred by variable , womanish , and vnconstant planets . the great coniunction of saturne and iupiter , changed from the watrie triplicity to the fierie , is to bee noted specially ( as our prognosticators would haue it ) neuerthelesse i hope there will be small hurt done by fire this yeere , because faggots , billets , and char-cole beare such a price , that no poore snake is able to purchase them , and the most daunger for fire lyes in their cottages , because for the most part they are lowe , ould , and rotten , and as for rich men they could build vp their houses againe : but those which most preuent this great and si●rie coniunction , are vsurers , and niggards , both which are sure to haue no sparkle flying , or lying about their houses , for they will haue neuer a cole in their chimneys . this hotte coniunction being but badly affected , shewes , that those which were widdowes the last yeere , will be catcht vp this yeere , more for wealth and spending-money , than for loue and honesty , they shall haue many gallant suiters , that will carie all their lands vpon their backes , and yet sweare they haue grounds , backsides , & yards , when they haue no more ground thā the kings high way , no more backsides than one , and no tauerne-potts shall flye from one end of the roome to the other , and doe much hurt , if they light vppon mens pates : many crackt crownes shall passe currant thorough cheape-side by goldsmith stalles , and yet neuer suspected : many terrible frayes in smithfield between sergeants and gentlemen , marrie sergeants will winne the day , and get the victorie , especially if they bee sixe to one , then there is no remedye but the counter in woodstreete must part the fray : there shall bee a dreadfull warre betweene the wife and the husband for superioritie , in so muche that the good man shall be faine to giue ouer first , cry mum , and let her doe what shee will all the yeere after . shrewd tempests shall arise about cole-harbour , and many a maide shall be cast away about westminster : there shal be a battaile between the feure knaues at cards for superioritie , and between false dice and true , for antiquitie . women that weare longe gownes shall bee glad to take vp their cloathes in the street , when it raynes , although a hundred men stand and looke vppon them , yet they shall blush no more to hold them vp if it bee verie durtie , then men to make water in broad day at the pissing conduit if they haue need . the bakers , woodmongers , butchers , and brewers , shall fall to a mightie conspiracie this yeare , so that no man shall haue bread , fire , flesh , or drinke without credite or readie monney : barbers shall be mightily out of worke this yeere , by reason of the french disease , for many shall loose their haire , before they can come to their shops , and so put them quite out of worke : and beards shall bee commodities hard to bee gotten , but more hard to bee kept , for many haires will start out this yeere that will neuer come in againe , but perish and droppe downe by the way : and amongest all other trades and occupations , masons poore soules shall be much troubled with the stone this yeere , if there chaunce to bee any great buildings , as by my skill i finde no lesse : marrie i doubt powles will scarce haue a new steeple this yeere , and in that , i thinke i shall bee the truest prognosticator , that writ almanackes this twentie twelue-months : the gowt , i find , will keepe a foule racket this yeere , and play at tennis in a vsurers puft toe , but his gaping sonne and heire shall haue little hope of his dying , i 'le put him in that comfort , because hee may linger yet aboue seauen yeeres longer , and his toe serue out aboue foure prentiships to the gowt . taylors shall bee mightily troubled with the stich , and sowe many false seedes which shall peepe out , before a moone come about , and hauing a hell of their owne , beeing but a bare boord betweene , woe bee to peeces of white fustian-linings , for they fall in with their heeles vpward , satten is the cheefest diuell there , and domineeres ouer all inferiour blackes . veluet that ould reueller and braue courtier , lyes there most tragically dismembred , poore perpetuano is perpetually damn'd , and desperate rash fals in headlong . onely in this all taylors are most true , they damne false bodies , & giue them their due . and what a lamentable thing it is on the other-side , that so many of our english women should weare french bodies , and be a scorne and by-iest to all riotous nations . but shal i discouer to the world wondrous euents indeed , and tell how muscadine in vintners sellers shall indite their maisters this yeere of commixtion , and arraigne them at their owne barre : and how bayliffes and marshals men shall bee content to arrest any man , if they can catch him . poore men shall be accounted knaues without occasion , and those that flatter least , shall speede worst , and neuer bee woorth three hundred a yeere , if they should liue vntill doomes-day : many shall eate vppon other mens trenchers , and surfette vppon other mens costs , but scarce feede vppon holland cheese in their owne chambers . the palsey will be a verie shrewd disease this yere , for some shall haue it in their heads , and shake so long till they haue no more wit in their braines then wil. the bel-ringer : some shall haue a palsey in their teeth , in so much that they shall eat more in a weeke , then they wil be able to pay forin a twelue-moneth , othersome shall be troubled with a palsey in their hands , and those are your riotous elder brothers that can keepe nothing fast , but will shake all the monney out of their handes that comes in to them , videlicet , in tauernes , tenniscourts , and dicing-houses , and lastly some shall haue a palsey in their feete , and will not bee able to stand to any thinge but shake and reele from the stall into the channell , your excellent reele-pots , and so i leaue them full in a puddle . some there shall bee which shall haue such a smell in their nostrils that no feast shall escape them without they haue share in it . but consumptions this yeere are dangerously threatned , by the fierie copulation of those two surly & ambitious planets , for some shall bee so consumed in their members , as they shall finde neuer a good tongue in their heads , some so consumed in conscience , that they will take aboue fortie in the hundred , and more too if they can get it , othersome so consumed by inchastity , that if the constable should search them , hee should finde about them verie little honestie . those that singe bases this yeere shall loue to take their licour soundly , and trumpeters that sound trebles shall stare by custome . there shall be many fortune-tellers , that shall shut a knaue in a circle , and looking about for a diuell finde him lockt in their bosomes . many straunge euents shall happen and befall this yeere in those houses where virgo is predominant with a master , but wants a mistresse to looke narrowly vnto her , for the influence of the grocers shops being eleuated within a few sweet degrees presageth that some shamelesse drabbes shall bee still gadding about the streetes for figges , almonds , and confects , and that without regarde of eyther witte or honestie . great mistes and fogges will arise and fall this yeare , so that some shall not see but to take their neighbours bed for their owne , and if watch-candles could tell tales , they would make you laugh , though your wiues went to burying . many men shal be so venterously disposed , that they shall go into brothel-houses , and yet come out againe as honestly , as when they went first in . bakers shall thriue by two thinges this yeare , skores well payed , and millers that are honest , which are as rare to bee founde now a dayes , as blacke swannes , and white rauens . long bearded men shall not bee the wisest : nor the most grauest in lookes , the most holy in life . the haberdashers by the naturall operation of this coniunction , are very fortunate . for olde hats new trunde shall not last long , and new hats for the most part shall haue olde trimming : and so by this meanes foysting iohn shall thriue better by his knauerie , then any plaine dealing iohn about london by the talent of his honestie : and so i end , wishing all the felts in his shop no more wickedder blocke then his owne pate , and then i am sure they will be so farre from good fashion , that no honest man in england woulde bee hyred to weare them : and so farewell iohn , t is good lucke some times they say , to end with a &c. finis . a verry merry vvherry-ferry-voyage: or yorke for my money sometimes perilous, sometimes quarrellous, performed with a paire of oares, by sea from london, by iohn taylor, and iob pennell. and written by i.t. taylor, john, 1580-1653. 1622 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13519 stc 23812 estc s118266 99853473 99853473 18856 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13519) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 18856) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1036:28) a verry merry vvherry-ferry-voyage: or yorke for my money sometimes perilous, sometimes quarrellous, performed with a paire of oares, by sea from london, by iohn taylor, and iob pennell. and written by i.t. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [32] p. imprinted by edw: all-de, london : 1622. i.t. = john taylor. in verse. signatures: a-b. running title reads: a very merry wherry-ferry-voyage. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 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that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pennell, job. rivers -england -poetry -early works to 1800. england -description and travel -poetry -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-11 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a verry merry vvherry-ferry-voyage : or yorke for my money : sometimes perilous , sometimes quarrellous , performed with a paire of oares , by sea from london , by iohn taylor , and iob pennell . and written by i. t. london . imprinted by edw : all-de . 1622. as much happinesse as may bee wished , attend the two hopefull , impes of gentility and learning , mr. richard and george hatton . you forward payre , in towardly designes , to you i send these sowsde salt-water lines : accept , reade , laugh , and breath , and to 't againe , and still my muse , and i , shall yours remaine . iohn taylor . prologue . i now intend a voyage heere to write , from london vnto yorke , helpe to indite great neptune ! lend thy ayde to me , who pa● through thy tempestuous waues with man● a blas● and then i●● true describe the townes , & me● and manners , as i went and came agen . a very merry wherry-ferry-voyage , or , yorke for my money . the yeare which i doe call as others doe , full 1600. adding twenty a two : the month of iuly , that 's for euer fam'd , ( because 't was so by b iulius caesar nam'd , ) iust when sixe dayes , and to each day a night , the dogged c dog-dayes had began to bite , on that day which doth blest remembrance bring , the name of an apostle , and our king , on that remarkeable good day , saint iames i vndertooke my voyage downe the thames . the signe in d cancer , or the ribs and brest , and eolus blewe sweetly west southwest . then after many farewels , cups and glasses , ( which oftentimes hath made men worse then asses ) about the waste or e nauell of the day , not being dry or drunke , i went my way . our wherry somewhat olde , or strucke in age , that had endur'd neere 4. yeares pilgrimage , and caryed honest people , whores , and thieues , some sergeants , bayliffes , and some f vnder-shrieues , and now at last it was her lot to be th'aduent'rous bonny barke to carry me . but as an olde whores beauty being gone hides natures wracke , with artlike painting on : so i with colours finely did repaire my boates defaults , and made her fresh and faire . thus being furnish'd with good wine and beere , and bread and meate ( to banish hungers feare ) with sayles , with ancker , cables , sculs and oares , with carde and compasse , to know seas and shores , with lanthorne , candle , tinder-box and match , and with good courage , to worke , ward , and watch , well man'd , well ship'd , well victual'd , well appointed , well in good health , well timberd and well joynted : all wholly well , and yet not halfe fox'd well , twixt kent , and essex , we to grauesend fell . there i had welcome of my friendly host , ( a grauesend trencher , and a grauesend tost ) good meate and lodging at an easie rate , and rose betimes although i lay downe late . bright lucifer the messenger of day , his burnisht twinkling splendour did display : rose cheek'd aurora hid her blushing face , she spying phoebus comming gaue him place . whilest zephirus , and auster , mix'd together , breath'd gently , as fore-boding pleasant weather . olde neptune had his daughter thames supplide , with ample measure of a flowing tide , but thames supposde it was but borrowed goods , and with her ebbes , payde neptune backe his floods . then at the time of this auspicious dawning , i rowz'd my men , who scrubbing , stretching , yawning , arose , left grauesend , rowing downe the streame , and neere to lee , wee to an ancker came . because the sands were bare , and water lowe , we rested there , till it two houres did flowe : and then to trauell went our galley foyst , our ancker quickly weigh'd , our sayle soone hoyst , where thirty miles we past , a mile from shore , the water two * foote deepe , or little more . thus past we on the braue east saxon coast , from 3. at morne , till 2. at noone almost , by shobury , wakering , fowlenesse , tittingham , and then wee into deeper water came . there is a crooked bay runnes winding farre , to maulden , esterford , and colchester , which cause 't was much about , ( to ease mens paine ) i left the land , and put into the mayne . with speed , the crooked way to scape and passe , i made out straight for frinton , and the nasse . but being 3. leagues then from any land , and holding of our maine sheate in my hand , we did espy a coleblacke cloud to rise , fore-runner of some tempest from the skies ; scarce had we sayl'd a hundred times our length , but that the winde began to gather strength : stiffe eolus , with neptune went to cuffes , with huffes , and puffes , and angry counter-buffes , from boyst'rous gusts , they fell to fearefull flawes , whilest we 'twixt winde & water , neere death's iawes tost like a corke vpon the mounting maine , vp with a whiffe , and straight way downe againe , at which we in our mindes much troubled were , and said god blesse vs all , what wethers heere ? for ( in a worde ) the seas so high did growe , that ships were forc'd to strike their topsailes lowe , meane time ( before the winde ) wee scudded braue , much like a ducke , on top of euery waue . but nothing violent is permanent , and in short space away the tempest went. so farewell it ; and you that readers be suppose it was no welcome guest to me : my company and i , it much perplext , and let it come when i send for it next . but leauing jesting , thankes to god i giue , t was through his mercy wee did scape and liue . and though these thinges with mirth i doe expresse , yet still i thinke on god with thankefulnes . thus ceast the storme and weather gan to smile , and we row'd neere the shoare of horsey i le . then did illustrious titan seeme to steepe his chariot in the westerne ocean deepe : we saw the farre spent day , withdraw his light , and made for harwich , where we lay all night . there did i finde an hostesse with a tongue , as nimble as it had on gimmols hung : t will neuer tire , though it continuall toyl'd , and went as yare , as if it had bin oyl'd : all 's one for that , for ought which i perceiue , it is a fault which all our mothers haue : and is so firmely grafted in the sexe , that hee 's an asse that seemes thereat to vexe . apolloes beames began to guild the hils , and west southwest the winde the welkin fils . when i left harwich , and along we row'd against a smooth calme flood that stifly flow'd , by bawdsey hauen , and by orford nasse , and so by aldbrough we at last did passe . by lestoffe , we to yarmouth made our way , our third dayes trauell being saturday , there did i see a towne well fortifide , well gouern'd , with all natures wants supplide , the scituation in a wholesome ayre , the buildings ( for the most part ) sumptuous , faire , the people courteous , and industrious , and with labour makes the sea inrich the land . besides ( for aught i know ) this one thing more , the towne can scarcely yeeld a man a whore : it is renownd for fishing farre and neere , and sure in britaine it hath not a peere . but noble nash thy fame shall liue alwayes , thy witty pamphlet , the red * herrings praise hath done great yarmouth much renowned right , and put my artlesse muse to silence quite : on sunday we a learned sermon had , taught to confirme the good , reforme the bad ; acquaintance in the towne i scarce had any , and sought for none , in feare to finde too many , much kindnesse to me by mine host was done , ( a marriner * nam'd william richardson ) besides mine hostesse gaue to me at last a cheese , with which at sea we brake our fast , the guift was round , and had no end indeede , but yet we made an end of it with speede : my thanks surmounts her bounty , all men sees my gratitudes in print : but where 's the cheese ? so on the munday , betwixt one and twaine , i tooke my leaue , and put to sea againe . down yarmouth roade we row'd with cutting speed , ( the wind all quiet , armes must doe the deed ) along by castor , and sea-bord'ring townes , whose cliffes & shores abide sterne neptunes frownes , sometimes a mile from land , and sometimes two , ( as depthes or sands permitted vs to do ) till drawing toward night , we did perceaue the wind at east , and seas began to heaue : the rowling billowes all in fury roares and tumbled vs , we scarce could vse our oares : thus on a lee shore , darknesse gan to come , the sea grew high , the winds gan hisse and hum : the foaming curled waues the shore did beate , ( as if the ocean would all norfolke eate ) to keepe at sea , was dangerous i did thinke , to goe to land i stood in doubt to sinke : thus landing , or not landing ( i suppos'd ) we were in perill * round about inclos'd ; at last to rowe to shore i thought it best , 'mongst many euils , thinking that the least : my men all pleas'd to doe as i command , did turne the boates head opposite to land , and with the highest waue that i could spie , i bad them row to shore immediatly . when straite we all leap'd ouer-boord in hast , some to the knees , and some vp to the waste , where suddainly t'wixt owle-light and the darke , we pluck'd the boat beyond high water marke . and thus halfe sowsde , halfe stewd , with sea and sweat , we land at cromer towne halfe dry , halfe wet . but we supposing all was safe and well in shunning * silla , on caribdis fell : for why some women , and some children there that saw vs land , were all possest with feare : and much amaz'd , ranne crying vp and downe , that enemies were come to take the towne . some said that we were pyrats , some said theeues , and what the women saies , the men beleeues . with that foure constables did quickly call , your ayde ! to armes you men of cromer all ! then straitway forty men with rusty bills , some arm'd in ale , all of approued skills , deuided into foure stout regiments , to guard the towne from dangerous euents ; braue captaine * pescod did the vantguard lead , and captaine clarke the rereward gouerned , whilst captaine wiseman , and hot captaine kimble , were in the mayne battalia fierce and nimble : one with his squadron watch'd me all the night , least from my lodging i should take my flight : a second ( like a man of speciall note ) did by the sea side all night watch my boate , the other two , to make their names renownd , did guard the towne , and brauely walke the rownd . and thus my boat , my selfe , and all my men , were stoutly guarded , and regarded then : for they were all so full with feare possest , that without mirth it cannot be exprest . my inuention doth curuet , my muse doth caper , my pen doth daunce out lines vpon the paper , and in a word , i am as full of mirth , as mighty men are at their first sonnes birth . me thinkes moriscoes are within my braines , and heyes and antiques run through all my vaines : heigh , to the tune of trenchmoore i could write the valient men of cromers sad affright : as sheepe doe feare the wolfe , or geese the fox , so all amazed were these sencelesse blockes : that had the towne beene fir'd , it is a doubt , but that the women there had pist it out , and from the men reek'd such a fearefull sent , that people three * miles thence mus'd what it meant , and he the truth that narrowly had sifted , had found the constables , had need t' haue shifted . they did examine me , i answer'd than i was iohn taylor , and a waterman , and that my honest fellow iob and i , were seruants to king iames his maistie , how we to yorke , vpon a mart were bound , and that we landed , fearing to be drownd : when all this would not satisfie the crew , i freely op'd my trunke , and bad them view , i shew'd them bookes , of chronicles and kings , some prose , some verse , and idle sonnettings , i shewed them all my letters to the full , some to yorkes archbishop , and some to hull , but had the twelue apostles sure beene there my witnesses , i had beene nere the * neere . and let me vse all oathes that i could vse , they still were harder of beliefe then iewes . they wanted faith , and had resolu'd before , not to belieue what e're we said or swore . they said the world was full of much deceit , and that my letters might be * counterfeit : besides , there 's one thing bred the more dislike , because mine host was knowne a catholike . these things concurring , people came in clusters , and multitudes within my lodging musters , that i was almost wooried vnto death , in danger to be stifled with their breath . and had mine host tooke pence a peece of those who came to gaze on me , i doe suppose , no iack an apes , baboone , or crocodile ' ere got more money in so small a * while . besides , the pesants did this one thing more , they call'd and dranke foure shillings on my score : and like vnmanner'd mungrells went their way , not spending aught , but leauing me to * pay . this was the houshold businesse , in meane space some rascals ran vnto my boate apace , and turn'd and tumbled her , like men of goteham , quite topsie turuy vpward with her bottome , vowing they would in tatters piece-meale teare , the cursed pyrates boate , that bred their feare ; and i am sure , their madnesse ( to my harme ) tore a boord out , much longer then mine arme . and they so bruis'd , and split our wherry , that she leak'd , we cast out water with a hat. now let men iudge , vpon these truthes reuealing , if turkes or mores could vse more barbarous dealing , or whether it be fit i should not write , their enuie , foolish feare , and mad despight . what may wise men conceiue , when they shall note that fiue vnarm'd men , in a wherry boate , nought to defend , or to offend with stripes but one old * sword , and two tobacco pipes , and that of constables a murniuall , men , women , children , all in generall , and that they all should be so valiant , wise , to feare we would a market towne surprise ! in all that 's writ i vow i am no lyer , i muse the beacons were not set on fire . the dreadfull names of talbot , or of drake , ne're made the foes of england more to quake then i made cromer , for their feare and dolour , * each man might smell out by his neighbours collor . at last the ioyfull morning did approach , and sol began to mount his flaming coach , then did i thinke my purgatory done , and rose betimes intending to be gone ; but holla , stay , 't was otherwayes , with me the messe of constables were shrunke to three sweet mr. pescods double diligence had horst himselfe , to beare intelligence , to iustices of peace within the land , what dangerous businesse there was now in hand , there was i forc'd to tarry all the while , till some said he rode foure and twenty mile , in seeking men of worship , peace and quorum , most wisely to declare strange newes before vm . and whatsoeuer tales he did recite , i 'm sure he caus'd sir austine palgraue , knight , and mr. robert kempe a iustice there come before me , to know how matters were . as conference twixt them and i did passe , they quickly vnderstood me , what i was : and though they knew me not in prose and lookes , they had read of me in my verse , and bookes , my businesses account i there did make , and i and all my company did take , the lawfull oath of our alleageance then , by which we were beleeu'd for honest men . in duty , and in all humility i doe acknowledge the kinde courtesie of those two gentlemen : for they did see , how much the people were deceiu'd in me . they gaue me coyne , and wine and suger too , and did as much as lay in them to doe to finde them that my boate had torne and rent , and so to giue them worthy punishment . besides sir * austin palgraue , bad me this , to goe but foure miles , where his dwelling is , and i and all my company should there finde friendly welcome , mix'd with other cheare . i gaue them thankes , and so i 'le giue them still , and did accept their cheere in their goodwill . then 3. a clocke at afternoone and past , i was discharg'd from cromer at the last . but for men shall not thinke that enuiously against this towne i let my lines to flye : and that i doe not lye , or scoffe , or fable , for them i will write something charitable . it is an ancient market towne that stands vpon a lofty cliffe of mouldring sands : the sea against the cliffes doth dayly beate , and euery tide into the land doth eate , the towne is poore , vnable by expence , against the raging sea to make defence : and euery day it eateth further in , still wasting , washing downe the sand doth win . that if some course be not tane speedily , the towne 's in danger in the sea to lye . a goodly church stands on these brittle grounds , not many fairer in great britaines bounds : and if the sea should swallow 't , as some feare , t is not ten thousand pounds the like could reare , no christian can behold it but with griefe , and with my heart i wish them quicke reliefe . so farewell cromer , i haue spoke for thee , though thou didst much vnkindly deale with me , and honest marriners , i thanke you there laboriously you in your armes did beare my boat for me three furlongs at the least , when as the tyde of ebb was so decreast , you waded , and you launch'd her quite a floate , and on your backes you bore vs to our boate. th'vnkindnes that i had before , it come because the constables were troublesome : long'd to be busie , would be men of action , whose labours was their trauels satisfaction , who all were borne when wit was out of towne , and therefore got but little of their owne : so farewell pescod , wiseman , kimble , * clarke , foure sonnes of ignorance ( or much more darke ) you made me loose a day of braue calme weather , so once againe farewell , fare ill together . then longst the norfolke coast we rowde outright to blakeney , when we saw the comming night , the burning eye of day began to winke , and into thetis lap his beames to shrinke : and as he went stain'd the departed skie , with red , blew , purple , and vermillion dye . till all our hemispere laments his lack . and mourning night puts on a robe of black , bespangled diuersly with golden sparkes , some moueable , some sea-mens fixed markes . the milky way that blest astrea went , when as she left this earthly continent , shew'd like a christall cawsey to the thrones of ioue and saturne , pau'd with precious stones . olde occeanus , neptune , a innachus , and two and thirty huffecapt eolus , had all tane truce and were in league combin'd , no billowes foaming , or no breath of winde ; the solid earth , the ayre , the ocean deepe seem'd as the whole world had bin fast asleepe . in such a pleasant euen as this came i to blackney , with my ship and company : whereas i found my entertainment good for welcome , drinking , lodging , and for food . the morrow when latonaes sunne gan rise , and with his light illumines mortall eyes : when cockes did crow , and lambes did bleat & blea , i mounted from my couch , and put to sea. like glasse the oceans face was smooth and calme , the gentle ayre breath'd like arabian balme : gusts , stormes and flawes , lay sleeping in their celles whilest with much labour we row'd o're the welles . this was our greatest b day of worke indeed , and it behoou'd vs much , to make much speed , for why before that day did quite expire we past the dangerous wash , to lincolnshire . and there in 3. houres space and little more we row'd to boston , from the norfolke shore : which by report of people that dwell there , is sixe and twenty mile or very neere . the way vnknowne , and we no pilate had , flats , sands and shoales ; and tides all raging mad , which sands our passage many times denide , and put vs sometimes c 3. or foure miles wide , besides the flood runs there , with such great force , that i imagine it out-runnes a horse : and with a head some 4. foot high , that rores , it on the sodaine swels and beats the shores. it tumbled vs a ground vpon the sands , and all that wee could doe with wit , or hands , could not resist it , but we were in doubt it would haue beaten our boates bottome out . it hath lesse mercy then beare , wolfe , or tyger , and in those countries it is call'd the * hyger . we much were vnacquainted with those fashions , and much it troubled vs with sundry passions : we thought the shore we neuer should recouer , and look'd still when our boate would tumble ouer . but he that made all with his word of might , brought vs to boston , where we lodg'd all night . the morrow morning , when the sunne gan peepe . i wak'd and rub'd mine eyes , and shak'd off sleepe , and vnderstanding that the riuer went , from boston , vp to lancolne , and to trent , to humber , owse , and yorke , and ( taking paine ) we need not come in sight of sea againe . i lik'd the motion , and made hast away to lincolne , which was 50. mile , that day . which citty in the 3. king edwards raigne , was th' onely staple , for this kingdomes gaine for leather , lead , and wooll , and then was seene fiue times ten churches there , but now fifteene , a braue cathedrall church there now doth stand , that scarcely hath a fellow in this land : t is for a godly vse , a goodly frame , and beares the blessed virgin maryes name . the towne is ancient , and by course of fate , through warrs , and time , defac'd and ruinate , but monarchies , and empires , kingdomes , crownes , haue rose or fell , as fortune smiles or frownes : and townes , and citties , haue their portions had of time-tost variations , good and bad . there is a prouerbe , part of which is this , they say that lincolne was , and london is . from thence we past a ditch of weedes and mud , which they doe ( falsely ) there call * forcedike flood : for i 'le be sworne , no flood i could finde there , but dirt and filth which scarce my boate would beare , t is 8. miles long , and there our paines was such , as all our trauell did not seeme so much , my men did wade , and drawe the boate like horses , and scarce could tugge her on with all our forces : moyl'd , toyl'd , myr'd , tyr'd , still lab'ring , euer doing , yet were we 9. long houres that 8. miles going . at last when as the day was well nigh spent , we gat from forcedikes floodles flood to trent . eu'n as the windowes of the day did shut , downe trents swift streame to gainsborough we put , there did we rest vntill the morning starre , the ioyfull doores of dawning did vn-barre : to humbers churlish streames , our course we fram'd , so nam'd , for drowning of a king so nam'd . and there the swift ebbe tide ranne in such sort , the winde at east , the waues brake thicke and short , that in some doubts , it me began to strike , for in my life , i ne're had seene the like . my way was vp to yorke , but my intent was contrary , for from the fall of trent i fifteene mile went downewards east northeast , when as my way was vpward west southwest . and as against the winde we madly venter , the waues like pirates boord our boate and enter , but though they came in fury , and amaine like thieues we cast them ouer-boord againe . this conflict lasted two houres to the full , vntill we gat to kingstone vpon hull : for to that towne i had a proued friend , that letters did and commendations send by me vnto the worthy maiestrate , the maior , and some of 's brethren , in that state. besides i had some letters , of like charge from my good friend , the master of the barge vnto some friends of his , that they would there giue me * hull cheese , and welcome and good cheere . sunday at mr. maiors much cheere and wine where as the hall did in the parlour dine , at night with one that had bin shrieue i sup'd well entertain'd i was , and halfe well cup'd : on monday noone , i was inuited than to a graue iusticer , an alderman , and there such cheere as earth and waters yeeld , shew'd like a haruest in a plentious feild . another i must thanke for his goodwill , for he prest * on to bid me welcome still . there is a captaine of good life and fame and , god * with vs , i oft haue call'd his name : he welcom'd me , as i had bin his fellow lent me his silken colours , blacke and yellow , which to our mast made fast , wee with a drum did keepe , till we to yorke in triumph come . thankes to my louing host and hostesse pease there at mine inne , each night i tooke mine ease : and there i gat a cantle of hull cheese one euening late , i thanke thee * macabees . kinde roger parker , many thankes to thee , thou shewedst much vndeserued loue to me , layd my boat safe , spent time , coyne and endeauour , and mad'st my money counted copper euer . but as at feasts , the first course being past , men doe reserue their dainties till the last , so my most thankes i euer whilest i liue will to the mayor , and his bretheren giue , but most of all , to shut vp all together i giue him thankes that did commend * me thither , their loues ( like humber ) ouer-flow'd the bankes , and though i ebbe in worth , i 'le flowe in thankes . thus leauing off the men , now of the towne some thinges which i obseru'd i 'le heere set downe : and partly to declare it's praise and worth , it is the onely bulwarke of the north. all other townes for strength to it may strike , and all the northerne parts hath not the like , the people from the sea much wealth haue wonne , each man doth liue as hee were neptunes sonne . th'antiquity thereof a man may reede in reuerend cambdens workes , and painefull speede : how in king edwards raigne first of that name then called wike . then did they kingston frame , and then the townesmen cut a * riuer there , an exc'lent hauen , a defence or peere : built with excessiue charge , to saue it from fierce humbers raging , that each tide doth come . from time to time , more greatnes still it gain'd , till lately when the eight king henry raign'd , he made it greater , by his oft resort , and many times kept there his royall court , he wall'd it well , built battlements , and gates , and ( more with honour to augment their states ) he built two blockhouses , and castle strong to guard the towne from all inuasiue wrong . he gaue them much munition , swords , shafts , bowes , and brazen ordnance , as the world well knowes , which guns he gaue them for the townes defence , but were in 88. all borrowed thence , with promise they againe should be sent backe , but the performance euer hath bin slacke . now in this yron age , their guns i see , are mettle like the age , and yron be : and glad they would be if they could obtaine , to change that mettle , for their owne againe . foure well built gates , with bolts , and lockes & barres for ornament or strength , in peace or warres : besides to keepe their foes the further out , they can drowne all the land 3. miles about . t is plentifully seru'd with flesh and fish , as cheape , as reasonable men can wish . and thus by gods grace , and mans industry , dame nature , or mens art doth it supply . some 10. yeares since fresh water there was scant , but with much cost they haue supply'd that want : by a most exc'lent water-worke that 's made , and to the towne in pipes it is conuay'd , wrought with most artificiall engines , and perform'd by th' art of the industrious hand of mr. * william maltby , gentleman , so that each man of note there alwayes can but turne a cocke within his house , and still they haue fresh-water alwayes at their will , this haue they all vnto their great content , for which they each doe pay a yearely rent . there is a prouerbe , and a prayer withall , that we may not to three strange places fall : from hull , from hallifax , from hell , 't is thus , from all these three * good lord deliuer vs. this praying prouerb 's meaning to set downe , men doe not wish deliuerance from the towne : the townes nam'd kingstone , hulls the furious riuer and from hulls dangers , i say , lord deliuer . at hallifax , the law so sharpe doth deale , that who so more then 13. pence doth steale , they haue a iynn , that wondrous quicke and well , sends thieues all headlesse vnto heau'n or hell. from hell each man sayes , lord deliuer me , because from hell can no redemption be : men may escape from hull and hallifax , but sure in hell there is a heauier tax , let each one for themselues in this agree and pray , from hell good lord deliuer me . the prouerbe and the prayer expounded plaine , now to the orders of the towne againe : i thinke it merites praise for gouernment , more then all townes in britaines continent , as first their charity doth much appeare , they for the poore haue so * prouided there , that if a man should walke from morne till night , he shall not see one begger ; nor a mite or any thing shall be demaunded euer , but euery one there doth their best endeuour to make the idle worke , and to relieue those that are olde and past , or sicknes grieue . all poore mens children haue a house most fit whereas they sowe , and spin , and card , and knit , where all of them haue something still to doe , as their capacities will reach vnto , so that no idle person , olde or young within the towne doth harbour or belong . it yearely costs fiue hundred pounds besides , to fence the towne , from hull and humbers tides , for stakes , for bauins , timber , stones and piles , all which are brought by water many miles , for workmens labour , and a world of things which on the towne excessiue charges brings . all which with perill , industry and sweat , they from the bowels of the ocean get . they haue a bridewell , and an exc'lent skill to make some people worke against their will : and there they haue their lodging and their meate , cleane whips , and euery thing exceeding neate , and thus with faire or foule meanes alwayes , they giue idle persons little time to play. besides for euery sea or marine cause they haue a house of trinity , whose lawes and orders doe confirme , or else reforme that which is right , or that which wrongs deforme . it is a comely built well ordred place , but that which most of all the house doth grace , are roomes for widdowes who are olde and poore , and haue bin wiues to marriners before . they are for house-roome , foode or lodging , or for firing , christianly prouided for , and as some dye , some doe their places win , as one goes out , another doth come in . should i in all things giue the towne it 's due , some fooles would say i flatter'd , writ vntrue : or that i partiall in my writings were , because they made me welcome , and good cheere : but for all those that haue such thoughts of mee , i rather wish that them i hang'd may see , then that they iustly could report , that i did rime for victuals , hunger to supply . or that my muse , or working braines should beate , to flatter , fawne , or lye , for drinke or meate : let trencher-poets scrape , for such base vailes , i 'le take an oare in hand when writing failes ; and 'twixt the boate and pen , i make no doubt , but i shall shift to picke a liuing out , without base flatt'ry , or false coyned words to mowldy madames , or vnworthy lords ; or whatsoe're degree , or townes , or nations i euer did , and still will scorne such fashions . hearesay , * sometimes vpon a lye may light , but what i see and know , i dare to write . mine eyes did view before my pen set downe , these things that i haue written of this towne . a new built custome-house , a faire towne hall , for solemne meetings , or a festiuall : a maior , twelue aldermen , one shriefe , recorder , a towne-clarke , altogether in one order , and vniformity doe gouerne so , they neede not flatter friend , or feare a foe . a sword , a cap of maintainance , a mace great , and well guilt , to doe the towne more grace : are borne before the maior , and aldermen , and on festiuities , or high dayes then those maiestrates their scarlet gownes doe weare , and haue sixe sergeants to attend each yeare . now let men say what towne in england is , that truly can compare it selfe with this : for scituation , strength , and gouernment , for charity , for plenty , for content , for state ? and one thing more i there was told , not one recusant , all the towne doth hold , nor ( as they say ) there 's not a puritan , or any nose-wise foole precissian , but great and small , with one consent and will , obay his maiesties iniunctions still . they say that once therein two sisters dwelt , which inwardly the prick of conscience felt , they came to london , ( hauing wherewithall ) to buy two bybles , all canonicall , th' apocripha did put them in some doubt , and therefore both their bookes were bound without , except those two i ne're did heare of any at hull , though many places haue too many . but as one scabbed sheepe a flock may marre , so there 's one man , whose nose did stand a iarre : talk'd very scuruily , and look'd ascue , because i in a worthy townes-mans pue , was plac'd at church , when ( god knowes ) i ne're thought , to sit there , i was by the owner brought . this squire of low degree , displeased than , said , i at most was but a water-man . and that they such great kindnesse setting forth , made more a' th flesh , then e're the broth was worth : which i confesse , but yet i answere make , 't was more then i with manners could forsake : he sure is some high minded pharisie , or else infected with their heresie , and must be set downe in their catalogues , they lou'd the highest seates in sinagogues . and so ( perhaps ) doth he , for aught i know he may be mounted when i sit below : but let him not a water-man despise , for from the water he himselfe did rise , and windes and water both on him hath smil'd else , the great marchant he had n'ere beene stil'd : his character i finely will contriue , he 's scornfull proud , and tatling talkatiue : a great ingrosser of strange speech and newes , and one that would sit in the highest pues , but bate an ace , he 'le , hardly winne the game , and if i list , i could rake * out his name . thanks mr. maior , for my bacon gammon , thankes roger parker for my small fresh sammon , 't was ex'lent good , and more the truth to tell ye , boyl'd with a fine plum-pudding in the belly . the sixth of august , well accompanide with best of townes-men to the waters side , there did i take my leaue , and to my ship i with my drum and colours quickly skip . the one did dub a dub and rumble , braue the ensigne in the ayre did play and waue : i launch'd , supposing all things had beene done , bownce , from the block-house , quoth a roaring gun , and wauing hats on both sides , with content i cride adiew , adiew , and thence we went. vp humbers flood that then amaine did swell , windes calme , and water quiet as a well : we rowde to owse , with all our force and might , to cawood where we well were lodg'd all night . the morrow , when as phoebus gan to smile , i forwards set to yorke , eight little mile : but two miles short of yorke i landed than , to see that reuerend * metropolitan , that watchfull shepheard , that with care doth keepe , th' infernall wolfe , from heau'ns supernall sheepe : that painefull preacher , that most free almes-giuer , that though he liue long , is too short a liuer : that man whose age the poore doe all lament , all knowing , when his pilgrimage is spent , when earth to earth returnes , as natures debter , they feare the prouerbe , seldome comes the better . his doctrine and example , speake his due , and what all people sayes , must needes be true . in duty i most humbly thanke his grace , he at his table made me haue a place , and meate and drinke , and gold he gaue me there , whilst all my crue it 'h hall were fill'd with cheere : so hauing din'd , from thence we quickly past through owse strong bridge , to yorke faire citie last , our drowning scap'd , more danger was ensuing , 't was size time there , and hanging was a brewing : but had our faults beene ne're so capitall , we at the vintners barre durst answere all . then to the good lord maior i went , and told what labour , and what dangers manifold , my fellow and my selfe had past at seas , and if it might his noble lordship please , the boat that did from london thither swim with vs , in duty we would giue to him . his lordship pawsing , with a reuerend hum , my friend ( quoth he ) to morrow morning come , in the meane space i 'le of the matter thinke , and so he bad me to goe neere and drinke . i dranke a cup of clarret , and some beere , and sure ( for aught i know ) he a keepes good ch●ere . i gaue his lordship in red guilded leather , a well bound booke , of all my workes together , which he did take b . there in the citie were some men of note , that gladly would giue money for our boat : but all this while good manners bad vs stay , to haue my good lord maiors yea , or nay . but after long demurring of the matter c , he well was pleas'd to see her on the water , and then my men rowde halfe an houre or more , whilst he stood viewing her vpon the shore . they bore his lordships children in her there , and many others , as she well could beare . at which his honour was exceeding merry , saying it was a pretty nimble wherry : but when my men had taken all this paines , into their eyes they might haue put their gaines . vnto his shop he did d perambulate , and there amongst his barres of iron sate . i ask'd him if he would our boat forgoe , or haue her , and his lordship answer'd , no. i tooke him at his word , and said god buye , and gladly with my boate away went i. i sold the boat , as i suppos'd most meete , to honest mr. * kayes , in cunny streete : he entertain'd me well , for which i thanke him , and gratefully , amongst my friends i 'le ranke him . my kinde remembrance here i put in paper , to worthy mr. hemsworth there , a draper , amongst the rest he 's one that i must thanke , with his good wife , and honest brother franke. now for the citie , 't is of state and port , where emperors & kings haue kept their court , 989. yeare , the foundation was layde , before our sauiours incarnation , by * ebrank who a temple there did reare , ( and plac'd a * flammin to diana there , but when king lucius here the scepter swayde the idols leuell with the ground were layde , then eleutherius , romes high bishop plac'd , an archbishop at yorke , with tytles grac'd . then after christ , 627. was edwin * baptiz'd by the grace of heauen , he pluck'd the minster downe , that then was wood , and made it stone , a deede both great and good . the citie oft hath knowne the chaunce of warres , of cruell forraigne , and of home-bred iarres . and those that further please thereof to read , may turne the volumes of great hollinshead . 't is large , 't is pleasant and magnificent , the norths most fertile famous ornament : 't is rich and populous , and hath indeede no want of any thing to serue their neede . abundance doth that noble citie make much abler to bestow , then neede to take . so farewell yorke , the tenth of august then away came i for london with my men . to dinner i to pomfret quickly rode , where good hote venson stay'd for my abode , i thanke the worshipfull george shillito , he fill'd my men and me , and let vs goe . there did i well view ouer twice or thrice , a strong , a faire , and auncient edifice : * reedifide , where it was ruin'd most at th' high and hopefull prince * of wales his cost . i saw the roome where exton * and his rowt of traytours , royall richards braines beat out : * and if that king did striue so many blowes , as hacks and hewes vpon one pillar showes , there are one hundred slashes , he withstood , before the villaines shed his kingly blood . from pomfret then , vnto my noble friend , sir robert swift at doncaster we wend , an ancient knight , of a most generous spirit , who made me welcome farre beyond my merit . from thence by newarke , i to stamford past , and so in time to london at the last . w●●●ere friends and neighbours , all with louing harts , did welcome me with pottles , pintes , and quarts . which made my muse more glib , and blyth to tell this story of my voyage . so farewell . an epilogue . thus haue i brought to end a worke of paine , i wish it may requite me with some gaine : for well i wote the dangers where i ven●ered , no full bag'd man would euer durst haue entered : but hauing further shores for to discouer hereafter , now my pen doth here giue ouer . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a13519-e290 a the yeare of our lord b iuly was nam'd so by caesar. c the dog-dayes were 6. dayes entred . d i obserue signes , windes , tides , dayes , houres , times , scituations & manners . e noone if you 'le take it so . f boats are like barbars chairs hackneyes or whores : common to all estates . * these star sands are called the spi●s . * it hath not a fellow in england for fishing . a booke called the praise of the red herring . * and a ship carpenter . * we were in a puzzell . * we were like flounders aliue in a frying pan , that leap'd into the fire to saue themselues . * these were the names of the cumbersome cromorian constables . * people did come thither 3. or 4. miles about , to know what the matter was . * i had as good to haue said nothing . * diligent officers . * the dancing on the ropes , or a puppet play , had come short of his takings , accounting time for time . * this was more then i could willingly afford . * and the sword was rusty with salt-water , that it had neede of a quarters warning ere it wold come out . * o braue sent . * he would haue had vs to haue stayed 3. or foure dayes with him . * they long'd for imployment , and rather then be idle , would be ill occupied . a the god of riuers , springs , brookes , foords , & fountains . b we rowed aboue 100. miles that day . c sands lying crookedly in our way , making vs goe 3. or foure miles about at lowe water . * it is so call'd in mr d●aytons secōd part of polyalbion , in his treatise of humber . * it is a passage cut through the land 8. miles from lincoln into trent , but through either the peoples pouerty or negligence it is grown vp with weeds , and mud , so that in the summer it is in many places almost dry . * i went 15. mile out of trent , down humber , on purpose to see hull , when my way was quite contrary . * hull cheese , is much like a loafe out of a brewers basket , it is composed of two simples , mault and water in one cōpound , and is cosen germain to the mightiest ale in england . * the meaning of those marks are onely knowne to the townsmen there . * an ingenious man named machabeus . * mr. i.i. * the riuer of hull is 20. miles in length , cut with mens labor to the infinite commodity of the countrey . * he built another faire waterwork , at yorke , of freestone , which doth the citty exceeding seruice . * a prouerb * mark , for all is true . * i write not by heare-say . * but i was euer better with forks to scatter , then with rakes to gather , therefore i would not haue the townes-men to mistake chalke for cheese , or robert for richard. * at bishopsthorpe , wher the right reuerend father in god , toby mathew archbishop of yorke his grace , did make mee welcome . a there is some oddes betweene keeping & spending . b heere i make a full point , for i receiued not a point in exchange . c i thought it my duty ( being wee had come a dangerous voyage ) to offer our boat to the chief maiestrate . for why should not my boat be as good a monument as tom coriats euerlasting ouer-trampling land-conquering shooes , thought i ? d and forgat to say , i thank you good fellowes . * a substātiall worthy citizen , who hath beene shriefe of yorke , and now keeps the george in cunny streete . * ebrank was the 5. k. of britaine , after brute . * an arch-flammin which was as an idolatrous high priest to diana . * edwin and his whole family were baptized there on easter day the 12. of aprill 627. yourkshire the greatest shire in england , and 308. miles about . speed. * pomfre● castle . * prince charles . * sir peirce of exton knight . * king richard the second murdered there . the miraculous and happie vnion of england and scotland by how admirable meanes it is effected; how profitable to both nations, and how free of inconuenience either past, present, or to be discerned. cornwallis, william, sir, d. 1631? 1604 approx. 48 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-08 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a19359 stc 5782 estc s108707 99844363 99844363 9169 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a19359) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9169) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1375:02) the miraculous and happie vnion of england and scotland by how admirable meanes it is effected; how profitable to both nations, and how free of inconuenience either past, present, or to be discerned. cornwallis, william, sir, d. 1631? [40] p. imprinted [by george eld] for edward blount, london : 1604. by sir william cornwallis. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-e⁴. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a". running title reads: the happy vnion of england and scotland. in this edition the last line of text reads: ceiued it. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on 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illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2004-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-05 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2004-05 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the miracvlovs and happie union of england and scotland ; by how admirable meanes it is effected ; how profitable to both nations , and how free of any inconuenience either past , present , or to be discerned . london imprinted for edward blount . 1604. to his louing countrimen . if euents be the certainest and least suspected councellors as they that cannot looke but like themselues : for their sakes i hope to be accepted , and for their sakes to haue so much of the priuiledge of an historian as to be allowed to speake truth ; which if it carrieth no other then it owne beauty , cal it not a fault , since thereby i giue you proofe i desire not to steale your opinions with inticements . i haue deliuered you the last time , and this ; that out of the experience of both , you may frame the succeeding . i haue spoken them truly , because it is fit you should see them in their nakednes , for to iudge by them is to know them without colours . lastly i haue touched , ( though not neere to the life ) the admirable happines of this iland in our prince ; a prince whose vertues giue luster to his authority , and that authority to his actions ; so as he needs not the pruiledge of his fortune , since all his performances are able to stande vpon their owne force , needing neither countenaunce nor power to giue them reputation . amongest his vertues i haue showed his vprightnes , that lighted by that great example , you may bee free from all partialities . thus haue i performed the duty i owe to you , and my country , i knowe honestly : if you thinke so my rewarde is the fuller . free i am from hiding a corrupted will vnder another pretence ; and as i haue finished this epistle without mingling it with salutations or excuses , so haue i passed through the boundes of my purpose , wooing no one but all , and all without any other aduocate but truth , the colours vnder which all honest spiritts and good common-wealthes-men ought to venture themselues . and so not doubting but the same minde that is truly inclined to the good of his country will allowe my intent and pardon my errors , i rest . the humble seruant of all true patriottes . the miraculous and happy vnion of england and scotland ; by how admirable meanes it is effected ; how profitable to both nations , and how free of any inconuenience , either past , present , or to be discerned . the end of knowledge , is acknowledgement , for since we can looke vpon nothing that is not deriued from god , and that beareth not a testimonie of his power and goodnesse , gratitude must follow vnderstanding , if not to recompence , yet to witnesse the feelings of his benefits . from this consideration ( louing countrymen ) i haue presumed to offer you this treatise . we haue all fealt , i doubt not the mercy of god in this late happy and admirable alteration , and i hope not alone fealt it with our bodyes , but our mindes ; for to haue so great a benefit , from so great a power , rewardes the minde with such a satisfaction as earth cannot giue . what you haue thought , pardon mee though i presume to speake , since my end is not to challenge any superiority , but to preuent ( if my end may bee as happy as my purpose ) the incident diseases of humaine prosperity . my proiect is then the greatnes of this blessing , and not alone the blessing , but to oblige vs the more ; the consideration by what vnexpected meanes , and how much beyond either the common course of things , or the strength of man it is effected . next how free it is from all the inconueniences incident to the common alterations or augmentations of empires : and lastly since it is aboue the course of nature , or the ordinary disposition of things , being full of profit without either daunger or former hazardes , that like adiuine and supernaturall blessing wee entertaine and vse it . thus farre goeth the scope of my intent , destinating my labours to bee the seruants of your memory , for which i desire no other recompence , but your owne happy and iust proceedings , taking the aduenture of your acceptance , and leauing vnto you the glory of so great an action , as the due of those progressions that are performed with iust and vnspotted mindes . this realme hauing a long time laboured in the preuention of dangers , and enioying an outwarde rather then inward peace , like a body that fetcheth all the health from phisicke , and was of late yeares come to that weaknesse , as in a short space had she continued in her course her preuentions had prooued vaine . for the aduantage of others disagreement was by agreement taken from vs , our treasure spent , our souldiers of experience consumed , the subiects purse emptied , and in fine , like a shippe that had throwne out her goods to saue her carkasse , we floated with our liues rather repriued then saued . in the meane time , and in all this time , this realme resisted none of her griefes by a naturall course , which is by her owne strength , but beeing rather feathers then winges , neither the glory nor profit was hers , but our blood and treasure , was the medicine of our suspected constitution . it is necessary i bring you thus farre backe ( good countrimen ) aswell because man knowing nothing in his originall , cannot iudge singlie ; but by coupling contrarieties , seeth the difference by the effects : as also feeling your prosperitie and from whence it commeth , you may loose the sight of no part of this blessing . nowe may you perceiue the nature of it , and the greatnesse , that from a weakned & almost breathlesse state , is come to be the most opulent , strong and entire empire of the world . what shall we call it ? no naturall name can expresse it , it is a miracle ; take vp thy bedde and walke . it is a miracle in the cure , it is no lesse in the meanes ; for if the marriages of princes , the issue of princes , the prayers of men , the plottes of our enimies , or the iealosies of greatnes , could haue hindered it , england had not beene happy . we had yet laboured vnder the burthen of a torne and dismembered kingdome . how much the resisting these impediments , passeth the common course of nature euery iudgement may easily discerne : but we haue yet but halfe the sight . a midst all these courses swaied by ambition , and vniust iealosies , behold our prince , prouoked by al means ; and by some where his patience might be called in question , suffering all , induring the plots of his enimies against his right , his person against their malice , he withstood all their hates with his loue , his loue to this his coūtry made him suffer his wrongs , and where the hot ambition of some princes , would easily haue couered the inuading of this kingdom , vnder the reuenging of his wrongs , and the feare of filling it with the horrible effects of ciuill wars was a curbe to his iust mislikes , choosing himselfe to feele wronge , rather then they should . surely if we consider this truly , wee shall finde the obligation we are bound in to the diuine power , no lesse stronge heere , then in the rest . for if the resisting wronge bee a warrant of nature to the simplest creatures , and that there is nothing more opposite to euery disposition ; how much more in kinges , vnto whome god hath giuen both power and authority to iudge and punish iniuries and wronges ? so that for the good of this lande , he hath not alone resisted the prouocations of flesh & blood , but a liberty , for a more pleasing colour and stronger excuse , no prince euer had to make warre vpon another . thus you see the straunge and miraculous passages of former times , from how admirable proceedings your safety is deriued , but behold another part of your blessing . you buie not your peace , your plenty , your strength , your happines , no it is giuē you , for wheras your safties abroad might haue bin purchased , with a prince that might haue line heauie vpon you at home , & by exactions haue but exchāged your burthens from your shoulders to your hartes , you are blessed with one , that in his whole life , hath approued the happines of the subiect and the flourishing of his kingdome to be his chiefe contentments . for otherwise , who would haue indured the slaunder of a iust title , the death of his friendes , the plots against his person , but hee onely that valueth iustice and a common preseruation aboue any humaine prouocation , or ambitious enticements . wee haue now heard how much we are blessed and by how strange and extraordinarie meane , and more , that we enioy all this without any inconuenince , either passed or to be discerned . let vs then examine what the alteration and augmentation of this kingdome hath done . insomuch as all changes are earthquakes to a state , shaking the very foundation of gouerment ; and augmentations and increases , are neuer vnaccompanied of present daungers , and future burthens . to examine this by history , behold the auntients , where for the passing of simple lawes , the whole body of the common-wealth , laboured betweene life and confusion . and in those changes where reformation and amendment bare the name , yet did they neuer alter without hazard , the medicine being as dangerous as the disease . how different is this from ours , where the axeltree or vphold of our common-wealth being changed , we rather heard of it , then fealt it ; or if we fealt it , it was the comfort of it . what vproare was there ? what confusion ? what surfet of the former gouernment brake out ( the inseparable accident of an interraigne ) what factions ? what misorders of discontented and desperate persons ? but on the contrarie as men expecting a wonder , a generall quietnes possessed the whole land , & as it were inspired with the age to come , gaue ouer the care of their own mislikes to the generall redresser , & all the different humours nourished either by former griefes , or this long expected day , grewe in an instant to be turned to the generall good , and to prepare an entertainement for the elected both by god and man , both by his title and vertues . in a worde , neuer was prince receiued with so generall an applause , nor was there euer prince that deserued better of vs : for laying by the iustnesse of his owne title , the remembrance of his sufferings ( which to another nature would haue beene accounted an earning of this kingdome ) the need we had of him , the testimonies giuen to the whole world of his abilities for gouernment , laying by these considerations , he hath beene yet content to acknowledge the loue of his subiects ; & not alone to acknowledge it in wordes , but to assure them of it , he hath not respected his priuate gaine , beyond their profits : to this end hath he abolished monopolies & other prerogatiues of the crowne , rather then to let his subiects feele any greeuance , though he might haue kept them without any colour of mislike , being to him inheritances no exactions . but his loue to vs will not permit excuses , but on all sides sheweth he will performe the office of a king , without mingling it with the iusts of man. but this is but one ; on all sides appeare actions of the same quality ; how hath he of late , to giue vs yet more testimonies of his loue , taken offendors of the highest nature out of the hands of iustice and giuen them mercy ? whereno excuse , no priuate petitions , no not where mercy it selfe ( being gouerned by her owne nature ) could haue intreated it ; for our sakes they liue , and for our sakes , against the rules either of lawe , iustice , or pollicie . let vs behold these parts with a true consideration , and we shall finde neuer people had so infinite blessings laid before thē . for wheras it hath bin too common amongst some princes , to esteeme handsome colours good paiment for subiects : our prince , hath not onely not held them good enough for vs , but euen iust reasons , if they haue any way seemed to concerne him more then his subiects , ( though that which concerneth him , must them ) haue bin laid by & not respected . to be short , neuer was there prince , that avowed al his actions to be grounded vpon a more vpright iudgement , which doth not onely represent vs this great blessing of ours more fully , but with all disburtheneth vs of all iealosies of partiality . for he that in all questions between himselfe & the subiect , hath not spared himselfe , cannot betweene man and man be partiall , since all partialities are begottē by self-loue . by this we may cleere the doubt of english and scottish , since he is king of both , he is father of both , and ( being equally charged by the king of kings with both ) owing vnto both one duty , he will giue vnto both one affection . but least i be called into question for a proofe , behold his former gouernment , where his vprightnes had that hād with him , as neither the generality , nor the custome , could make him yeeld to the common defence & nourishing factions by names , euer protesting him highest in his opinion , that was owner of a good life , aswell as a great name . so that to be knowne for an honest man , was more then to beare the sir-name of steward . he that knoweth in how contrary a course the example of that kingdom might haue nourished him , & how the customes of their clannes had brought this integrety to the suspition of a vice , will ask no more instances for cleering all suspitions , that foreknowledge shall neuer bar merit . for since he defended his yongest years , frō the most receiued vice of his countrey , we must expect in this riper time the habituall possession of this regall vertue . now to the increase of empire , which though it carieth the face of the happiest alreration , yet being an alteratiō , can hardly escape defects . for not only the nature of all humaine accidents approues it , all things being deliuered to vs cōmixt , we being not to be trusted , either with good or ill alone , separated , such are our frailties & weaknes , presumption or despaire , growing mightie if fed with either fortune single . but more particularly to illustrate the inconueniences of the increase of kingdomes , the cōmon examples are either by power or ambition in one body , or by necessity compelled to offend defensiuely in another : both are by conquest , whose violent effects leaue for euer an equall mistrust both in prince and subiect , an humor of that fatall operation , as nothing but bloud and oppression followeth . what shall i say now of our encreased dominions , that haue made vs terrible to the world without any terror to our selues : but so happy and excellent meanes are the long disioyned partes of this kingdome , brought to an inseparable imbracement . and if the long receiued axiome of pollicie shall bee beleeued ( that kingdomes must bee maintained by such meanes as they were gotten ) vnto what an excellent necessity are we tyed ? marriage was the meanes , a friendshippe of that high nature , that god himselfe daineth to bee a witnesse of this indissoluble knot ; we must maintaine it with the neerest resemblance , that is by a constant friendship and loue . verely i beleeue it impossible for man to thinke , how so infinite a blessing to both sides could haue beene accomplished , by any other so easie and euen conditions . for neither side sought others friendship , by comming past the boundes of the reputation of a nation , there were no threates , no violence , no swordes drawne of neither side . so that as if god would prouide to satisfie euen our most distempered and sicke affections , least such sparkes might inflame this great action , neither nation can charge other with needing , or yeilding , or giuing way to other . so are they met , so are they prepared as they shall scarcely need eyther time or custome the vniters of flesh to assist their incorporating , since they are by the diuine wisdome , so knit together , as it resembleth a new creation . when wee shall haue beheld on all sides the cleerenes of this benefit , how all things answere one another , and all without the least signe of any inconuenience or daunger , what place is left for suspition ? or if not for suspition , was there euer any benefit possessed so entirely ? who is there now that shall bring in questions of seperation and be beleeued ? since we may easily determine all such differences , arise out of the malignity of such dispositions , not the cause . it is most true if you will ( happy countrimen ) that the streames of the common wealth and people runne contrary ( for flourishing states haue commonly dissolute inhabitants , poore countreies honest people ) this is because we borrowe our behauiours from our fortunes not discourses , being good or bad , according to the floud or ebbe of our estates . but if you will be owners of this happines , you will proceed with more aduised considerations , and iudge of your councellors as well as councels . if they tell you of the pouerty of scotland , examine whether our wealth shall not come from the addition of their kingdome , for at once we receiue from them the stopping of our vnnecesary warres , and the vse of trafficke . how infinitely haue we beene consumed in the vpholding the low countryes , which we were enforced to vse for a stillt to vphold the body of our state . shall not a naturall limme , nay another body , that doth not onely rescue vs , but becometh vs , be thought worthy of entertaining ? there is none of vs that worne with the trauailes of the world and time , but would buy a new strength and youth at any rate : be now ashamed to be taken with this selfe-loue , or els value the new youth and strength of our commonwealth . since gratitude and the knowledge of benefits , cometh from the looking back vpon former times , let vs not be ashamed to remember times past : how was the wealth of our lande decayed ? how full of doubt stood wee ? with what prince or state durst we enter league , that was able to be our enimies ? nay to such a state wee were come , as wee were as much afraid of peace as warres , and durst trust neither . at once to bee deliuered of these , without feeling any alteration but the ease , what doth it not deserue ? without feeling any alteration , for what hath hapened in this change that we can complaine of ? warres are ceased , peace is entreated on all sides , oppressions are abolished , in the meane time , the prince exercising al those vertues that may make the subiect happy , his iustice , his mercy , his liberality , his benignity . and whereas euen the best princes , haue thought it sufficient to exercise certaine generall vertues , who is there that could demaund particular fauours of any kind , and hath beene sent away empty ? truth cannot be flattery , and that which so many can wittnes ought not to be suspected . not alone the deseruers of him haue tasted of his bounty , but the assisters of the gouerment past , haue founde it as sure a plea to be able to proue , they serued his predecessor loyally , as those nearest vnto himselfe . what shall wee gather of this ? but that this kingdome is beheld of him , with the same care that his others are , and that the seruants of it are as deare to him . a rare example of equity , since in the succession of princes wee see nothing more ordinary , then that the fauour of the seruants dieth with the master . after this assurance to doubt his partiality , and that the number of his auncient attendance will rob the english of places and employments , cannot come but from a minde , that speaketh his owne vices in anothers name . for since wee cannot iudge the thoughts but by the actions , and that all his actions haue bene found of another nature , from whence issue these suspitions but out of their owne bosomes ? shall it bee thought an answere that the old seruants of his scottish gouerment haue beene rewarded ? the same minde would haue pronounced ingratitude if they had beene vnrewarded . for who is hee that censureth honestly , and houldeth not this an argument for our incouragement , who being in the beginings of our times , cannot knowe him but by his vsage of others , who hauing spent for him in a time of lesse expectation , & so lesse to be suspected , their youthes & strengths , how could any indifferent iudgment hould them vnworthy of rewardes ? it hath then rewarded vs in them , for the example hath giuen vs encouragement , which is the very food of the soule , and the greatest prouocation of vertue . shall wee yet doubt and desire more assurances ? behould euery man that hath not had a more capitall fault , then the being a stranger to him , holdeth the same place hee possessed before ? from the highest to the lowest , yea euen the seruantes of the person and house of the last prince are his . an vnusuall satisfaction and so to be esteemed , and an action of a prince , that cannot suspect that in another , that hee findeth not in himselfe . can there now be such another testimonie of his vprightnesse , when by the changing the administers of this state , by another disposition , would haue bin thought so important a part , as he should by the alteration not onely haue rewarded others , but assured his owne person . but from the generall consent of his entrance , hath he framed the rest of his proceedings ; he found vs then , ioyfull , loyall , louing subiects , and according to that demeanure hath he vsed vs : which if we do not acknowledge , and acknowledge in making the same vse of his actions to vs , we are vnworthy of so happy a gouernment . but yet saith some body , how can it be that the number of that nation shall not shorten the benefits of the english ? if they brought men without a kingdome it were an obiection , or if men vnder this prince must not bring somewhat besides a petition . they haue a countrey of their owne that yeeldeth so much plenty , as their plentie breedeth their want ; for concerning the necessaries for mans life no countrey is better furnished : and for wealth , the happinesse of their latter gouernment hath giuen such testimonies of encrease , as already they possesse enough both to defend themselues and to free their countrey from the imputation of sterility . but this is not all , the number of able men is not a discommoditie , for how commeth it ( thinke you ) that all the princes of christendome thinke well of our friendship , but because wee haue many able men : so that either it must be confessed , enuy is better food then safety , or else that two offices in one hand is not so important , as two kingdomes vnder one scepter , vnder one lawe , becomming one body . neither doth the commodity of so many able men end thus , but as it bringeth reputation and safety from abroade , so ease and wealth at home . for when this multitude of able men shall disburthen the officers of their too much businesse , they shall not excuse vnder-briberies by their ouer many emploiments , and so shall the poore subiect escape paying fees vpon fees , and sometimes double and trebble briberies . by this time it is apparant , that neither the pouertie nor multitude of our connexion can be preiudiciall , since it is prooued they will be the onely instruments of our enriching ; and that this multitude bringeth a happy necessitie for the redressing the griefes of the greatest part of our people . let vs then come to the beholding this happinesse together , which since wee finde so infinitely full of blessings as the sharpest sight cannot discerne any inconuenience or future perill , what shall i call it ? but a diuine and miraculous blessing of god. now should we bring vnto this great benefit our sicke and corrupt affections , though neuer so well couered vnder the names of foresight or preuention , shall we not worthily deserue punishments answerable to our fauours ? let this learne vs ( good countrimen ) our duties to the common-wealth , whether we ought not to bring our bodyes , but to cary our mindes , for to bring priuate driftes to the publique busines , is an impietie of the highest nature . what shall we say now to their imaginations that hold our vnity most profitable if it were inseparable , but if the kings issue should faile , say they , and seuerall titles disvnite vs , then would their neighbourhood be more dangerous : for by our incorporating being growne more riche , they would be more able to affront vs. how doe these striue to bury benefits with suspitions ? they haue forgot who ended our warres without miserable conditions , who hath enforced ireland to lay downe armes , who hath made vs capable of forreigne leagues without buying them , but beholding all these and many more both defences and benefits as things past , and now in their owne possessions they are as weary of their assisters , as they were of their feares . or els being people of such a condition as finde most contentment in troubled and doubtfull states , because setled and flourishing are the lights that discouer ill affected and ill disposed persons , they desire to shroud themselues still in the darkenesse of confused and perplexed gouernments . but to answere their obiection without them , how vnlike is this to the english stile , that lately durst not thinke beyond one life , and now out-runneth foure , and by gods grace many more . and are there foure betweene this feare and vs , and is it yet a feare ? it is no preuention but an impious forecast ; for to prouide beyond probability , armeth our imaginations against the will of god. a strange office for man to vndertake , since if it were a part of his appointment , heauen and earth , and all their generations , reuolutions and changes , and euen god himselfe were idle and vnnecessary powers . but still we insist vpon our wealth and their inriching , which either we mistake or vnderstand not . for if we haue the aduantage of wealth we shall hold it , for since they neither can nor will demaund any thing but by way of commerce or traffique , the long and great concourse of trading to the cheife city of our iland , will sucke vp still the greatest part of our weath . but might it be that their wealth would be encreased , the publique good purchaseth not losse but profit , for by the dispersion the state findeth the people more able and more industrious , from whence ariseth the increase of traffique to the subiect , and of custome to the prince , the most honest and easy way of enriching the kings coffers . not vnlike vnto this obiection is the mislike that they would lay vpon the disposition of the people that because they haue in times past giuen way to their priuate mislikes and drawne priuate quarrells to multitudes ; that wealth vnto such natures being like oyle to fire , might drawe their fewds from a sparke to a flame , and so inwrappe vs in an vnnecessary warre . but they are much deceiued in the generall operation of wealth that suspect that , since if there be any quality in riches more then our opinion hath forced , it this that it ordinarily maketh ill men good citizens . for it is not the goodnesse of lawes , their integritie , nor good effects in generall , that maketh all men obserue them , but that their wealth hath no other defence , so doe they loue iustice and her obseruations , out of their owne particular , there being no way to make them conceiue that foundation of equitie ( suum cuique tribuere ) to yeeld euery man his owne , except they haue of their owne to make the instance . but were these probable , are wee not to prouide first against those that threaten vs neerer ? is not the first and most waighty consideration of a states man to preuent the inuasion of forraine enimies ? and can there be any other course for them , then by our leauing matter of discontentment amongst our selues . against outward inuasions nature hath cared ; we are enuironed by the sea , and so knit together both by religion , language , disposition , and whatsoeuer els can take away difference ; as vnlesse we breed disagreeing affections , we are indissoluble . neither can we nourish these vnlesse we will contradict heauen it selfe . behold how we are ioyned , god , nature , & time , haue brought vs together , and so miraculously if we obserue the reuolutions of time , as me thinketh the very words after the consummation of a marriage , shall not be vnproperly vsed , those whome god hath ioyned together , let no man seperate . vnto whose iudgement now , will not these obiections seeme light , if wayed with this consideration . lawes and pollicie can fight and ouercome inwarde inconueniences , the wisdome of the statist , is aboue any of these discommodities , especially in monarchies , where ciuill matters are easily redressed by reason of the absolute power of the prince , and that the people are not strong enough to fauour their owne imperfections if they come in question . but against outward inuasions invited by inward diuisions , there is no cure but preuention , for being once on foote , wisdome may see the fault , but armes must determine it . to assure you this is no idle warning , let vs both examine the states of our neighbours , their dispositions , their former actions , and then what is likely to leaue matter of discontentment and diuision amongst vs. first for france were it one man , former fauours might warrant vs , but kingdomes can dispence with ingratitude , therefore wee must forget their distresse , and looke for the common disposition of their prosperitie , which hath euer leueld at the keeping vs downe . to this end haue they alwaies held correspondence with scotland , which they haue vsed for their onely refuge , to escape the english preparations . so that if we shal close this past their entrance ; we haue taken away their first and safest defence . for now all questions must bee decided within their owne entrailes , where how so euer they speed , they must be loosers ; for though the euents of armes bee doubtfull , yet the deciding place is certaine of losse . now for spaine vnto whose ambitions wee haue euer beene an impediment , both in our aides to france , and the lowe countries , though we feele not the gratitude of these , yet must wee prouide against the mislike of the other . for by most natures reuenge is preferred before recompence , as the more profitable qualitie : therefore must wee prouide not onely against their ambitions , but mislikes , which double excitation nothing can pacifie but our owne strengths . but it may be the iealosies betweene spaine and france will cleere these dangers ; let vs not borrow a defence out of their humors , when we may haue one of our owne , nor can wee trust to it , since hopes and feares doe equally quench contentions , so that if they haue no other impediment but themselues they will ( questionlesse ) respit their owne mislikes , vntill they haue taken order with vs. in the meane time we search not enough the spanish pollicy , who beginneth his attempts thorough diuisions and factions , which if he espie , hee prosecuteth dangerously , for by his strength in rome and the west-indies , he searcheth all kindes of dispositions , which if not sound , he maketh at his deuotion . to make perticulars sound , wee must begin with the generall ; when we haue laide our foundation strong , and past the shaking of our enimies , we take away the prouocations both of the temptor & tempted against their religion , let our religion be opposed , in respect of whose strength and reputation we ought to be more then moued , since our vnitie in bodies to our already vnited mindes , will make the reputation of our religion so strong , as they that put on the aduerse , for feare and in pollicie , shall neither shame nor feare to vse their owne consciences . shall wee see now out of what matter our enemies can worke dissention , there is neither ambition nor discontentment amongst our great men , nor burthens vpon the people , lawes haue their due course , and purge the vaines of the common-wealth , from vnnaturall stoppings and corruptions . it can then be no other , then in the disposing of our new body , from which we may take the beginning of the happiest empire that euer was . plato to illustrate the strength of friendship borroweth so much of poetrie as to tell a tale that the body of man was first rounde , and whilest hee enioyed that forme was doubly furnished of all the organes and abilityes of man , after , abusing his strength the gods diuided him and left him but the halfe of that hee was ; but yet with a power ( as findding the other halfe which is a perfect freind , not differing in resemblance ) he might againe enioy his first strength and happines . england hath found her other halfe , shee is now doubly furnished with the strength of a kingdome , she hath foure armes , foure leggs , two harts ( made one ) two powers , and double forces . what can make vs now so vnnaturall , as to doubt of our restored strength ? or by what rule will suspition be tryed ? if lawes and ordinances bee called and rightly called the soule of the common-wealth , they must not be begotten by ourappetite : for then they can neither be diuine in their operation nor eternall in their continuance ; if we confesse it , and appeale to iudgment , iudgment trieth all things of this nature by the consent of these three vnuariable rules , namely conscience , reason and example , as those that giue lawes their true essences . for conscience reconcileth our humane lawes to our diuine , in so much as all lawes that take not them for a patterne , cannot be honest , and so not durable . reason shapeth them against all assaultes which cannot be without making them profitable to all . lastly example assisteth the weaknes of reason with the sight of former successes , in so much as the strength of humaine reason , is but to deuise and cannot without triall ariue any nearer the end then probability . then to examine it by conscience : is there not a necessity of mutuall helpe imposed vpon man ? and haue we freed our selues of infinite troubles and is there not a duty belonging to the meanes ? doth a nation not differing in any part from our selues , full of strength , able men , of so important a scituation , offer her selfe with open armes to embrace vs , and can we thinke of another entertainment besides a louing and euen embracement ? if the offences or violences of kingdomes , alloweth vs , first to ouercome , then to subiect and tye them with thraldome , doth loue , freenesse , amity , brotherlike regard require the like vsage ? either we were wronge before , are now , or confound merit and iniuries . in a word , were there no other motiue but our prince , who would not be ashamed to refuse such a medium . since his bloud is of both nations his minde so iust to all nations , and that his vertues haue already confuted all obiections : what conscience is there that hasteneth not to this combination , not onely for a quiet as compelled , but for ioy as the due of so noble and glorious a performance . now let vs see the triall of reason , this ilande is happily come within the circle of one diadem , not by conquest , nor by weaknes , nor for protection , but are drowne together by the vertue of an vnited blood , and made one mans kingdome by the happy coniunction of the royall blood of both nations . and is that blood growne one , and shall not the kingdomes growe one ? it is reasons office , not onely to bringe the will and the desire together , but by the way to examine the will , from what right he desires , how iustly , and to what end . by this meanes all parts haue satisfaction or ells the reason disclaymeth the employment . we shall neuer get reason then to goe of this errand , for wee haue no right to the holding it by a diuided title , nor is there iustice in couering an vnequality in a title , nor hath the end , any other soundnes then the deuise of some sicke affection . for if there were some great difference in our powers , power might sway it , and reason would make the weaker yeild to necessity : if the prince were either by bloud or affection of one side , the other were to light , but hauing neither strength nor right to a superiority , how can it belong vnto vs ? now if this be apparant , were it in our power to bynde them to vs , by some vndername , how standeth it with the pollicy of a state to leaue so many idle men , for since our industry hath euer an eye vpon our owne good wee must either interest them in the gaines , or wee must expect cold endeauours . for nature hath giuen vs abilityes for our vse and preseruation , which though our reason perswadeth vs to vse for the cōmon good , yet neuer for the common good without including our owne perticular . but it may be it will be answered , let their industries be spent vpon their owne soyle , and so shall ours and wee will craue nothing from them . who seeth not in this answere either a willfull or ignorant folly ? that forgetting their neernes , the daunger of their mislikes , the gappe for seditions and plotts to get entrance , we reckon them as a people that concerne vs not . no , no , they must haue a hande in our busines , our peace is theirs , our florishing theirs , our successe of all kindes theirs , in so much as if they be not thus farre interessed in these , and their loues so fastned to vs , as to ouercome all temptations , wee must expect none of these , so shall they or we , if we preuent not all enticements be wooed ; since forraine forces are too weake to craze our strong constitution without euill iarres . lastly if wee looke for presidents and examples to strengthen our resolutions , neuer were two kingdomes inuited by so stronge and forcible meanes to become one , and reiected it . contrariwise , spaine and france were neuer absolute monarchies vntill the first of seauen kingdomes became one , and normandy and brittaine were annexed to the crowne of france ; which before were vnder other lordes . the deuiding a kingdome into petty principalities prepareth it to bee swallowed by a more vnited power . so standeth italy at this day , that liueth not by her owne strength , but by the iealosies of her neighbours : yet was shee once mistresse of the world , and so would be againe ( saith one of their authors ) were she re-united and vnder one scepter . but why seeke i forrain examples when wee haue one of our owne so neare vs ? wales is englished , a country whose riches did not woe vs , nor her power , nor the fertility of the soyle ; but the discommodities that we might receiue by them whilest they were held as aliens , beeing matter to feed discontented or ambitious plottes , this was the furthest and onely aduantage we expected , which since it lay within the power of our incorporating to cure , and that nature had performed halfe the worke , with the alliance of countreys so neerly knit together vpon one continent , wee performed . successe hath followed , a warrant for the like occasion , but this is more like vs then that , a greater prouocation , wee differ not in language ( a signe that god euer meant to haue vs one kingdome ; ) and for the other conueninences of our match , as power , wealth , largnes of territories , reputation of a kingdome , ability in men , there is no comparison . that the world is possessed by many lords , and that the great empires that grew in her minority , crushed themselues with their owne weight , cannot in one reason be better comprehended ( mee thinketh ) then that the difference of scituation , clymate and disposition , could not giue power , to the imperiall country , to naturalize her conquests , they could not make them themselues . for it is lawes and customes and euennesse in capicity of offices and dignities , that can make countries loue one another truely , for so they doe as it were beget one another , and become flesh of flesh , and bone of bone . for want of this it hath beene in the power of priuate men , to shake an empire , that could not haue moued a kingdome , and for want of this , haue empires beene enforced to hould subiected countries by garrisons , and by cruelties waies , so disagreeing from nature , as their authority hath depended meerly vpon fortune , and an externall reputation , which neuer indureth a distemper without a downefall , nor is euer sicke without destruction . for recouerable diseases are onely in naturall bodyes , which these being opposite to , must depend onely vpon force . in the meane time , how much the expence of treasures , and the continuall doubts wee haue of such countries exceedeth the aduantage , we may easily discerne , if we behold but spaine , whose many dispersed kingdomes haue beene such a burthen to them , and haue drawne them , into so many inconueniences , as his west indies , and great encrease of possessions lately annexed to that crowne , haue not bin able to defend him from the extreamest wants , insomuch as his designes haue oftner stood still for want of mony and men , then many smaller kingdomes . had it beene now thinke you in his power to haue made them all spanish and within the limits of one continent , vpon the condition to haue called all spaine , and but one nation , would hee not haue thought it an excellent exchange ? doubt it not since hee had at once beene deliuered of those charges and suspitions , that make his possessions a paine , and weaknes rather then a strength , being like a monster of nature that hauing a body without bloud inough , hath his limmes withered and feeble being a great bulke , drowned in his owne proportion . all forced gouerments must bee momentary in so much as they leaue out the will and desire of man , which onely can beget continuance . for an instance behold nature her-selfe , who driueth at none of her endes tirannically , but emorapping her driftes in the naturall desires of her creatures , hath her purposes effected not as hers , but as their owne . so must the aduised polititian proceed , if he intendeth to giue either a goodly or substantiall forme to his workemanship ; for though man can inforce other creatures beyond their willes , yet the will of man , hauing reason to direct it which hath a freedome and eminencie in her nature , must therfore be wrought by perswasions , not enforcements , the onely means to bring her to obedience , and to yeelde to the directions of others . i haue gone thus farre beyond my purpose ( louing countrimen ) to free you of all suspitions , insomuch as the soule of man , is no sooner cured of any great infirmitie , but there remaine certaine dregges behinde of doubts and suspitions , which i hope these fewe considerations will cleere , not as they are mine , but as they are truthes , though at this time , ( vnto an aduersary ) i cannot complaine of my weakenesse , for being the champion of right i doubt not of the successe of dauid . you haue now then the sight of this great blessing , which approacheth you so full of infinite happinesses , so pure and vncommixt with the common fortunes of the worlde , as you may laye by all thoughts , but such as are apt to prepare you fit to receiue so gratious an assurance of gods fauour , and of gratitude though not answerable , yet answerable to your powers . in the meane time beholde the goodly time before you , so cleere and calme as there is not so much as matter for cloudes or stormes left to breed on , ( the originall of the happinesse of a common-wealth ) for then onely are the inward motions of gouernment made perfect , when there ariseth neither feares nor dangers from abroad , since those times are often so miserable , as they are not onely forced to make vse of the diseases of the time and people , but also to praise them , the forerunner of the downefall of a state . which you shall easily prooue if you search the ruines of the ancient empires , where ( towards their end ) vices went for vertues , and the greatest corruptions were the greatest merits . but our state is of another nature , it cannot growe old and doate , because it had no infancie or youth ; wee builded not our foundation out of a little , and increased it after by the sworde , we are no purchasers , but inheritours , and inheritours of a state , that commeth to vs strong and flourishing , so doe wee want those shiftes and by-courses , which come in with necessity , which make such states in time suffer shipwracke both by iust and naturall reasons . for hauing gotten by oppression , it standeth with iustice that they loose so : and it is infallible , that people gotten vp by indirect meanes , though the present gaine maketh them insensible of it , yet it leaueth in them the example of the corruption ; and being like creatures bred out of putrifaction , they liue no longer then there remaineth such matter to feed on , but are after ouerthrowne by some aduerse power , or els turning head vpon themselues , are the authors of their own destruction . but you freed of all these , shall haue a happy leasure to view ouer your owne inwarde parts of the common-wealth , and being hindered by no new doubts , may search , medicine and heale , all olde griefes , which not alone the time permits , but the prince warrants , aleach chosen by god to make a new time setled in an instant , such as the power of iustice and an vpright distribution , another testimonie of gods gratious fauour vnto vs. for beeing strangers though not by birthe , yet by personall knowledge , and the commerce of stran gers , warranting almost a partiality to our countreimen , it is onely the worke of such a king , to alter nature by the force of wisdome . so hath his iust proceedings wrought vpon vs , that neither side , being able to charge him with leaning more to one side then another , neither side hath cause to mistrust him , another doore at which partialitie often entereth . will you know now what we haue escaped ? the being begotten by a diseased father , for this time being the father of the succeeding , had it constitution beene corrupted by partiality , the after-ages would for euer haue felt it , which would haue beene so much the more dangerous , because as in naturall bodies , hereditarie diseases are aboue the skill of the phisitian , so would these of the statesmen . but ours that is to be directed by a prince so infinitely indued by the graces both of god , nature and fortune , we may assuredly expect actions answerable to such a concurrance of vertues . to that height of felicitie are you then arriued , as not onely you shall enioy your country without feares , your estates without hourely impositions , and your liues without warres and hazards , but as if you exchanged these for their contraries , your countrey shall yeeld you peace , and by peace infinite contentments , your estates shall encrease daily , and you shall not buy your owne industries of strange impositions and taxes : and warres that had wonte to diuorce you from your parents and wiues , and by presses violently pull you from your owne quiet courses , to sacrifice you to the distempered and troubled age , to quench the fire of forraine ambitions that threatned vs , shall no more haue any such power ouer you . but your time and determinations shall bee your owne , and your hopes shall not bee frighted with feares . prepare then mindes fit to enioy so many happinesses , and mindes fit to bee gouerned by so sincere and iust a prince , whose very entrance amongst vs hath had that vertue , as to driue away all threatning calamities that hung ouer our heades . let it not bee forgotten since the remembrance of passed perills is sweet , and not onely sweet but profitable , for it inuiteth vs to the acknowledgement . and since wee cannot better testify our thankefullnes to god , then in the offering our obedient hartes to the meanes he chose for the expressing this his wonderfull and gratious fauour vnto vs ; let vs begin our contentments from him , who like the sunne hath dispersed and consumed our doubts , and like the sunne draweth nothing from beneath , but to yeeld it downe againe with more vertue then he receiued it . finis . part of this summers travels, or news from hell, hull, and hallifax, from york, linne, leicester, chester, coventry, lichfield, nottingham, and the divells ars a peake with many pleasant passages, worthy your observation and reading. by iohn taylor. taylor, john, 1580-1653. 1639 approx. 65 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13484 stc 23783 estc s111384 99846745 99846745 11732 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13484) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 11732) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1498:6) part of this summers travels, or news from hell, hull, and hallifax, from york, linne, leicester, chester, coventry, lichfield, nottingham, and the divells ars a peake with many pleasant passages, worthy your observation and reading. by iohn taylor. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [4], 48, [4] p. imprinted by i[ohn] o[kes], [london] : [1639] partly in verse. printer's name and publication date from stc. the last two leaves are blank. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion part of this summers travels , or news from hell , hull , and hallifax , from york , linne , leicester , chester , coventry , lichfield , nottingham , and the divells ars a peake . with many pleasant passages , worthy your observation and reading . by john taylor . imprinted by j. o. a few words of direction to the reader . i have not written every place in that order , as is set downe in the title of this pamphlet , but of such places as i travelled unto , i have truly related the passages , and the time , both when , where , why , and how i went , came and perform'd it . if any man aske wherefore this book is good , or how it may be any way usefull , i answer that it is foure ways commodious : first , it is profitable , for it will direct a man the high-wayes of crossing divers countries from place to place , which no other book shews , as from leicester to linne in norfolke , from linne to kingstone , upon hull in yorkeshire , from hull to yorke , thence to hallifax , to chester , darby , nottingham , coventry , lichfield , and the devils ars a peake : all these ways are herein described ; secondly , there are some monuments of antiquitie are mentioned , which greater authours have omitted ; thirdly , there are some passages of delightfull mirth and recreation . and lastly , all is true , or else you have the authours leave to travell as hee hath done , and doe your best and worst to prove him a liar . passages and entertainments from london to leicester , with some observations of the said town and shire . upon saint swithins day , i noted well , the wind was calme , nor any rain then fell , which faire day ( as old sawes saith ) doth portend , that heav'n to earth , will plenteous harvest send , the morrow being julies sixteenth day , in my progression i began my way . i need not to relate the towns that lie just in my way , ( as i road through or by ) onely at mims , a cockney boasting bragger in mirth , did aske the women for belswagger , but strait the females , like the furies fell , did curse , scold , raile , cast dirt , and stones pell mell , but we betook us nimbly to our spurs , and left them calling us rogues , knaves , and curs : with other pretty names , which i discern'd they from their old fore-mothers well had learn'd . the reason why they are with rage inflam'd , when as they heare belswagger nam'd . is ( as report doth say ) there dwelt a squire , who was so full of love , ( or lusts desire ) that with his faire tongue , hippocritick-hood , ( by slanderous people 't was misunder stood ) the women were so fruitfull , that they were all got with childe , in compasse of one yeare , and that squires name , they say , belswagger was , and from that tale , the lying jeere doth passe , wherefore the women there will chide and swagger , if any man do aske them for belswagger . thence past i on my journy unto hockly , whereas i saw a drunkard like a block lye , there i alighted at the sanguine lion , where i had meat , drink , and a bed to lie on . the next day i road stately to northampton , and all the way my horse most proudly stampt on , on thursday , trotting , galloping and ambling , to leister , i proceeded in my rambling : there , at the blue boare i was welcome than unto my brother miles , a downright man , plain dealing , free from flattery , fraud or feare , who hath liv'd long with reputation there , he 's old and honest , valiant , courteous , free : ( i write not this for making much of me ) but they that doubts on 't , let them go and try and if he be a changling , say i lie . that house king richard lodg'd in , his last night , before he did the field of bosworth fight , and there 's a room , a king to entertain , the like is not in leister town again , th' assizes then were there , some causes tride , and law did there the corps and souls divide , of two offenders , one had with a knife stabd his contracted love , and reav'd her life , 'tother , a wench that had stolne some poor rayment , and fir'd the house , deserv'd the hangmans payment . king leir a temple did to janus reare and plac'd a flamine in 't , there doth appeare the arched ovens foure yards thick at least , wherein they heathen sacrifices drest ; like as the jews in their idolatry , offered their sonnes and daughters impiously , to moloeh , nisroch , ashtaroth , and ball : and to those devillish gods adore and fall , so people here , when warre or peace they sought ; they offrings unto janus temple brought ; this was eight hundred forty and foure yeare before our saviours birth , built by king leire , long after etheldred ( the mercian king ) ahappy and a christian change did bring the temple raz'd , the flamine he defac'd , and there a christian bishops sea he plac'd , which lasted but few yeares , for then this land was seven-fold yoaked , beneath 7 kings command and those kings still were in perpetuall wars that england was quite spoyl'd with endlesse jars and in those garboyles leister had her share , spoyl'd , rifled , ransack'd , robd , and left most bare , till edelfred , with great magnificence , repair'd and wall'd it strongly for defence . then did it flourish long in wealth and state , till second henry it did ruinate : he in out-ragious fury fir'd the town , diswall'd it quite , and cast the castle down , so nothing but some raines doth appeare , whereby men may perceive that such things were . thus leister fell , from state superlative , her fifty churches all consum'd to five . yet it is faire and spacious at this day , and east , west , north , and south 't is every way above a mile in length , so that no doubt , the town 's in circuit six large miles about . henry first duke of lancaster in war , in peace , or bounty , a bright blazing star for buildings in this city is renown'd , which as time rais'd , time did again confound yet one large fabrick there doth still abide whereby the good dukes name is dignifide , and that 's an hospitall or bead-house , where one hundred and ten men are harbour'd there , from perishing through want , still to defend those aged men untill the world shall end . twice every day a chaplain doth repair to them ; and unto god sends prayse and prayer , and nurses are allow'd to dresse their meat , to make their beds , to wash , and keep them neat : for which they thankefull be to god alone who rais'd such means to ease the poor mans mone . good henry earle of huntingdon ( renown'd ) a free schoole did erect there , from the ground , with means ( though meane ) for majntenance endow'd two vshers , and one schoolmaster allow'd , they teach young lads , such rules as do belong , to reade the english and the latine tongue , and when their knowltdge is with hope discernd , they is the greek may learn , and be more learn'd . but to relate somthing in profe of this ancient towne of leicester , in the time of nine weekes , which i abode there to and fro , i observed such a civill government and decency , which is not in many places to be found or equallized . first , i noted the peace , tranquillity , and unity which the people live in , under the rule and command of the major and his brethren , to whose authority and power ( under the king ) the inhabitants do willingly obay . secondly , the clergy ( or ministery ) are learned , diligent , and painfull ; and both clergie and layity , are conformable to the orders and discipline of the church of england , and i did not heare of any one , residing there , that is , either schismatically opinionated with dogmaticall whimseyes , or amster-damnable fopperies . thirdly , they are so charitable , and carefull in providing for the relief of the poore and needy , that a man must go seek where to bestow his almes , for there is not any one ( that i could see ) that begg'd in the whole town . fourthly , the streets are so well paved , and kept so clean from dunghils , filth , or soyle , that in the wettest or fowlest weather , a man may go all over the towne in a paire of slippers , and never wet his feet . lastly , the people are generally so loving one to another , that the lawyers want work , and so honest that the apparitors are idle , and those few drunkards which they have , are very civill and faire condition'd . certain other observations . there is a faire library , and a well founded almes-house within the town , also two gaoles , two houses of correction , and for mad and frantick people . also it is reported , that when king richard the third went from leicester , to fight the battaile neer bosworth , that then there was a man of mean calling ( some say he was a weaver , and some say a plough-wright by his trade ) hee had a spirit of divination or prophecie , of whom the tyrant king richard demanded some questions , what the event of that dayes fight might be to him , to whom the other ( most bluntly answered , marke my words king richard , that as thou dost ride out of this towne of leicester , this morning thou shalt hit thy right foot against a stone , and as thou returnest thou shalt knocke thy head against the same : which proved true , for as he road , he did strike against the corner of a wall his foot , and after hee was slain in the field , hee was stript , and his body layd crosse behind a man on hors-back , ( like a calfe ) and in that vile and ignominious manner , as they brought his corps back to leicester , his head did knocke against the aforesaid wall or stone , which place i saw there ; also i went eight miles to see red●●re field , where the king fell , which is a moorish kinde of ground , altogether unfruitfull , and the water doth seem red , which some foolish people do suppose to be the staine of k. richards bloud ; but it is onely the colour of the red earth that makes the water seeme so , and the ground close adjoyning is very fertile for corne and pasturage , but in the lower parts it is boggy and moory : by nature , and not either barren or bloudy by any reason of the kings death . another observation is concerning the alteration of the measures of miles , and good sufficient pots or jugs of drink , but the further i travelled northward , the more the miles were lengthened , and the pots shrunke and curtald ; but indeed , what the liquor wanted in measure it had in strength : the power of it being of such potencie , that it would fox a dry traveller , before he had half quencht his thirst . in this county of leicester , i observed a piece of extream justice , executed upon three geese , which was thus . at a village called dadlington , eight miles from leicester , there dwelsa gentlewoman a kinswoman of mine , who the last trinity tearm 1639 was at london , about some businesse in law , which much concern'd her : and in her absence , the pinder of dadlington , finding three of her geese innocently grazing upon the common , for to shew the full power , force , vertue , and marrow of his office and authority , drave the geese into the pound or pindfold , and because they could procure no bayle for their release , nor sureties for their true imprisonment , hee put all their three necks into a horslock , which engine or neck-fetter was so strait , close , and pinching , that the geese were all strangled : now the question is whether willy , tilly , ( the pinder so silly ) were the cause of their deaths , or whether the geese did desperately cast away themselves : all which i humbly refer to the discretion of the jury . but some readers may muse why i do write so much of leicester , in this little book ; the reason is that i lay there from the 17 of july , to the 20 of august , which was five weekes , but in the mean space , i road to coventry , and return'd in a day to leicester again , of coventry i have little to say , but that it is a faire , famous , sweet , and ancient city , so walled about with such strength and neatnesse , as no city in england may compare with it ; in the wals ( at severall places ) are 13 gates and posterns whereby to enter , and issue too and from the city : and on the wals are 18 strong defensible towers , which do also beautifie it : in the city is a faire and delicate crosse , which is for structure , beauty , and workmanship , by many men accounted unmatchable in this kingdome : although my selfe with some others , do suppose , that of abington in berkeshire will match it , and i am sure the crosse in cheapside at london doth farre out-passe it . i have bin at this city foure times , and have written of it before , and therefore at this time ( my stay being so short there ) i have but little to say , onely this that some are of opinion , that at the first itwas called coventry , from the french word trey covent , because there were founded three covents , for three severall orders of friers , namely , the franciscan friers , the augustine friers , and the dominicans : it matters not much who erected the said foundations and covents , but it is certain , that the renowned king henry the eighth did suppresse and demolish them , whose memories now is almost quite buried in their owne ruines . coventry is a county of it selfe , it hath been grac'd and dignified much by the grant and priviledges given to it by former kings , a● king edward the third , and king henry the sixt ; the majors name ( at my being there , wa● master thomas forrest a vintener ) and maste thomas phineas sword-bearer there dyed at th● beginning of the sessions ( much about the tim● of my being there ) he was a man of that comel● bulke and corpulency , that his coffin was a ful● yard wide at the shoulders , and it is said , that i● his life time hee could have been ( at one meale the consumption of a large shoulder of mutton , but he and his good stomack being both deceast , i left coventry , because it was sessions time , and returned to my randevouze at leister . the eleventh day of august i road from leister to nottingham , where i lodged at the signe of the princes armes ; but i was wel entertained at the house of the right worshipfull sir thomas hutchinson knight , himselfe and his good lady made mee welcome , and did expresse their bounty to mee in good cheere and money : for the which i am heartily thankfull . the towne of nottingham is seated on a hill , which hill is almost of one stony rocke , or a soft kinde of penetrable sandy stone ; it hath very faire buildings , many large streetes , and a spacious market place : a great number of the inhabitants ( especially the poorer sort ) doe dwell in vaults , holes , or caves , which are cut and digged out of , ( or within ) the rocke : so that if a man be destitute of a house , it is but to goe to nottingham , and with a mattock , a shovell , a crow of iron , a chizell , and mallet , and such instruments , he may play the mole , the cunny , or the pioner , and worke himselfe a hole , or a burrow , for him and his family : where , over their heads the grasse and pasture growes , and beasts do feed ; faire orchards and gardens are their coverings , and cowes are milkt upon the tops of their houses . i was much befriended by master palmer the iaylor there ; for he went with me , and shewed me the ( sometimes ) strong and defencible castle , but now much ruined : yet still there are many faire and sumptuous roomes in reasonable reparation and estate . on the lofty battlements of the said castle , there is a most spacious prospect round about : for from thence i could see the most stately castle of belvoyre or bever castle , which doth ( as it selfe ) belong to the right honourable the earle of rutland : and nearer hand , within three miles , i saw the ancient towne of gotham , famous for the seven sages ( or wise men ) who are fabulously reported to live there in former ages . in the aforesaid castle of nottingham , i was shewed divers strange wonderfull vaults , cut or hewen out of the rocke , whereof one is said to be the place where david king of scots was detained many years in captivity : where the said king , with his owne hands ( without any other instrument than the nayles of his fingers ) did with the said tooles engrave and claw out the forme of our saviours life , death , and passion ; which worke is there to bee seene upon the walls . also there is another vault or passage through the rocke , whereby men may descend or ascend out , or into the castle ; which vault is called mortimers hole , through which hole ( as report goes ) the great roger mortimer , earle of wigmor , and lord of wallingford had egresse and regresse to the queene , wife to king edward the second , or the infortunate edward of carnarvan . thus having seene as much of nottingham towne and castle as is related ; on the twelfth of august , i road to the ancient towne of darby : on the thirteenth of august i left darby , with an intent to retire to leister ; but after i had road halfe a mile , i met with an acquaintance of mine , who was travailing towards the peake in darby shire , to a towne called wirksworth , and from thence to chiesterfield , i returned with him . the country is very mountainous , and many lead mines are found thereabouts : the best and most richest is called dove gany , within a mile or little more of wirksworth ( corruptly called wortsworth : ) and two miles from thence are most dangerous wayes , stony , craggy , with inaccessible hils and mountaines : the grounds there are lawfull ( as they told me ) for any man to dig or mine in for lead , be they of what condition soever : for the laws of mining is , that those that will adventure their labours shall have all the profits , paying the tenth part to the lord or landlord , of all the lead which they get . if it happen that they take pains , a yeare or two in sundry places to finde a myne if their fortune be so hard to finde none ( as it often falls out so ) they do work all that while for nothing , and finde themselves as they are able , and in the end their toyle and labour is all lost : but if they doe hit upon a good myne that doth hold out , and yield plentifully , then they may quickly enrich themselves ( if they be good husbands . ) i was told of a poore thatcher that left his trade , and venturing his time and pains , he found so rich a lead myne , that he would turn gentleman , and he kept men in liveries , living at the rate of the expence of 100 pound a week ; so that he supposing that leaden , golden world would never be ended , took no care to save any thing , but after a while , the myne failed , and hee spent that little which hee had left in digging for more , could finde none , so that for a conclusion , he forsook the peake , and turnd thatcher again . that part of the peak , which is called the devils ars , is at or neere a towne named castleton , or castle towne , so stiled from an ancient ruined castle on a hill , at the end of the town , it is 30 miles from darby , the castle stands on the top of a hill , and under it is a cliff or riffe in the said hill , which is as wide at the entrance as three barn doores , but being entred in it is enclosed again so narrow , that a man must stoop to passe further , but after that straight passage is past , there is rooms of incredible and wonderfull greatnesse , with strange and intricate turnings and windings , which no man can see without great store of lights , and by reason that those things are naturall , and formed without any attor labour of man , and with all so dismall hotrid , darke , and hideous , that place is called the devils ars a peak , at or upon which i have ( according to my promise ) given three jerks with my pen , at the latter end of this book . from thence i returned towards leicester 30 miles , on the 15 of august , and lodged at a market towne called narbury , and the next day i came all tyred and weary ( both man and beast to leicester ) and on the 20 day , i took my journey 64 miles into norfolke , to the famous town of linne , and three miles from thence , at a village called wooton , i was there well welcomed by master richard miles ( to whom i am and must be a thankfull brother in law ) whose loving kindnesse to me was shewed in such extraordinary manner , which because i cannot expresse , i will remayn gratefull with silence . concerning linne , it is an excellent sea-town and strong port , it is gravely and peaceably governed by a major , 12 aldermen , and a recorder . it hath bin honored by divers , but chiefly by king john 440 yeares since , and by king henry the third , the first gave them a faire gilt cup , which is there to be seene , as a witnesse of his royall liberality : and who so will know more of linne , let them goe thither and look the records of the town , or else let them read master camdens britania , or the painfull labours of master iohn speed. the troth is , mine hoast noble , was a noble hoast to me , at whose house , my brothers kindred and friends , gave me a friendly farewell . on tuesday the 27 of august , from linne to boston in lincolnshire 24 miles , where i dined with the right worshipfull sir anthony thomas knight , from boston i road 14 miles to horn castle , where i lodg'd the 28 of august . but i crave pardon of the reader , for i had almost forgotten a merry passage or two which hapned in norfolke , not farre from linne : and thus it was . at a place called priors thorns , neere to two towns , namely , northbery and sapham , there dwelt a man named frier , who was rich in substance , but very poore and miserable in his conditions : belike hee had read or heard of a play that was written 40 years since by master benjamin iohnson , the play is extant , and is called every man out of his humour , in which play was acted and personated a mizerly farmer , that had much corne in his barnes , and did expect a scant or barren harvest , that through want and scarcity hee might sell his corne at what deare rates hee pleased , but ( contrary to his wicked hopes ) the harvest proved abundantly plentifull , wherefore hee being in an extraordinary merry or mad veine , put himselfe to the charge of the buying of a two penny halter , and went into his barn as secretly as he could , and putting the halter about his neck with a riding knot , he fastned the other end to a beam , and most neatly hang'd himself : but ( as ill luck would have it ) his man presently came into the barne , and espyde his master so bravely mounted , the unlucky knave drew his knife and cut the halter , crying out for help as lowde as he could , rubbing and chafing his master with all care and diligence to recover him to life again ; at the last he awak'd out of his traunce , and fetch'd a deep groan , began to stare and look about him ; and taking the end of the cut halter in his hand , his first words to his man was , sirrah , who did cut this , o master ( said the fellow ) it was i that did it , and i thank god that i came in good time to doe it , and i pray you to take god in your minde , and never more to hazard your soule and body in such a wicked manner : to which good counsell of the poor fellow , the caitiffe replyde , sirrah , if you would be medling ( like a sawey busie rogue ) you might have untyde it , that it might have serv'd another time , such an unthristy rascall as thou will never be worth such a halter , it cost me two pence , and i will abate the price of it in thy quarters wages . and when the quarter day came , hee did abate the said two pence , for the which the fellow would dwell no longer with him , but went and got him another service : this was acted really and lately at the place aforesaid , in imitation of that part in the play , of every man out of his humour . after the said frier had some hogs which were like to die with the murrain , which hogs he killed and powdred , and his wife , children , and family , as many as did eat of the porke , fell sick and dyed all : for the which the slave deserv'd a hanging , and a hangman , but hee yet lives for some worse purpose . concerning a paire of brewers , and a piece of justice . another short norfolk tale is not impertinent . there was one master fen a brewer at fensham , and one master francis dix a brewer at sapkam , this dix was riding in the countrey amongst his customers ( the inkeepers and victuallers ) and he call'd for a pot of ale or beere as heroad by ; ( now that ale-house was a customer to fen , as soon as dix had drank , hee asked who brewed that drink , to whom the hoastesse sayd , that master fen of fensham brewed it ; well said dix , i dare lay a wager , that i will give my marc but a peck of mault , and she shall pisse better drink than this : at the last these words came to fens hearing , for the which disparagement , he sued dix , and recovered from him twenty pound damage besides costs , at the assizes last at norwich 1639. and now to returne to the narration of my travels , from whence i have digrest , since i lodg'd at horne castle in lincolneshire . from thence on the 18 of august , i road 30 miles to barton upon humber , and the next day ( being friday ) i tooke a boat for my selfe , my squire , and my two palfreyes , down to hull , or kingstone upon hull , the strength and scituation of which towne i have formerly written of : and i had no new thing there whereof to make any new relation : let it suffice , that it is absolutely accounted the strongest and most defensible town in the kingdome of england , and for good goverment inferiour to none : i might speak somewhat of their good fellowship ; but my book would swell big with it , therefore i will pay them with thinking and thanking of them , both my old friends and new acquaintance all in generall . the 31 of august i left hull , and road to holden 16 miles , and on the morrow i road to cowood castle , to see the most reverend doctor neale , the lord archbishop of yorke his grace , whom in all humility i do acknowledge my self much bound in duty daily to pray for , and remember him with unfained reverend thankfulnesse , not only for the undeserved favours and bounty which his grace extended towards mee now , but for many other former approvements of his graces love and liberality , when his grace liv'd neere mee at winchester house . at dinner with his grace , i had the happinesse to renew my acquaintance with the noble and worthy knight sir francis wortley ? who most courteously invited and commanded me to visit him in my journey , of which more followeth . my humble thanks rememberd to the right worthy worshipfull knight sir paul neale , with his fair and vertuous lady , as also my gratefull remembrance to all my lords gentlemen and servants , to whose loves and for whose friendships i shall ever acknowledge my selfe an ingaged debter . thus having past the sunday with my lords grace , and those other before named gentlemen . on munday the second of september , i took my breakfast and my leave both of cowood , and road to yorke , where i visited the worthy knight ( my old acquaintance ) sir arthur ingram , with whom , i thank his worship , i dined , and also had some other token of his love and bounty , for the which i remayn thankfull . of yorke i have but little to say , though it be a great , a faire , and the second city in england , built 989 years before our saviours birth , by ebrank king of this land , from whom the city is called eboracensis , this ebrank is said to have 21 wives , by whom he had 20 sonnes , and 70 daughters : he raigned here when as king solomon raigned in ierusalem ; hee overran france , he builded alclaid , or dumbritton in scotland , hee founded york , hee erected a temple there , and therein plac'd a flamine to diana : but after ( in king lucius time ) elutherius pull'd downe the said idolatrous wooden temple , and displac'd the flamine , and caused tho minster to be built in that magnificent manner of free stone , placing there an archbishop ; severus the roman emperour dyed there , and also there dyed the emperour flavius vallerius constantius ( which some call chlorus ) those that will know more of york , let them reade chronicles and larger volumes . the lord major of yorke was ( at my being there , one sir roger iaques knight , a gentleman of approved wisdome and government : myself did not stay three houres , and myne hoast master corney at the talbot , told mee all the news which i heard there , which was a fellow , that ( amongst other offenders ) was the first that was hang'd , and the last that was cut down , and being put into the grave or pit , with his fellows , when the earth was cast upon them , he began to stir and recover life , and was return'd to the gaole is now there living , and able to report truly what hanging is , probatum est . from yorke i rode after dinner to tadcaster , and so to a place called kidell , where at a poore ale-house i was glad of entertainment , and had the company of a tinker who made pretty musique with his banbury kettle-drum , there was also with him two drovers and 35 hogs , which were to be driven on the morrow seven miles further to leeds market , this good lodging and company , i past the night with all , and on the morrow , i road to the town of leeds ; of which towne i must say somewhat . this town is ( for the bignesse of it ) one the most populous towns in england , it hath in it above 12000 people , and having but one church there , it was not halfe capable to receive so great a congregation , they were extremly thronged and dangerously crowded ( especially in the heat of summer , or sultry contagious weather ) that the most part of the people were inforc'd eyther to go two or three miles severall ways to other village churches , or else to stay at home and want the hearing of gods word , and the meanes of their salvation . the care and consideration of these grievances entred into the pious minde of one master john harrison gentleman there , ( now living ) so that god opened his heart , that of his owne proper costs he caused a church to be built ( though it have but the name of a chappell ) which is so large , that it will contain 4000 people , it is so neatly compacted and framed , with exquisite art of carving and masonry , with painting , gilding , polishing , embellishing , and adorning , with a most stately roofe , a fair losty tower or steeple , a sweet ring of bels ; besides the admirable and costly joyners and carvers workmanship in the font , pulpit , pewes , chancell , communion boord , and all other things and ornaments for the decent adornment of such a house consecrated and dedicated to the service of god. i do absolutely affirme , that neither the church or the founder hath any fellows to be found . this chappell is called by the name of saint iohn evangolist , it hath a faire churchyard for burials , well and strongly walled about , and at the west end of the church-yard , the said gentleman hath founded a faire almse-house , and therein placed 21 poore aged people ; also hee hath founded and finished a faire school-house for the instruction of youth , and a fine sweet street hee hath built on both sides in a uniforme and faire manner , with houses : the rents whereof are for the mayntenance of the almes-houses , the schoole , and reparations of the church to the end of the world. and i leave this worthy founder to god for a blessing , and to the world for imitation . from leeds i went to wakefield , where if the valiant pinder had been living , i would have play'd don quixot's part , and challenged him ; but being it was so happy that he was dead , i past the town in peace to barnsley , and so to wortley , to sir francis wortleyes ancient house . the entertainment which himselfe , his good lady , and his most faire and hopefull daughter gave mee there , as i never did or can deserve , so i never shall be able to requite , to talke of meat , drinke , money , and free welcome for horse and man , it were but a meer foolery for me to begin , because then i should run myself into a labyrinth , out of which i should hardly finde the way : therefore to his worship , my humble thanks remembred , and everlasting happinesse wished , both to him and all that is his . yet i cannot forbeare to write a little of the further favour of this noble knight . upon the fourteenth of september afternoon , he took horse with mee , and his lady and daughter in their coach , with some other servants on horseback ; where three miles we rode over rocks and cloud-kissing mountains , one of them is so high , that ( in a cleere day ) a man may from the top thereof see both the minsters or cathedrall churches , yorke and lincolne , neere 60 miles off us ; and as it is to be supposed , that when the devill did looke over lincolne , as the proverbe is ) that hee stood upon that mountaine ) or neer it : sir francis brought me to a lodge , the place is called wharncliffe , where the keeper dwels , who is his man , and keeps all this woody , rocky , stony , vast wildernesse under him , for there are many deere there , and the keeper were an asse if he would want venison , having so good a master . close to the said lodge , is a stone in burthen at the least 100 cart loads , the top of it is foure square ( by nature ) and about 12 yards compasse , it hath three seats in the forme of chaires , made by art ( as it were in the front of the rocke ) wherein three persons may easily sit , and have a view and goodly prospect over large woods , towns , corn-fields , fruitfull and pleasant pastures , valleyes , rivers , deere , neat , sheep ; and all things needful for the life of man : contayned in thousands of acres and all ( or the better part , belonging to that noble knights ancestors , and himself . behinde the stone is a large inscription ingraven , where in an old character is described the ancient memory of the wortleys ( the progenitors to sir francis now living ) for some hundreds of yeares , who were lords and owners of the said lands and demaynes which hee now holds as their right heire . about a bow shoot from thence ( by the descent of many rungs of a ladder ) his worship brought mee to a cave or vault in a rocke , wherein was a table with feats , and turfe cushions round , and in a hole in the same rock , was three barrels of nappy liquour , thither the keeper brought a good red deere pye , cold roast mutton , and an excellent shooing-born of hang'd martimas biefe : which cheer no man living would thinke such a place could afford : so after some merry passages and repast , we returned home . on the fifth of september , i hired a guide , and rode to hallifax 16 miles , the ways were so rocky , stony , boggy and mountaynous , that it was a days journey to ride so short a way . at hallifax i saw the fatall engine , wherewith they do behead pilfering thieves , which sir francis wontley told me was set upon this occasion following . this towne of hallifax hath ( for time out of minde ) liv'd and subsisted by the rich and laudable trade of cloathing , and oftentimes their cloathes were stolne from the tenterhooks , ( or tenters ) whereupon the king ( then raigning ) upon their humble suite had priviledge granted to the town for ever : that if a thiefe were taken , either of these three ways , which is , handnapping , back-bearing , or tongue-telling , that is , either about to steale , or carrying it away , or confessing , that then the party offending ( after triall by a jury of townsmen ) if the goods , be it cloth , cattell , or whatsoever is valuable , is judg'd to have their heads struck off with the said engine , without any assize or sessions . now the engine is two high pieces of timber , an ell or yard asunder , fixed and closed on the top , with a crosse piece like a gallowse ; in the inner sides of the two standing pieces are two gutters , and on the top ( or crosse piece is a pulley through which they do put a small line or rope , and fastning it to another heavyer piece of wood of 100 weight ( in which they doe fix the sharp-edge-toole ) then they doe pull or hoyst up the said weight , and the stolne goods is brought to the place of execution with the malefactor ; now one end of the rope is made fast to a pinne or stake , which being cut , the engine fals so ponderously and speedily , that it sovers the head from the body in a moment , but there is no man will or must cut the line , but the owner of the stolne goods , which if he do , hee hath all again : if he will not cut it , then he must lose all , and it is employed to some charitable uses ; by which means the thiefe escapes ; and this is hallifax law . the sixt day i left hallifax , and road oversuch wayes as are past comparison or amending , for when i went downe the lofty mountaine called blackstone edge , i thought my selfe with my boy and horses had been in the land of break-neck , it was so steep and tedious , yet i recovered 12 miles to rochdale , and then i found smooth way to manchester , and to sandy lane end 13 miles ; and to chester 14 miles , which was the furthest place of my tedious travell . for my short stay at chester ( which was but one day and two nights , i had good and friendly entertainment , of many gentlemen , to whom i must rest thankfull , especially to the worshipfull master alderman edwards , and to master wright and his wife . it was my fortune to see and rejoyce at the sight of the noble , right honorable earle and knight of the renowned order of saint george , william earle of darby : and although i have no relation to his lordship or acquaintance with him , yet for the reverend reverend respect which i doe owe and beare to nobility , it did me good to see so grave and honourable a peere . the city of chester , is of ancient erection and fame , it was the royall seat of kings , and there are yet some ruines left of the memorable pallace of king edgar , to which mansion the said king was rowed in a barge by eight captives ( or tributary kings from saint johns ) on the river of dee , which river there is spoyled and impeached by a bank of stones all over it , onely for theemployment of a mil or two , which river other ways would be both passable & profitable to the whole country , for many miles , for the carriage of goods in boats & barks . chester itself is a fair city four square , well walled , with an old ruin'd castle , which hath beene a strong fabrick , but now a gaole , the streets are spacious , the buildings sumptuous , and so contrived , that four or five men may walk in the most parts of a breast , dry from the injury of raine , or any falling weather : it is gravely and peaceably governed by a major and his 12 brethren , it hath foure gates and three posterns , goodly churches , and chiefly painfull and learned preachers . and so much for chester . onely a merry tale , of a late true businesse which hapned there ; there dwelt a bricklayer , a good workman ( but a good husband ) whose name was iohn tilly , who had the good hap to spend all that he got in his lifetime , except two sonnes and one daughter : and being sicke and in his death-bed , there came a poore neighbour to visit him , whom he desired to make or write his last will and testament ; the poor man ( having ink and paper ) asked him what hee should write ? quoth honest john tittle , my estate is but little , but i pray thee write thus . imprimis , i give and bequeath to my wife ( for her solace and comfort ) my little dog , for it is a pretty nimble active curre , and wil make her some sport which may delight her , and put the grief of my death out of her sad remembrance . item , i give and bequeath to my eldest sonne john , all my working tools belonging to my trade of bricklaying , which as hee may use , may be as available to him , as they have beene to me , and this is the summe of my will. his youngest sonne standing by , sayd , father , have you nothing to give mee ? yes sonne ( quoth hee ) i had almost forgotten thee , but i will leave thee somewhat . item , i give and bequeath to my sonne george seven foot of ground vnder the gallowse . good father take comfort ( said george ) for my hope is that you will recover , and live to enjoy that legacie your selfe . then the daughter pray'd him to give her somewhat whereby she might remember his fatherly love , yes , quoth he , i pray write . item , i give and bequeath to my onely daughter a whores conditions and qualities , which as shee may use them , she may live in such estate and fame that she may be mistaken for a gentlewoman . lastly , i doe make and ordaine my neighbour here , my full executor : and for his paines for writing my will , i do give him and his heires male for ever , an old shooing-horn . the ninth of september i turn'd my back upon chester , ( almost without taking leave ) and road 15 miles to nantwich , the tenth i rode to stone and to lichfield , 22 miles . of the ancient town of lichfield i can say nothing ( by reason of my short stay ) onely there is a faire and curious old cathedrall church or minster . and the towne hath that priviledge ( as mine hoast told me ) that they can draw and hang one another , and never trouble any other judge , assize , or sessions . the eleventh i rode to faseley , abersom , hinckley and dadlington , eighteen miles , where all weary and almost worne out with age and travell , i rested untill saturday the fourteenth of september , and then rode eight miles to my brother miles , at my old welcome lodging at leicester . newes from hell , with a short description of the hell at westminster . not from that hell where souls tormented lye in endlesse death , and yet shall never die , where gnashing cold , commixt with flames still burning , where 's entrance free , but never back returning : where nought but horrour , fiends , and torments dwell ; i bring no news from that accursed hell ; yet mine own merits are of such low price , to barre me from celestiall paradise , and sinke me in that horrid lake infernall , but that my hope and faith is fixt supernall . the hell i write of is well known to be a place of pleasure , and for all men free , where wretched ghosts are not in torments stayd , for all the pains upon the purse is laid . to finde this hell you need not travell farre , 't is understood the high exchequer barre at westminster , and those who thither venter , do not give cerberus a sop to enter , for charons fury , you need never feare it , ( although ten thousand do land somwhat neer it ) within this hell is good content and quiet , good entertainment , various sorts of diet , tables a score at once , in sundry places , where hungry mouthes fall to , and say short graces , and then ( in some sort ) i may parallell this earthly hell , with the infernall hell. hot sweltring vapours , pots , and cauldrons boyling , great vehement fires , with roasting , stewing , broyling ; the cooks & scullions , all be smear'd and smoak'd , and in their masters grease well stew'd & soak'd , and had the devill a stomack unto it , the cook himselfe is not the rawest bit . like as th' infernall hell doth entertain all commers , so this hell doth not refrain to give free welcome unto every one if money fayle not , there 's excepted none . this hell is govern'd by a worthy duke that pluto like , his under fiends rebuke , there the tormenting tapster is control'd , if courteously he nick not ( as he should ) he must attend at every knock and rap , his reverend iugge deckt with a frothy cap , he fils and empts , and empts and fils again like sisyphus , he toyles , but not so vain , like danaus daughters , taking up , and spilling , he 's always emptying , and he 's never filling . thither the counsellour for comfort comes to rince his toyling tongue , and wash his gums , the client having tityus empty maw ( his guts tormented with the vulture law ) he comming to this hell may finde reliefe , of comfortable plumbroath , and roast biefe . there , for your solace you may feed upon whole seas of pottage , hot as phlegeton , and midst those seas , by art , the cooks hath laid small iles of mutton , which you may invade with stomack , knife and spoon , or tooth and naile , with these , the victory you cannot faile . therefore this earthly hell is easier farre , then where the miserable damned are , there 's no redemption from that black abisse , and here regresse , as well as egresse is , therefore they falsly do mistake the story , to call this hell , which is but purgatory , for here 's no thraldome , from this place you may get present freedome , if the shot you pay . here followeth three satyricall lashes or jerks , given with the pen of the authour , at or upon the devil 's ars a peak . pens , are most dangerous tools , more sharp by ods then swords , and cut more keene then whips or rods ; therefore ( most high and mighty duke of dis ) c●mmander where the lake avernus is , great lord of limbo , s yx , and phlegeton , of tartarus , gehenna , acheron , most potent monarch of black erebus , prince of the triple-headed cerberus , sole emperour of darknesse , and dark works , master of hereticks , infidels and turks , arch-flammin of hot tophets smouldring flames , king of cocytus , and th' infernall streams , earle of all errors , and chief dominator of all sins done , by earth , ayre , land , or water , viscount , and baron of large barathrum , since i have liv'd to come so neare your bum , as is your wicked worships ars a peake , though some men think my muse is all too weake ; i with my pen doe meane to yerke and ferke ye , and ( as i promis'd ) with three jerkes will jerkeye . i know that many fooles will jeere and frumpe , that i durst come so neare the divells rumpe , and lash with my poore penne satyricall , this great don diego diabolicall : but i would have him and his friends to know , i jeere him not , for all his bug-bare show : 't is knowne that he , and all that him attend , to any poet never was a friend : and therefore now i daring him oppose , and jerke his hellish majesty in prose . although you ( great master of the perpetuall hot-house ) don sel de lucifer , have on the earth in all places and countries many multitudes of damnable sonnes , friends , and servants , to oppose mee and take your part , yet i being come so neer your podex , must jerk your breech with my satyre pendragonly goose quill , you know that reproofe is as ill taken as correction by the ungracious . therefore although you are so bad that you are quite past any mending , yet your gracelesse majesty may be lawfully touch'd by reprehending ; you have been a cheater ever since the creation , and in that art of coozening , youfirst cheated your selfe of everlasting happinesse , and gained thereby perpetuall perdition , and ever since you have play'd hocus pocus , and with your tricks , sleights , and jugling legerdemayne , done your best to draw all the whole race of mankinde after you into your kingdome of cimerian tenebrositie ; you taught our first parents infidelity , pride , disobedience and lying , which qualities of theirs are so naturally descended to us , that ( by your industrious instigation ) we do continually shew ( by our lives and conversations ) of what house wee came . by their example of believing too much in you , we are growne incredulous in things which most concerns our better and best of being , and wee are so inur'd and practisde in lying , ( by your inspiration being the father of lyes ) that wee are doubtfull to believe one another . and yet ( like the cretans ) with long use and custome , wee doe many times believe our own lyes to be true . may it please your infernall hell-hood to take into your execrable consideration , that you were the first inventer of the most ignoble science of offence , you taught caine the imbrocado , and shewed him how to murder his brother , and from that time to this , the art of murdering , killing , and cutting throats hath beene universally and perfectly learned and practised . you have beene the inventer of all manner of destroying weapons , from the high degree of the welsh-hook , to the lower descent of the taylors bodkin ; and in these later times you ( with the helpe of a frier ) have devisde a burning , smouldring , most hellish and undefencible mischief that murders men by heaps , and ( with a powder ) can blow whole kingdomes into the firmament ; and for the innumerable engines that are daily used and cast for such uses , your most high and imperiall malediction have declared your selfe an excellent artist , from the double cannon to the elder gun-mines , countermines , petards , granadoes , fire-works , wild-fire , and the devill and all doe continually seek and worke the destruction of miserable mankinde . you are a great traveller , and will take the paînes to compasse the whole earth to finde a just man , on purpose to doe him a mischiefe , but for a crew of common drunkards , rascals , bawds and whores , you know you need not wet your foot to seek them , they are your own already , and by your good will , you would fill hell so full , that heaven should have but a few . and so let that passe for one and the first jerke . secondly , you know that there is but one narrow way to happinesse , and many wayes to your zona torrida , frigida , ( for all those large wayes doe meet in one at the last , and bring poore soules into your pestiferous pursnet ) some go by the way of sodome , to finde out your most damnable mansion , some by the way of incest , some by adultery , some by fornication ( for they say you are the master of the honourable and worshipfull company and brother-hood of the fornicators ) in which regard you are a great friend to parators & panders . you shew'd cham the way how to deride his father , by which example a company of chammists , have ever since practised not onely to mock , scoff , and abuse their naturall parents , but also to contemne , raile and revile against kings and princes , who are the royall fathers of terrestriall government , and further to despise , slight , and libell against the most reverend fathers , the stewards and painfull dispensers of the spirituall food of eternity ; you directed corah and his complices the high rode-way to murmur ; achitophel to give wicked counsell , and absolon to rebel and usurpe ; you shewed ioab the way to treachery , achan tosteale , iobs wife to abuse her husband , from whom the most part of women ( like apt schollers ) are very expert in that kinde of miserable mystery . you put gehezi into the high-way of taking a bribe , and it is too well known what a wicked number of followers he hath had of all degrees , from the scepter to the swain , from the black gown to the buckrum bag . you directed nabal ( who anagrammatized or lead backward is laban ) to be as churlish as a hog , from whom miserable dives hath perfectly learn'd the way to true misery , you taught nimrod the way to tyrannize , and enclose and encroach upon land and territories , which hath beene the bounding , mounding , and curtalling of commons . the raysing of ambition , pride , voluptuousnesse , and such earthly vertues of accursed greatnesse , and to the almighty making of beggers . you tye fast the rich mans purse , and let loose the poore mans curse , you instructed pharaoh , senacherib , and rabsheka in the way ofblasphemy , and from those hellish presidents their wickednesse is daily impiously imitated , shimei was one of your anathema profound schollers , and from you hee learn'd to curse the lords anointed extempore : once ( as i have read ) you were so addicted to peace and unity that you made herod and pilate friends , who were hatefull enemies , but afterwards your hypocrisie was found , that it was your plot to destroy innocence : you made demas to forsake the truth , and embrace the world ( your wicked sister : ) you have never been unprovided of a kennell of whores , queans , and concubines , to tempt and draw the wisest men to folly , and for him that is most strong ( in his owne opinion ) you have alwayes one darling sinne or other to fit his disposition , constitution , inclination , or humour , that like a dalilah shall weaken him , or quite overthrow him . and this shall suffice for the second ierke . thirdly and lastly , you know that your end draws nigh , and therefore now you rave , rage , and are more mad then ever you were , you know that after doomsday , that you shall have no more power over mortals , then you shall be for ever chain'd in your denne like a dogge in a kennell ; and therefore now you with all double diligence , doe endevour to doe your best to doe your worst , and as much as in you lyeth , you draw us from bad to worse , and from worse to worst . the hypo crite ( by your intcitement ) doth vizard all his villany , with the maske or veile of vertue ; hee follows the steps of ananias and saphira to a haire , hee with his sower looke shrowds a lofty minde . you have scatterd pride into as many shapes as proteus , so that a proud fashion hunter ( if either money or credit will furnish him ) will transforme himselfe into as many formes as you can do ; our roarers ( who by your pestiferous favour are stiled the damn'd crue ) are so given to most unhallowed meditation , that they lie a bed almost till dinner time to study new oaths , to vent at this ordinary , at bowls , cock-fighting , horse-race , whore-house , or any other place of gentleman like or noble exercise ; and as you have taught them to sweare without feare , so they doe often forsweare without shame : although sometimes they hazzard their eares , as they doe their souls . youset bad projectors ( and unprofitable ) a work , as thick as crab-lice or caterpillers , and it is no doubt but you will deale so justly with them , that you will pay them their wages , & after you have set them a gog ( with a vengeance ) to doe injury with a mischiefe . you are so skilfull in physicke , that you have made too many believe that the losse of a mayden-head is an approved and speedy medicine for the green sicknesse . poets , painters ( and some few courtiers ) you have so well taught that they can flatter most artificially with pen , picture , and by word of mouth . it is long of you that what ever the choplin and the chaplin liath , yet the thin-check'd chiplin hath nothing at all . i know a poore curate that comes and goes a mile every sunday , be it winter or summer , all manner of weathers , sometimes wet to the skin , and preaches once a week ( on sundays ) for bare five pound a yeare , the tythe being valued at fix y pound per annum , so that the miserable stipend or hireling wages will hardly buy wood to make a fire for him when hee comes home to dry him , when hee s through wet . this is your worke ( monsieur diabola ) for it is your inspiration to put such wrangling spirits into impropriatours , that for the not paying of a tenth pudding or a tythe egge the law must take his course . you have brought the schismaticall separatist to be as unconformable as your selfe , for ( like you ) they cannot bide thecrosse or the signe of it ( if it be not upon money ) and you have made them as unmannerly as your selfe , for they will not move a hat , or bow a knee at the name of our saviour , and they are wax'd as slovenly as you can make them , for they hate clean linnen , and all order , neatnesse and decency in the church ; and you have long practiz'd a politick slight , which is , that when a reverend pastor is painfully and carefully preaching to his audience , instructing them how to avoid your snares and traps ; then you are so angry and impatient when you are told of your faults , and heare your damnable devices laid open , that you could afford to pull the preacher out of the pulpit by the eares , or to teare him in pieces , but that hee is so happy that you have no power over him : your inveterate malice being limited , curb'd , and snaffled by an unresistable high and omnipotent power , and hee very well understands and knowes in whose service he is , and whose embassage he delivers , and therefore is so valiant that he neither feares or cares a rush for you ; which your imperiall malevolence perceiving , you have another trick for him , which is to lull the people asleep , ( of which number many times the best of the parish are some ) by which means you do debarre them of what they should heare , and in the mean time , the preacher speaks to the bare walls . and i am perswaded that is against your will , that there is any good preacher living , and seeing they do live ( in despight of you ) and that by their care & industry they doe now and then violently plucke a soule from you , in revenge thereof you chiefly seek their confusion , either by war , slander , or starving them through want of means . yet this much may be spoken as one of your good parts , which is , that you were never known to be drunke , and though you never walke uprightly , yet you never stumbled , you were never so fox'd but you knew the way home ( and the troth is , you are so bold , that you would make every place your home . ) the court , the city , the country , the pallace , the castle , the cottage , and the church and all , you are so audacious either to enter them by force , or else to insinuate and sneak into them by craft and subtilty . and though you are no drunkard , yet you doe love the whole rabble of them so well , that you are unwilling to lose one of them all , but my hope is better . for if they leave it and mend their manners as they should do , the devill the one of them you are like to have . you have the art to make great scholler to learne retrograde , for if a man be never so good a grammarian , and hath greek and latine as perfect as homer or virgil , yet ( if he be married ) you doe too often teach his wife the way to reade him backward , like an hebrician , and though he be never so well skild in learned volumes , and the seven liberall arts , yet shee puts him againe into his horn-book . you have so much devotion in you , that you doe assist those brethren that doe pray zealously , that they may be disobedient with a safe conscience , and you make them so stout and valiant that some of them are more able to doe more service in a white sheet then the honestest man in a whole shire can doe . you know that the projector would be an honest man if hee did not keep company with himselfe , therefore you might do somwhat to be talk'd off , if you would separate him . it is a scurvy fashion of your devising , that wisemen in russet , must reverence and stand bare to silken fools ; but to conclude , you have gotten such a freedome that you have a finger in all trades , and an oare in every mans boat , nor was there ever any bad thought , word , or deed , imagined , spoken , or commited since the creation , but you were at the middle and both ends of it ; and i do remember that i have read how once you bragged , boasted and promised to give all the kingdomes of the world to be worshipped , and afterward you were in that poore roguish case , that you were faine to aske leave to take possession of a silly hog . in which manner of vain-glorious oftentation , bragging and boasting , the most part of men are expert , and to promise much , and performe nothing , is so easie a lesson of your teaching , that many great men are more ready and perfit in it then in their pater nester . and now you grand master of mischief , you may trusse up your hose , for at this time my pen is worn blunt , my inkhorn dry and myselfe weary with jerking , where correction is in pain , and no possibility of no amendment . thus after the expence of much money , and ten weeks time , having ridden 645 miles ( of sandry measures and sizes ) all weary and almost monylesse , i returned to london on friday the twentieth of september , 1639. finis . a new discouery by sea, with a vvherry from london to salisbury. or, a voyage to the west, the worst, or the best that e're was exprest. by iohn taylor. taylor, john, 1580-1653. 1623 approx. 63 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13478 stc 23778 estc s102630 99838402 99838402 2778 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13478) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2778) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1118:14) a new discouery by sea, with a vvherry from london to salisbury. or, a voyage to the west, the worst, or the best that e're was exprest. by iohn taylor. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [20] leaves printed by edw: allde for the author, london : 1623. signatures: a-b c⁴. printer's device (mckerrow 310) on title page. partly in verse. some print faded and show-through. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -description and travel -1601-1700. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2003-05 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new discouery by sea , with a vvherry from london to salisbury . or , a voyage to the west , the worst , or the best . that e're was exprest . by iohn taylor . london , printed by edw : allde for the author . 1623. to the nobilitie , gentrie , and communaltie , who are inhabitants , or wel-willers , to the welfare of the citie of salisbury , and county of wiltshire . right honourable , worshipfull , and louing country-men , i haue named my booke and voyage , the worst , or the best , which i euer vndertooke and finished , and it lyes in your pleasures , to make it which you please ; i am sure for toyle , trauaile , and danger , as yet i neuer had a worse , or a more difficult passage , which the ensuing discourse will truly testifie ; yet all those perils past i shall accompt as pleasures , if my infallible reasons may moue or perswade you to cleere your riuer , and make it nauigable from the sea to your citie ; i haue in part touched what the proffit and commodities of it will be vnto you , and i haue briefly shewed the inconueniences which you haue through the want of it : i haue also declared , that the maine intent or scope of my comming vnto you with a wherry ; was to see what lets or impediments were the hinderances vnto so good and beneficiall a worke . all which i haue ( according to my simple suruey , and weake capacity ) set downe , which with the merrines of my most hazardous sea-progresse , i humbly dedicate to your noble , worshipfull and worthy acceptances , euer acknowledgling my selfe and my labour in your seruices oo be commanded in all dutie . iohn taylor . a discouery by sea , from london to salisbury . as our accompt in almanacks agree , the yeare cal'd sixteen hundred twenty three : that iulyes twenty eight , two houres past dinner , we with our wherry , and fiue men within her , along the christall thames did cut and curry , betwixt the counties , middlesex and surry : whilst thousands gaz'd , we past the bridge with wōder , where fooles & wise men goe aboue & vnder . we thus our voyage brauely did begin downe by st. katherines , where the priest fell in , by wapping , where as hang'd drownd pirats dye ; ( or else such rats , i thinke as would eate pye. ) and passing further , i at first obseru'd that cuckolds-hauen was but badly seru'd , for there old tyme , had such confusion wrought , that of that ancient place remained nought . no monumentall memorable horne , or tree , or poste , which hath those trophees born , was left , whereby posteritie may know where theire forefathers crests did growe , or show . which put into a maze my musing muse , both at the worlds neglect , and times abuse , that that stout pillar , to obliuions pit should fall , whereon plus vltra might be writ , that such a marke of reuerend note should lye forgot , and hid , in blacke obscurity ▪ especially when men of euery sort of countries , cities , warlike campes or court , vnto that tree are plaintiffs or defendants , whose loues , or feares , are fellowes , or atendants : of all estates , this hauen hath some partakers by lot , some cuckolds , and some cuckold-makers . and can they all so much forgetfull be vnto that ancient , and renowned tree , that hath so many ages stood erected , and by such store of patrones beene protected , and now ingloriously to lye vnseene as if it were not , or had neuer beene ? is lechery wax'd scarce , is bawdery scant , is there of whores , or cuckolds any want ? are whore-masters decaide , are all bawdes dead , are panders , pimps , and apple-squires , all fled ? no surely , for the surgeons can declare that venus warres , more hot then marses are . why then , for shame this worthy port maintaine , let 's haue our tree , and hornes set vp againe : that passengers may shew obedience to it , in putting off their hats , and homage doe it . let not the cornucopiaes of our land , vnsightly and vnseene neglected stand : i know it were in vaine for me to call that you should raise some famous hospitall , some free-schole , or some almes house for the poore that might encrease good deeds & ope heau'ns dore 't is no taxation great , or no collection which i doe speake of , for this great erection , for if it were , mens goodnesses , i know would proue exceeding barren , dull , and slow : a post and hornes , will build it firme and stable , which charge to beare , there 's many a begger able ; the place is ancient , of respect most famous , the want of due regard to it doth shame vs , for cuckolds hauen , my request is still , and so i leaue the reader to his will. but holla muse , no longer be offended , 't is worthily repair'd , and brauely mended , for which great meritorious worke , my pen shall giue the glory vnto greenwich men . it was their onely cost , they were the actors without the helpe of other benefactors , for which my pen , their praises here adornes , as they haue beautified the hau'n with hornes . from thence to debtford we amaine were driuen , whereas an anker vnto me was giuen with parting pintes , and quarts for our farewell we tooke our leaues , and so to greenwich fell . there shaking hands , adiews , and drinkings store we tooke our ship againe , and left the shore . then downe to erith , 'gainst the tyde we went next london , greatest mayor towne in kent or christendome , and i aproue it can , that there the mayor was a waterman , who gouernes , rules , and reignes sufficiently , and was the image of authority : with him we had cheap reck'nings & good cheere , and nothing but his friendship we thought deare . but thence we rows'd our selues and cast off sleepe before the day-light did begin to peepe . the tyde by grauesend swiftly did vs bring before the mounting larke began to sing , and e're we came to lee , with speedy pace the sun gan rise with most suspicious face , of foule foreboding weather , purple , red , his radient tincture , east , northeast o'respread , and as our oares thus downe the riuer pul'd , oft with a fowling-peece the gulls we gull'd , * for why the master gunner of our ship , let no occasion or aduantage slip , but charg'd and discharg'd , shot , and shot againe , and scarce in twenty times shot once in vaine . foule was the weather , yet thus much i le say if 't had beene faire , fowle was our food that day . thus downe alongst the spacious coast of kent by grane , and sheppeies ilands downe we went , we past the nowre-head , and the sandie shore vntill we came to th' east end of the nowre , at last by ramsgates peere , we stiffly rowed the winde and tyde , against vs blowed and flowed , till neere vnto the hauen where sandwich stands , we were enclosed with most dangerous sands . there were we sowsd & slabberd , wash'd & dash'd , and grauell'd , that it made vs * halfe abash'd : we look'd and pry'd , and stared round about from our apparant perils to get out , for with a staffe , as we the depth did sound , foure miles from land , we almost were on ground . at last ( vnlook'd for ) on our larboord side a thing turmoyling in the sea we spide , like to a meareman ; wading as he did all in the sea his neather parts were hid , whose brawney limbes , and rough neglected beard and grim aspect , made halfe of vs afeard , and as he vnto vs his course did make i courage tooke , and thus to him i spake . man , monster , fiend or fish , what e're thou be that trauelst here in neptunes monarchy , i charge thee by his dreadfull three-tin'd mace thou hurt not me or mine , in any case , and if thou be'st produc'd of mortall kinde shew vs some course , how we the way may finde to deeper water , from these sands so shallow , i which thou seest our ship thus wash and wallow . with that ( he shrugging vp his shoulders strong ) spake ( like a christian ) in the kentish tongue , quoth he , kinde sir , i am a fisherman who many yeares my liuing thus haue wan by wading in these sandy troblous waters for shrimps , wilks , cockles , and such vsefull matters , and i will lead you , ( with a course i 'le keepe ) from out these dangerous shallowes to the deepe . then ( by the nose ) along he led our boate till ( past the flatts ) our barke did brauely floate , our sea-horse , that had drawne vs thus at large i gaue two groates vnto , and did discharge . then in an houre and a halfe , or little more , we throgh the downes at deale went safe on shore . there did our hostesse dresse the fowle we kill'd , with which our hungry stomacks well we fill'd , the morrow being wednesday ( breake of day ) we towards douer took our weary way : the churlish windes awak'd the seas high fury , which made vs glad to land there , i assure yee . blinde fortune did so happily contriue , that we ( as sound as bells ) did safe ariue at douer , where a man did ready stand to giue me entertainment by the hand . a man of mettle , marke and note , long since he graced was to lodge a gratious prince , and now his speeches sum , and scope and pith is iack and tom , each one his cosin smith , that if with pleasant talke you please to warme ye he is an host , much better then an army , a goodly man , well fed , and corpulent fill'd like a bag-pudding with good content , a right good fellow , free of cap and legge , of complement , as full as any egge : to speake of him , i know it is of folly , he is a mortall foe to melancholly , mirth is his life and trade , and i thinke very that he was got when all the world was merry : health vpon health , he doubled and redoubled , till his , and mine , and all our braines were troubled , vnto our absent betters there we dranke ; whom we are bound to loue , they not to thanke , by vs mine host could no great proffit reape our meate and lodging , was so good and cheape , that to his praise thus much i le truly tell , he vs'd vs kindely euery way and well . and though my lines before are merry writ , where ere i meet him i le acknowledge it . to see the castle there i did desire , and vp the hill i softly did aspire , whereas it stands , impregnable in strength large in circumference , heigth , bredth , and length , built on a fertile plat of ground , that they haue yearely growing twenty loads of hay , great ordnance store , pasture for kine and horses , rampiers and walls , t' withstand inuasiue forces , that be it well with truth and courage man'd , munition , victuall'd , then it can withstand the powers of twenty tamberlaines ( the great ) till in the end with shame they would retreat . t is gouern'd by a graue and prudent lord , whose iustice doth to each their right afford , whose worth ( within the castle , and without ) the fiue ports , and the country all about , the people with much loue , doe still recite , because he makes the wrongers render right . the kindnesse i receiued there was such , that my remembrance cannot be too much . i saw a gun thrice eight foot length of brasse , and in a wheele i saw a comely asse ( dance like a dogge ) that 's turning of a spit , and draw as it were from the infernall pit , ( whose deepe abisse is perpendicular one hundred fathome ( or well neere as farre ) so christaline , so cleere , and coole a water , that will in summer make a mans teeth chatter , and when to see it vp , i there had stood , i dranke thereof , and found it sweet and good . so farewell castle , douer , douer peere , farewell host bradshaw , thanks for my good cheere . my bonny barke to sea was bound againe ; on thursday morne , we launchd into the maine , by folstone , and by sangates ancient castle , against the rugged waues , we tugge and wrastle by hyde , by rumney , and by rumney marsh , the tyde against vs , and the winde blew harsh , 'twixt eolus and neptune was such strife , that i n're felt worse weather in my life . tost and retost , retost and tost againe ; with rumbling , tumbling , on the rowling maine , the boystrous breaking billowes curled locks impetuously did beate against the rockes , the winde much like a horse whose wind is broke , blew thicke and short , that we were like to choake , as it outragiously the billowes shaues the gusts ( like dust ) blowne from the bryny waues , and thus the windes and seas robustious gods fell by the eares starke mad , at furious ods . our slender ship , turmoyld 'twixt shores and seas , aloft or iowe , as stormes and flawes did please : sometimes vpon a foaming mountaines top , whose heigth did seeme the heau'ns to vnderprop , when straight to such profunditie she fell as if she diu'd into the deepest hell , the clowdes like ripe apostumes burst & showrd , their mattery watery substance , headlong powr'd ; yet though all things were mutable and fickle they all agreed to souse vs in a pickle , of waters fresh and salt , from seas and skye , wihch with our sweat ioynd in triplicitie , that looking each on other , there we saw we neither were halfe stewd , nor yet halfe rawe , but neither hot or cold , good flesh or fishes for canniballs , we had beene ex'lents dishes . bright phoebus hid his golden head with feare , not daring to behold the dangers there , whilst in that straight or exigent we stand , we see and wish to land , yet durst not land , like rowling hills the billowes beate and roare against the melancholly beachie shore , that if we landed , neither strength or wit could saue our boate from being sunke or split . to keepe the sea , sterne puffing eols breath did threaten still to blow vs all to death , the waues amaine ( vnbid ) oft boorded vs , whilst we almost three houres beleaguerd thus on euery side with danger and distresse resolu'd to runne on shore at dengie nesse . there stands some thirteene cottages together , to shelter fishermen from winde and weather , and there some people were as i suposd , although the dores and windowes all were closd : i neere the land , into the sea soone leapt to see what people those same houses kept , i knockd and cald , at each , from house to house , but found no forme of mankinde , man or mouse . this newes all sad , and comfortlesse and cold vnto my company i straightwaies told , assuring them the best way i did thinke was to hale vp the boate , although she sinke . resolued thus , we altogether please to put her head to shore , her sterne to seas , they leaping ouerboord amidst the billowes we pluck'd her vp ( vnsunke ) like stout tall fellowse . thus being wet , from top to toe we strip'd ( except our shirts ) and vp and downe we skip'd , till winde and sunne our wants did well supply and made our outsides , and our insides drie . two miles from thence , a ragged town there stood , to which i went to buy some drinke and food : where kindely ouer reckon'd , well misus'd , was , and with much courtesie abusde . mine hostes did account it for no trouble , for single fare to make my paiment double : yet did her minde and mine agree together that i ( once gone ) would neuer more come thither . the cabbins where our boate lay safe and well , belong'd to men which in this towne did dwell : and one of them ( i thanke him ) lent vs then the key to o'pe his hospitable den , a brazen kettle , and a pewter dish , to serue our needs , and dresse our flesh and fish , then from the butchers we bought lambe & sheep beere from the alehouse , and a broome to sweepe our cottage , that for want of vse was musty , and most extreamly rusty-fusty-dusty . there , two dayes space , we roast , & boyle & broyle and toyle , and moyle , and keepe a noble coyle , for onely we kept open house alone , and he that wanted beefe might haue a stone . our grandam earth ( with beds ) did all befriend vs and bountifully all our lengthes did lend vs , that laughing , or else lying downe did make our backs and sides sore , and our ribs to ake . on saturday the windes did seeme to cease , and brawling seas began to hold their peace , when we ( like tenants ) beggerly and poore , decreed to leaue the key beneath the doore , but that our land-lord did that shift preuent who came in pudding time , and tooke his rent , and as the sunne , was from the ocean peeping we launch'd to sea againe , and left house-keeping . when presently we saw the drisling skyes gan powt and lowre , and windes and seas gan rise , who each on other playd their parts so wilde as if they meant not to be reconcilde , the whilst we leape vpon those liquid hills where porposes did shew their finns and gills , whilst we like various fortunes tennis ball at euery stroake , were in the hazzard all . and thus by rye , and winchelsey we past by fairleigh , and those rockie cliffs at last . some two miles short of hastings , we perceiu'd the lee shore dangerous , and the billowes heau'd , which made vs land ( to scape the seas distresse ) within a harbour , almost harbourlesse . ( we giue god thankes ) amongst the rocks we hit , yet were we neither wash'd or sunk , or split . within a cottage nigh there dwels a weauer who entertain'd vs , as the like was neuer , no meat , no drinke , no lodging ( but the floore ) no stoole to sit , no locke vnto the doore , no straw to make vs litter in the night , nor any candlesticke to hold the light , to which the owner bid vs welcome still good entertainment , though our cheare was ill . the morrow when the sun with flushed face in his diurnall course began to trace , the winde exceeding stiffe and strong and tough , the seas outragious , and extreamely rough , our boate laid safe vpon the beachy sand whilst we to hastings went or walk'd by land . much ( to that towne ) my thankfulnesse is bound , such vndeserued kindnesse there i found . three nights we lay there , and three daies we spent most freely welcom'd , with much merriment . kinde mr. mayor his loue aboue the rest ; me and my crew , he did both feed and feast , he sent vs gold , and came himselfe to vs ; my thankes are these , because his loue was thus . mine host and hostesse clayton both i thanke and all good fellowes there , i found so francke , that what they had , or what could there be got they neither thought too heauy or too hot . the windes and seas continued still their course inueterate seem'd their rage , vntam'd their force , yet were we loath to linger and delay : but once againe to venture and away . thus desperatly resolud , twixt hope and doubt halfe sunke with launching , madly we went out , at twelue a clorke at noone , and by sun set to miching , or new hauen , we did get . there almost sunke ( to saue our boat at last ) our selues into the shallow seas we cast : and pluck d her into safety to remaine till friday that we put to sea againe . then mongst our old acquaintance ( storms & flaws ) at euery stroake neere deaths deuouring iawes : the weary daye we past through many feares , and land at last quite sunke ore head and eares . all dropping drie , like fiue poore rats halfe drownd from succour farre , we halde the boate on ground : cast out our water , whilst we brauely drop'd , and vp and downe to drie our selues we hop'd . thus we our weary pilgrimage did weare , expecting for the weather calme and cleare : but stormes , flawes , windes , seas , tooke no minutes rest , continuall fiercely blowing , west southwest . a towne call'd goreing , stood neere two miles wide to which we went , and had our wants supplide : there we relieu'd our selues ( with good compassion ) with meate and lodging of the homely fashion . to bed we went in hope of rest and ease , but all beleaguer'd with an host of fleas : who in their furie nip'd and skip'd so hotly , that all our skins were almost turn'd to motly . the bloudy fight endur'd at least sixe houres , when we ( opprest with their encreasing powres ) were glad to yeeld the honour of the day vnto our foes , and rise and runne away . the night before , a constable there came , who ask'd my trade , my dwelling , and my name : my businesse , and a troope of questions more , and wherefore we did land vpon that shore ? to whom i fram'd my answers true , and fit ( according to his plenteous want of wit ) but were my words all true , or if i lyde , with neither i could get him satisfide . he ask'd if we were pyrates ? we said no , ( as if we had , we would haue told him so . ) he said that lords sometimes would enterprise t' escape , and leaue the kingdome in disguise : but i assur'd him on my honest word , that i was no disguised knight or lord , he told me then that i must goe sixe miles t' a iustice there , sir iohn , or else sir giles : i told him i was loath to goe so farre , and he tolde me , he would my iourney barre . thus what with fleas , and with the seuerall prat of th'officer , and his ass-ociates , we arose to goe , but fortune bad vs stay : the constable had stolne our oares away . and borne them thence a quarter of a mile , quite through a lane , beyond a gate and stile , and hid them there , to hinder my depart , for which i wish'd him hang'd with all my hart . a plowman ( for vs ) found our oares againe , within a field well fill'd with barly graine : then madly gladly out to sea we thrust , gainst windes and stormes , & many a churlish gust : by kingston chappell , and by rushington , by little hampton , and by midleton , to bognors fearefull rockes , which hidden lie two miles into the sea , some wet , some drie , there we suppos'd our danger most of all , if we on those remorcelesse rockes should fall , but by th' almighties mercy , and his might , we row'd to selsey , where we stay'd all night . there , our necessity could haue no law , for want of beds we made good vse of straw , till sol , that olde continuall trauailer from thetis lap , gan mount his flaming car. the weather kept it's course , and blow'd , and rag'd , without appearance it would e're be swag'd , whilst we did passe those hills , & dales , & downes , that had deuour'd great ships , & swallow'd towns. thus after sixe or fiue houres toyle at least , we past along by wittering , west and east , vpon the lee shore still the winde full south , we came neere chichesters faire hauens mouth . and being then halfe sunk , and all through wet , more fear'd then hurt , we did the hauen get . thus in that harbour we our course did frame to portsmouth , where on monday morne we came . then to the royall fleete we row'd abord , where much good welcome they did vs afford . to the lord generall , first my thanks shall be , his bounty did appeare in gold to me , and euery one abord the prince i found , in sted of want , to make their loues abound , captaine penrudduck there amongst the rest , his loue and bounty was to vs exprest , which to requite , my thankfulnes i 'le showe , and that i 'le euer pay , and euer owe. on tuesday morning we with maine and might , from portsmouth crost vnto the i le of wight : by cowes stout castle , we to yarmouth hasted , and still the windes and seas fierce fury lasted . on wedn'sday we to hursts strong castle crost , most dangerously sowsd , turmoyl'd and tost : good harbour there we found , and nothing deere , i thank kinde m. figge , * the porter there , he shew'd vs there a castle of defence most vsefull , of a round circumference : of such command , that none can passe those seas vnsunk , or spoil'd , except the castle please . on thursday we , our boat row'd , pull'd and hal'd vnto a place which is key hauen call'd . the winde still blowing , and the sea so high , as if the losty waues would kisse the skie , that many times i wish'd with all my hart , my selfe , my boat , and crewe , all in a cart ; or any where to keepe vs safe and dry , the weather raged so outragiously . for sure i thinke the memory of man ( since windes and seas to blowe or flowe began ) cannot remember so stormy weather in such continuance , held so long together for ten long weekes ere that , t is manifest , the winde had blowne at sowth or west southwest , and rais'd the seas : to shew each others power , that all this space ( calme weather ) not one hower , that whether we did goe by sunne or moone , at any time , at midnight , or at noone : if we did launch , or if to land we set , we still were sure to be halfe sunk , and wet . thus toyling of our weary time away , that thursday was our last long look'd for day : for hauing past , with perill , and much paine , and plow'd , & furrow'd , o're the dangeroas maine , o're depths , and flats , and many a ragged rock , we came to christ-church hau'n at fiue a clock . thus god , in mercy , his iust iudgement sparing ( gainst our presumption , ouer bold , and daring ) who made vs see his wonders in the deepe , and that his power alone aloft did keepe , our weather-beaten boate aboue the waues , each moment gaping to be all our graues . we sinking scap'd , then not to vs , to him be all the glory , for he caus'd vs swim . and for his mercy was so much extended on me ( whose temptings , had so farre offended ) let me be made the scorne and scoffe of men , if euer i attempt the like agen . my loue , my duty , and my thankfulnesse , to sir george hastings i must here expresse : his deedes to me , i must requite in words , no other payment , poore mens state affords . with fruitlesse words , i pay him for his cost , with thanks to mr. templeman mine host. so leauing christ-church , and the hauen there , with such good friends as made vs welcome cheere : some serious matter now i must compile , and thus from verse to prose i change my stile . god , who of his infinite wisedome made man , of his vnmeasurable mercy redeemed him , of his boundlesse bounty , immense power , and eternall eye of watchfull prouidence releeues , guards , and conserues him ; it is necessary , that euery man seriously consider & ponder these things , and in token of obedience and thankfulnesse say with dauid : what shall i render , and the man hauing thus searched considerately , the causer of his being , then let him againe meditate for * what cause hee hath a being : indeede it may be obiected that almost euery thing hath a being , as stones haue being , trees , hearbs , and plants , haue being and life : beasts , fowles , and fishes , haue being , life , and sence : but to man is giuen a being , life , sence , and reason , and after a mortall an immortall euer being ; this consideration will make a man know that hee hath little part of himselfe , which hee may iustly call his owne : his body is gods , he made it ; his soule is his , who bought it ; his goods are but lent him , by him that will one day call him to a reckoning , for the well or ill disposing of them : so that man hauing nothing but what he hath receiued , and receiued nothing but what is to be imployed in the seruice of god , and consequently his prince and countrey , it is plainely to be perceiued , that euery man hath , the least share or portion of himselfe to boast of . i haue written this preamble , not onely to enforme such as know not these things already ; but also to such whose knowledge is , as it were fallen into a dead sleepe , who doe liue as though there were no other being then here , and that their life and being was ordained onely of themselues , neither god , prince , or countrey , hauing no share or portion of them or of what they call theirs . but oh you inhabitans of salisburie , i hope there are no such crawling cankerwormes , or common-wealth caterpillers amongst you . nay , i am assured of the contrary , that there are many who ( with religious piety open hands and relenting hearts ) doe acknowledge that your goods are but lent in trust vnto you , and doe patiently beare the ouer-burthensome relieuing of many hundreds of poore wretches , which ( were it not for your charity ) would perish in your streetes . this being entred into my consideration , that your citie is so much ouercharged with poore , as hauing in three parishes neere 3000. besides decayed men a great many , and that those fewe which are of the wealthier sort , are continually ouerpressed with sustaining the wants of the needy , the citie being as it were at the last gaspe , the poore being like pharaohs leane kine , euen ready to eate vp the fat ones : i haue made bold to write this treatise ensuing , both to entreat a constant perseuerence in those who haue begun to doe good workes , and an encouragement or animating of all others , who as yet seeme slowe in these good proceedings . and if any thing here written by me , be either impertinent , extrauagant , rude , harsh , or ouer bold , i humbly entreate you to impute it rather to my want of iudgement , learning , and capacity , then to any presumption , or want of loue and duty to the citie and cause , which is hereafter handled . it is sufficiently knowne that my intent and purpose at this time , was not to make any profit to my selfe vpon any aduenture ( as it is deemed by many ) by my passage from london to salisbury with a wherry , but i was entreated by a waterman , which was borne in salisbury , that i would beare him company for the discouery of the sands , flats , depthes , shoales , mills , and weares , which are impediments and lets , whereby the riuer is not nauigable from christ-church , or the sea to salisbury . which after many dangerous gusts , and tempestuous stormes at sea , ( which i haue recited in verse before ) it pleased god that at the last we entred the riuer , which in my opinion is as good a riuer , and with some charge may be made as passable as the riuer of thames is vpwards from brentford to windsor , or beyond it ; the shallow places in it are not many , the mills neede not be remoued , and as for the weares , no doubt but they may with conscience be compounded for . by which meanes of nauigation , the whole city and countrey would be relieued , loyterers turned into labourers , penurie into plenty , to the glory of god , the dignity and reputation of your citie , and the perpetuall worthy memory of all benefactors , and well-willers vnto so noble a worke . if you will but examine your owne knowledges , you shall finde that in the whole dominion of england , there is not any one towne or citie which hath a nauigable riuer at it , that is poore , nor scarce any that are rich which want a riuer with the benefits of boates : the towne of kingston vpon hull in yorkshire , the riuer there was cut out of humber , by mens labours 20. miles vp into the countrey , and what the wealth and estate of that towne is , ( by the onely benefit of that riuer ) it is not vnknowne to thousands : but you men of sarum may see what a commodity nauigation is , neerer hand ; there is your neighbour southampton on the one side , and your deere friend poole on the other , are a payre of hansome looking-glasses for you , where you may see your want in their abundance , and your negligence in their industry . god hath placed your being in a fertile soyle , in a fruitfull valley , enuironed round with corne , and as it were continually besieged with plenty : whilst you within ( hauing so many poore amongst you ) are rather lookers vpon happinesse then enioyers : moreouer ( by gods appointment ) nature hath saued you the labour of cutting a riuer , for i thinke you haue one there as olde as your citie ready made to your hands , if you will bee but industrious to amend those impediments in it , i dare vndertake to be one of the 3. or 4. men which shall bring or carie 16. or 20. tunnes of goods betwixt the sea and your citie ▪ now , with extreame toyle of men ; horses & carts , your wood is brought to you 18. or 20. miles , whereby the poore which cannot reach the high prices of your fewell , are enforced to steale or starue in the winter , so that all your neere adioyning woods are continually spoyled by them : which faults by the benefit of the riuer would be reformed , for the new forrest standeth so neere to the water , that it is but cut the wood and put it into a boate , which shall bring as much to your citie as 20. carts , and fourescore horses : besides , by this riuer you might draw to you a trade of sea-coale , which would enrich you , and helpe the plaine and inland townes and villages where no wood growes . and for the exportation of your corne from port to port , within our owne countrey , as it is well knowne what abundance of your barley is continually made into mault amongst you : which if you had cariage for it , might be brewed into beere , wherewith you might serue diuers places with your beere , which is now serued with your mault : besides cariages of brickes , tyles , stones , charcoales , and other necessaries , which is now caried at deere rates by horse or carts , which now you send in carts , or on horses backes , to southampton , to bristow , and to many other places : so that the deerenesse of the cariages eates vp all your commodities and profit , which discommodity may be auoyded , if your riuer be cleansed : and what man can tell what good in time may redownd to your citie from the sea , by forraigne goods , which may be brought into christ-church hauen by shipping ? nor can it be truly imagined , what new and vsefull profitable businesses may arise in time by this meanes . our forefathers and auncestors did in their liues time in former ages doe many worthy and memorable workes , but for all their industrie and cost , they did not ( or could not ) doe all ; but as there was much done to our hands , so there was much left for vs to doe , and very fitting it was that it should be so , for it is against common sence and reason our fathers should toyle in good workes like drudges , and wee spend our times loytring like drones : no , what they did was for our imitation . and withall , that wee should be leaders of our posterities by our examples into laudable endeuours , as our progenitours hath before shewed vs : we are their sonnes and offspring , wee haue their shapes and figures , wee beare their names , we possesse their goods , we inherit their lands ; we haue materials of stones , timber , iron , and such necessaries which they had , ( if not in greater abundance ) and hauing all these , let vs withall haue their willing and liberall hearts , and there is no question to be made , but that our riuer of auon will quickly be cleansed to the honest enriching of the rich , and the charitable relieuing of the poore . i am assured that there are many good men in the citie & country of wiltshire , and others of worth and good respect in this kingdome , who would willingly & bountifully assist this good work : but ( like gossips neere a stile ) they stand straining curtesie who shal go first : or the mice in the fable , not one will aduenture to hang the bell about the cats neck , so that if one good man would begin , it would be ( like a health drank to some beloued prince at a great feast ) pledged most heartily , and by gods grace effected most happily . you haue already begun a charitable worke amongst you , i meane your common towne brew-house , the profit of which you entend shall be wholy imployed for the supply of the poore and impotents which liue in your citie ; frō which sort of people ( being such a multitude ) the brewers there haue found their best custome ; for no doubt but the meanest begger amongst you , is ( in some sort ) more valiant then the richest man : because the one dares to spend all he hath at the alehouse , so dares not the other ; for the poore man drinks stifly to driue care away , and hath nothing to loose , and the rich man drinks moderatly , because he must beare a brain to look to what he hath . and of all trades in the world a brewer is the loadstone , which drawes the customs of all functions vnto it . it is the marke or vpshot of euery mans ayme , and the bottomlesse whirlepoole that swallowes vp the profits of rich and poore . the brewers art ( like a wilde kestrell or vnmand hawke ) flies at all games ; or like a butlers box at christmasse , it is sure to win whosoeuer looses : in a word , it rules and raignes ( in some sort ) as augustus caesar did , for it taxeth the whole earth . your innes and alehouses are brookes and riuers , and their clyents are small rills and springs , who all ( very dutifully ) doe pay their tributes to the boundlesse ocean of the brewhouse . for all the world knowes , that if men and women did drinke no more then sufficed nature , or if it were but a little extraordinary now and then vpon occasion , or by chance as you may terme it ; if drinking were vsed in any reason , or any reason vsed in drinking , i pray yee what would become of the brewer then ? surely wee doe liue in an age wherein the seauen deadly sinnes are euery mans trade and liuing . pride is the maintainer of thousands , which would else perish ; as mercers , taylers , embroyders , silk-men , cutters , drawers , sempsters , laundresses , of which functions there are millions which would starue but for madame pride with her changeable fashions . leachery , what a continuall crop of profit it yeelds , appeares by the gallant thriuing , and gawdy outsides of many he and she , priuate and publike sinners , both in citie and suburbs . couetousnesse is embroidered with extortion , and warmely lined & furred with oppression . and though it be a deuill , yet is it most idolatrously adored , honoured , and worshipped , by those simple sheepe-headed fooles , whom it hath vndone and beggered . i could speake of other vices , how profitable they are to a common-wealth ; but my inuention is thirsty , and must haue one carouse more at the brewhouse , who ( as i take it ) hath a greater share then any , in the gaines , which spring from the worlds abuses : for pride is maintained by the humble , yet one kinde of pride doth liue & profit by another : leachery is supported by the cursed swarme of bawdes , panders , pimps , applesquires , whores , and knaues , and so euery sinne liues and thriues by the members , agents , ministers , and clyents , which doe belong vnto them : but drunkennesse playes at all , all trades , all qualities , all functions and callings can be drunk extemporie , not at any great feast , or but at euery ordinary dinner or supper almost , when men are well satisfied with sufficiency , that then the mysterie of quaffing begins , with healths to many an vnworthy person ( who perhaps would not giue the price of the reckoning to saue all them from hanging ( which make themselues sicke with drinking such vnthankfull healths ) i my selfe haue oftentimes dined or sup'd at a great mans boord , and when i haue risen , the seruants of the house hath inforc'd me into the seller or buttry , where ( in the way of kindenesse ) they will make a mans belly like a sowse-tub , and inforce me to drinke as if they had a commission vnder the deuills great seale to murder men with drinking , with such a deale of complementall oratory , as , off with your cup , winde vp your bottome , vp with your taplash , and many more eloquent phrases , which tully or demosthenes neuer heard of ; that in conclusion i am perswaded three dayes fasting would haue beene more healthfull to me , then two houres feeding and swilling in that manner . if any man hang , drowne , stabbe , or by any violent meanes make away his life , the goods and lands of any such person , is forfeite to the vse of the king : and i see no reason but those which kill themselues with drinking , should be in the same estate and be buryed in the highwayes , with a stake droue through them : and if i had but a graunt of this suite , i would not doubt but that in seauen yeeres ( if my charity would but agree with my wealth ) i might erect almes-houses , free-schooles , mend highwaies , and make bridges ; for i dare sweare , that a number ( almost numberlesse ) haue confessed vpon their death-beds , that at such and such a time , in such and such a place , they dranke so much which made them surfeit , of which surfeit they languished and dyed . the maine benefit of these superfluous and man-slaughtering expences comes to the brewer , so that if a brewer be in any office , i hold him to be a very ingratefull man if he punish a drunkard , for euery stiffe pot-valiant drunkard is a post , beame , or piller which holds vp the brew-house : for as the barke is to the tree , so is a good drinker to a brewer . but you men of salisbury , wisely perceiuing how much euill to your citie , hath come by the abuse of good drinke , you would now worke by contraries , to drawe good for your poore out of these forepassed and present euils . to drawe euill out of good is deuillish , but to worke or extract goodnesse out of what is euill is godly , and worthy to be pursued . the abuse of good drinke , and excessiue drinking hath made many beggers amongst you , to the inriching of a few brewers , and now you would turne the world off from the barrels , as i would off from the coach-wheeles , that the benefit of your new built towne brew-house might relieue many of those poore amongst you , who haue formerly beene impouerished by the inriching of your towne-brewers . it is no doubt but they will oppose this good worke of yours , as the image-makers in ephesus did paul , when 〈◊〉 preached against their idolatrous worshipping diana ; but be not you discouraged , for nehemiah ( in time ) did build the temple , although sanballat and many others did oppose him , for as your intents are pious , so no doubt but god will make your euents prosperous . now to turne from beere and ale to faire water , ( your riuer i meane ) which if it be clensed , then with the profit of your towne-brewhouse , and the commodity of the riuer , i thinke there will be scarce a begger or a loyterer to be found amongst you : i haue written enough before concerning the benefit of it , and to encourage such as seeme slow towards so good a worke , which had it beene in the low-countries , the industrious dutch would not so long haue neglected so beneficiall a blessing , witnesse their aboundance of nauigable riuers , and ditches , which with the onely labour of men they haue cut , and in most places , where neuer god or nature made any riuer ; and lately there is a riuer made nauigable to st. yeades in huntington-shire , wherein stood seauen mills as impediments in the way . and now the citie of canterbury are cleering their riuer that boates may passe to and fro betwixt them and sandwich hauen : the like is also in hand at leedes in yorkeshire ; now , if neither former or present examples can moue you , if your owne wants cannot inforce you , if assured proffit cannot perswade you , but that you will still be neglectiue and stupid , then am i sorry that i haue written so much , to so little purpose , but my hopes are otherwaies ; 〈◊〉 blinde , lame , and couetous excuses be laid aside , then those who are willing will be more willing , and those who are slacke or backward , will in some reasonable manner drawe forward : and there is the mouth of an vncharitable obiection which i must needs stop , which is an old one , and onely spoken by old men , for ( say they ) we are aged and stricken in yeares , and if we should lay out our moneys , or be at charges for the riuer , by the course of nature we shall not liue to enioy any proffit to requite our costs ; this excuse is worse then heathenish , and therefore it ill becomes a christian , for as i wrote before , man was not created , or had either the goods of minde , body , or fortune bestowed on him by his maker , but that he should haue the least part of them himselfe , his god , prince and countrie , claiming ( as their due ) almost all which euery man hath . the oldest man will purchase land , which is subiect to barrennesse , and many inconueniences , he will buy and build houses , which are in danger of fire , and diuers other casualties , he will aduenture vpon wares or goods at high prises , which to his losse may fall to lowe rates : he will bargaine for cattell and sheepe , who are incident to many diseases , as the rot , the murraine , and diuers the like , and all this will he doe in hope to raise his state , and leaue his heires rich ; at his death perhaps ( when hee can keepe his goods no longer , when in spight of his heart he must leaue all ) he will giue a few gownes , and a little money to pious vses , a groce or two of penny loaues , and there 's an end of him , so that there remaines no more memory of him . but this good worke of your riuer is not subiect to barrennesse or sterilitie , but contrarily it will be a continuall haruest of plenty , it is not in danger of being consumed , or wasted , but it is assured of a perpetuall encrease . the names and memories of contributors towards it , shall be conserued in venerable and laudable remembrance , to the eternizing of their fames , the honour of their posterities , and the good example of succeeding times to imitate . therefore you men of salisbury i entreate you in this case to be good to your selues . or else you may say hereafter , if we had beene industrious we had beene happy : if we had not beene couetous , wee had beene rich. now , to returne to my trauels and entertainements : as i passed vp the riuer at the least 2000. swans like so many pilots swam in the deepest places before me , and shewed me the way : when i came to the towne of ringwood ( 14 miles short of salisburie ) . i there met with his maiesties trumpeters , and there my fellows mr. thomas vnderhill , and mr. richard stocke , mr. thomas ramsey , mr. randall lloyd , with others , which i name not , did walke on the banke and gaue me two most excelent flourishes with their trumpets , for the which i thanke them in print , and by word of mouth . at last i came to a towne called forthing bridge , where ( not many dayes before ) a grieuous mischance hapned , for two men being swimming or washing in the riuer , a butcher passing ouer the bridge ( with a mastiffe dogge with him ) did cast a stone into the water and say a duck , at which the dog leapd into the riuer and seasd vpon one of the men and kild him , and the butcher leaping in after thinking to saue the man , was also slaine by his owne dog , the third man also hardly escaping , but was likewise bitten by him . from thence i passed further , to a place called hale , where we were welcommed by the right worshipfull sir thomas penrudduck knight , whom we carried there in our boate , and who i am assured will be a forward and a liberall benefactor towards cleering of the riuer . so passing on our course by the villages of burgate , breamer , chartford , downton , and stonelye , we came at last to langfoord , where we were well entertained by the right honourable the lord edward gorge , ( lord barron of dundalke , and captaine of his maiesties strong and defencible castle of hurst , in hantshire ) to whom in loue and duty we profferd the gift of our tattered windshaken and weatherbeaten boate , which ( after our being at salisbury , being but two miles from thence ) his lordship accepted . and though he knew she was almost vnseruiceable , yet his noble bounty was such , that he rewarded vs with the price of a new boate. i had some conference with his honour concerning the impediments and clensing of the riuer , and i know he is most forwardly and worthily affected towards it , and no doubt if it be pursued , that then he will doe that which shall become a gentleman of his honourable calling and ranke . so on the same friday at night we came to salisbury where we brought our boate through fisherton bridge , on the west side of the citie , taking our lodging at the signe of the kings head there , with mine host richard estman , whose brother thomas , was one of the watermen which came in the boate thither from london ; on the morrow i with my company footed it two miles to wilton , where at the right honourable the earle of pembrooks , my lord chamberlaines house , i was most freely ( and beyond my worth and merit ) kindely welcommed , by the right worshipfull sir thomas morgan knight , with whom i dined , and by whose command i was shewed all or the most part of the admirable contriued roomes , in that excellent , and well built house , which roomes were all richly adorned with costly and sumptuous hangings ; his maiestie some few dayes before hauing dined there with most magnificent entertainment , as did expresse the loue of so noble a house-keeper for so royall a guest : vpon the sight of which house with the furniture , i wrote these following verses . if wholsome ayre , earth , woods , & pleasant springs are elements , whereby a house is grac'd : if strong and stately built , contentment brings , such is the house at wilton , and so plac'd . there nature , art , art-nature hath embrac'd ; without , within , belowe , aloft compleate : delight and state , are there so enterlac'd with rich content , which makes all good , and great the hangings there , with histories repleate diuine , profane , and morrall pleasures giuing with worke so liuely , exquisite , and neate , as if mans art , made mortall creatures liuing . in briefe , there all things are compos'd so well , beyond my pen to write , or tongue to tell . then was i shewed a most faire and large armorie , with all manner of prouision and furnitue , for pike , shot , bills , halberts , iauelins , with other weapons and munition , which for goodnesse , number , and well-keeping , is not second to any noblemans in england : afterwards i went to the stables , and saw my lords great horses , whom i saw such and so good , that what my vntutour'd pen cannot sufficiently commend , i am forced with silence to ouerpasse . but amongst the rest , the paines and industrie of an ancient gentleman mr. adrian gilbert , must not be forgotten , for there hath he ( much to my lords cost and his owne paines ) vsed such a deale of intricate setting , grafting , planting , inocculating , rayling , hedging , plashing , turning , winding , and returning circular , trianguler , quadranguler , orbiculer , ouall , and euery way curiously and chargeably conceited : there hath he made walkes , hedges , and arbours , of all manner of most delicate fruit trees , planting and placing them in such admirable artlike fashions , resembling both diuine and morrall remembrances , as three arbours standing in a triangle , hauing each a recourse to a greater arbour in the midst , resembleth three in one , and one in three : and he hath there planted certaine walkes and arbours all with fruit trees , so pleasing and rauishing to the sense , that he calls it paradise , in which he plaies the part of a true adamist , continually toyling and tilling . moreouer , he hath made his walkes most rarely round and spacious , one walke without another , ( as the rindes of an onion are greatest without , and lesse towards the center ) and withall , the hedges betwixt each walke are so thickly set , that one cannot see thorow from the one walke , who walkes in the other : that in conclusion , the worke seemes endlesse , and i thinke that in england it is not to be fellowed , or will in hast be followed . and in loue which i beare to the memory of so industrious and ingenious a gentleman , i haue written these following annagrams . adryan gilbert , annagrams art redily began a breeding tryal . art redily began a breeding tryal when she inspir'd this worthy gentleman for natures eye , of him tooke full espiall , and taught him art , art redily began , that though dame nature , was his tuteresse , he , out-workes her , as his workes apparent be . for nature brings but earth , and seeds and plants , which art , like taylers , cuts and puts in fashion : as nature rudely doth supply our wants , art is deformed natures reformation . so adryan gilbert , mendeth natures features by art , that what she makes , doth seem his creatures . thus with my humble thankes to sir thomas morgan , and my kinde remembrance to all the rest of my lords seruants there , my legges and my labouring lynes returne againe to salisbury , and from the next day ( being sunday ) to langford to my lord gorge his house , with whō i dined , & left my humble thanks for the reckoning . in briefe , my fruitlesse and worthy lip-labour , mixt with a deale of ayrie , and non-substantiall matter i gaue his lordship , and the like requitall i bestowed on the right worshipfull m. thomas squibb , mayor of sarum , with m. banes , m. iohn iuy , m. windouer , with all the rest ; and more then thankes , and a gratefull remembrance of their honourable , worshipfull , and friendly fauours , i know they expect not , and lesse then such a common duty as gratitude i must not , or cannot pay . to shut vp all in few words , i know his maiesties pious inclination is so ample , that he will be graciously pleased with any of your laudable endeuours for your welfare and commodity , if you take good and speedy aduice , then no doubt but the effects will be according to your honest intendments . so farewell salisbury till we meete againe , which i hope will be one day : in the meane space i pray thee take this poore pamphlet as a louing pledge of my returne . me thinks i see already , men , horses , carts , mattocks , shouels , spades , wheelebarrowes , handbarrowes , and baskets at worke for the clearing of your riuer : but if my thoughts doe deceiue me , and my expectation faile , i shall euer hereafter giue small credit to their intelligence . so once more salisbury i wish thee thankfully well to fare . on thursday the 21. of august , i tooke winchester in my way homewards ; where i saw an ancient citie , like a body without ● soule : and i know not the reason of it , but for aught which i perceiued , there were almost as many parishes as people . i lodged at the signe of the cock , being recommended to the host of the house , by a token from salisbury , but mine host dyed the night before i came , and i being weary , had more minde to goe to bed then to follow him so long a iourney , to doe my messuage , or deliuer any commendations : but the whole citie seemed almost as dead as mine host , and it may be they were all at haruest worke : but i am sure i walked from the one end of it to the other , and saw not 30. people of all sorts : so that i thinke if a man should goe to winchester for a goose , he might lose his labour for a trader cannot liue there , by venting such commodities . on friday i gallop'd a foote pace one and twenty miles , from winchester to farneham ; where i and one of my company hired a couple of hampshiere ienets with seauen legs , and three eyes betwixt them , vpon whom wee hobled seauenteene miles , to stanes , whence on saturday the 23. of august we footed it to brentfoord , and boated it to london . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a13478-e240 any ra● that eats pye , is a py●rat . when past down the riuer there was not any post or horne there , bu● since it is most worthily repaired . all estates or degrees doe either loue or feare this hauen . * his name is arthur bray a waterman of lambeth , & a good markman . * we were fiue men & two of vs were afraid two were not afraid , and i was halfe afraid . the right ho : the lo : zouch lord warden of the cinque ports . no dwelling within neere three miles of those cottages . the towns name is lydd , two miles from rumney in kent . our beds were cables and ropes euery feather at the least 20. fatham long . i walk'd to winchelsey , where i thanke my couzin mr. collins , the mayor there , he made me kindely welcome . the mayors name was mr. richard boyse , a gentleman whose laudable life , and honest gouernment is much beloued and aprou'd . * mathew figge , a right good fellow . * men should consider why god hath giuen them a being in this life . no man is owner of himselfe . here is an honest course set downe for the inriching of your rich , and the relieuing of your poore . his name is gregory bastable , and his ordinary place where he plyes , or attends his labour , is at the temple , and there also plyes thomas estman another wiltshire man , which went with me . some make a profit of quarelling , some picke their lyuings out of contentions & debate , some thriue and grow fat by gluttonie : many are brauely maintained by bribery , theft , cheating , roguery , & villany : but put all these together , and ioyne to them all sorts of people else and they all in generall are drinkers , and consequently the brewers clients and customers . let these lines be considered if i lye or not . let these lines be considered if i lye or not . tobyah . arabians . amonites . not a tree stands there , but it beares one good or rare fruit or other . a round worke is endlesse , hauing no end . i touch not the matchlesse adioyning wood and walkes of rowlington here , whose praises cōsists in it selfe , my pen being insufficient . the court and country, or a briefe discourse dialogue-wise set downe betweene a courtier and a country-man contayning the manner and condition of their liues, with many delectable and pithy sayings worthy obseruation. also, necessary notes for a courtier. vvritten by n.b. gent. breton, nicholas, 1545?-1626? 1618 approx. 72 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a68983 stc 3641 estc s104725 99840458 99840458 4966 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a68983) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4966) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 645:09, 1266:08) the court and country, or a briefe discourse dialogue-wise set downe betweene a courtier and a country-man contayning the manner and condition of their liues, with many delectable and pithy sayings worthy obseruation. also, necessary notes for a courtier. vvritten by n.b. gent. breton, nicholas, 1545?-1626? [38] p. by g. eld for iohn wright, and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the bible without newgate, printed at london : 1618. n.b. = nicholas breton. signatures: a⁴ (-a1, +e4) b-e⁴ (-e4). the title page is a cancel, with two woodcuts, printed as e4. variant: also having the cancellandum title, lacking the woodcuts. running title reads: the courtier and the country-man. identified as stc 3642 on umi microfilm reel 645. reproductions of the originals in the folger shakespeare library and the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. appears at reel 645 (folger shakespeare library copy) and at reel 1266 (henry e. huntington library and art gallery copy). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their 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michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng courts and courtiers -early works to 1800. country life -england -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-07 david karczynski sampled and proofread 2007-07 david karczynski text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the court and country , or a briefe discourse dialogue-wise set downe betweene a courtier and a country-man : contayning the manner and condition of their liues , with many delectable and pithy sayings worthy obseruation . also , necessary notes for a covrtier . written by n. b. gent. the country-man . the courtier . london , printed by g. e ld for iohn wright , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the bible without newgate . 1618. to the worshipfull and worthy knight , the fauourer of all good vertues and studies , sir stephen poll , of blackmoore in essex ; and to his worthy lady , health , honour , and eternall happinesse . worthy knight , being well acquainted with your true knowledge of the honour of the court , and the pleasure of the countrey : your iudiciall obseruation in your trauels abroad , and your sweet retyred life at home : finding my seruice indebted to many of your vndeserued bountifull fauours , and willing , in some fruites of my labour , to shewe the thankfulnesse of my loue , i haue aduentured to present your patience with a short discourse , in the manner of a dialogue , betweene a courtier and a countriman , touching the liues of either : what matter of worth is in it i will leaue to your discretion to consider of , with my bounden seruice to the honour of your commaund , hoping that either heere or in the country it will be a pretty passage of idle time , with some matter of mirth to remoue melancholy . and so in prayer for your health , and your good ladies , to whom , with your selfe , dedicating this short dialogue , i rest yours , humbly deuoted to be commanded nich. breton . to the reader . among many passages that i haue met with in the world , it was my hap of late to light on a kinde controuerfie betweene two kinsmen , a courtier and a countryman , who meeting together vpon a time , fell to perswading one another from their courses of life ; the courtier would faine haue drawne the country-man to the court , and the countryman the courtier to the country . the reasons for their delights , and loue to their manner of liues , i haue set downe as i found them ; but whatsoeuer they alledged for their contentments , it seemed they were resolued vpon their courses , for in the end they left where they begunne , euery man to his owne humour , and so brake off . now what profit or pleasure may arise by the reading of them , i referre to their discretion that can best make vse of them . matter of state is not here medled with ; scurrillity heere is none : no taxing of any person , nor offence iustly to any whosoeuer : but passages of witte , without the malice of any euill minde . and in summe , matter of good substance , and mirth enough to driue away a great deale of melancholy : and so leauing it to your patience to read , and to your pleasure to esteeme of as you see cause : both to courtiers and countrimen that are kinde and honest men , i rest , to wish content in the course of a happy life , and so remaine your well wishing countryman n. b. the covrtier and the covntryman . covrtier . cousin , well met ; i see you are still for the country , your habite , your countenance , your footing , and your carriage doe all plainly shew you are no changeling , but euery day alike , one , and the same . covntry-man , i am so indéede , and wish that you were so too ; for then should you not be so great an eye-sore to your friends , nor such an enemy to your selfe : for , i feare the place you liue in is more costly then profitable ; where , for one that goes vp the weather , a number goe downe the winde , and perhaps the place not so truly full of delight as the passage through a meaner compasse . covrt . oh cousin , you cannot but confesse that blinde men can iudge no coulours , and you that liue plodding to purchase a pudding , cannot but distast any meat that may compare with it , though in many degrées of goodnes it excéede it : for , should i tell you truly what i know of it , you would soon after your opinion to a point of better iudgment . oh , the gallant life of the court , where so many are the choices of contentment , as if on earth it were the paradise of the world , the maiesty of the soueraigne , the wisdome of the councell , the honour of the lords , the beauty of the ladies , the care of the officers , the courtsey of the gentlemen , the diuine seruice in the morning and euening , the witty , learned , noble , and pleasant discourses all day , the variety of wits , with the depth of iudgments , the dainty fare , sweetly dressed and neatly serued , the delicate wines and rare fruites , with excellent musique and admirable voyces , maskes and playes dauncing and riding ; deuersity of games , delightfull to the gamsters purposes ; and riddles , questions and answers ; poems , histories , and strange inuentions of witt , to startle the braine of a good vnderstanding : rich apparell , precious iewells , fine proportions , and high spirits , princely coaches , stately horses , royall buildings and rare architecture , sweete creatures and ciuill behauiour : and in the course of loue such carriage of content , as so luls the spirit in the lap of pleasure , that if i should talke of the praise of it all day , i should be short of the worth of it at night . covnt . and there withall you wak't : or else you are like a musitian that onely playes vpon one string : but , touch the basse , with the treble , the meane , with the counter tenor , and then see how the strings will agree together , and whether the voyces doe not rather faine then sing plaine , for feare the ditty may disgrace the note , and so the musicke be not worth the hearing : but if all be as you say , yet take the euening with the morning , and all the weeke with the holy-day , the sower with the sweet , and the cost with the pleasure , and tell me then if once in seauen yeares , when your state is weakened and your land wasted , your woods vntimberd , your pastures vnstored , and your houses decayed ; then tell me whether you find the prouerbe true , of the courtier young and old : though sometime a bell-weether may bee fat , when many a better sheepe cannot hit on so good a feeding . but since you speake so scornefully of the country life , if you were or could be so happy as to apprehend the true content in the course of it , you would shake the head , and sigh from the heart to be so long from the knowledg of it , and neuer be at rest till you were gotten to it . oh , the swéete of the country life , in which are so many and so true varieties of pleasures as kéeps the spirit euer waking , and the senses euer working for the full content of the whole creature , in so ▪ much that if there may be a similie of heauen vpon earth , it is onely in the precinct of the country passage , where both nature and reason behold and enuy that satiety of pleasure that is not easily to be expressed . and to answer directly to some of your points of praise , let me tell you , though we sée not our soueraigne euery day , yet we pray for him euery hower ; and holding ourselues vnworthy of his presence , are glad when we may get a sight of his maiesty . now , for councellors of state , we reuerence their persons , and pray for their liues in their labours for our peace . and for your lords , we haue land-lords that agree best with our mindes , whom vsing with due reuerence , paying them their rent , and now and then for some small remembrances wée can haue friendly talke withall , and learne good lessons of them for many things to be look't into : and vpon the bench at a quarter sesions , when they giue a charge , heare them speake so wisely , that it would doe ones heart good to heare them : and sometime in the holydayes , when they keepe good houses , make many a good meales meat with them . and in the time of the yeare when the haruest is in , goe a hunting , and hauking , coursing and fishing with them : and sometime to continue good neighbour-hood , méete , and make matches for shooting and bowling with them , when wee exercise the body in plaine dealing , and not the braine in subtle deuice . now for your ladies , wee haue pretty wenches , that , though they be not proud , yet they thinke their penny good siluer , and if they be faire it is naturall , and hauing their mothers wit they will doe well enough for their fathers vnderstanding . and for your gentlemen , wee haue good yeomen that vse more , courtesey or at least kindnesse then curiosity , more friendship then complements , and more truth then eloquence : and perhaps i may tell you , i thinke we haue more ancient and true gentlemen that hold the plough in the field , then you haue in great places that waite with a trencher at a table ; and i haue heard my father say , that i beleeue to bee true , that a true gentleman will bee better knowne by his inside then his outside , for ( as he said ) a true gentleman will be like himselfe , sober , but not proud ; liberall , and yet thrifty ; wise , but not full of words ; and better seene in the law , then be too busie with the lawes ; one that feares god , will be true to his king , and well knowes how to liue in the world , and whatsoeuer god sends , hath the grace to be content with it , loues his wife and his children , is carefull for his family , is a friend to his neighbour , and no enemy to himselfe : and this ( said my father ) is indéed the true gentleman ; and for his qualities , if he can speake well , and ride well , and shoote well , and bowle well , wee desire no more of him : but for kissing of the hand , as if hee were licking of his fingers , bending downe the head , as if his neck were out of ioynt ; or scratching by the foote , as if he were a corne-cutter ; or leering aside , like a wench after her swéete-heart ; or winking with one eye , as though hee were leuying at a woodcocke ; and such apish tricks , as came out of the land of petito , where a monkey and a baboone make an vrchin generation : and for telling of tales of the aduenturous knight & the strang lady ; and for writing in rime , or talking in prose , with more tongues then téeth in his head , and with that which he brought from beyond the seas , which he cannot be rid of at home , for swearing and brauing , scoffing and stabbing , with such trickes of the diuels teaching , we allow none of that learning . now , if you haue any such where you liue i know not , i hope with vs there are none of them , but i am sure , if they come amongst vs , wee desire to be rid of them . we haue good husbands and honest widdowes , pure virgins and chast bachelors , learned church men , and ciuill townes men , holesome fare , full dishes , white bread , and hearty drinke , cleane platters and faire linnen , good company , friendly talke , plaine musique , and a merry song : and so when god is praysed and the people pleased , i thinke there is no course where a man may be better contented . now , if it bee true ( but hope it is not ) that i haue heard , that in some such places as you liue in : in the world , a great way hence beyond the sea , there be certaine people that haue brasen faces , serpents tongues , and eagles clawes , that will intrude into companies , and perswade wickednes , and flatter follies , and catch hold of whatsoeuer they can light on for the seruice of lewdnes , eyther money , lands , or leases , or apparell , and euer cramming , and yet euer crauing : they are carriers of letters betweene lust and wantonnesse , tellers of old wiues tales , and singers of wenching ballads ; sweare and forsweare , drinke and gull , laugh , and be fat , and for a little pleasure on earth goe to the diuell for euer : now , these in the old time ( but now a dayes i hope are out of vse ) were called parasites and panders , ieasters , or iuglers , much of the nature of gypsies , cunning as the diuell to diue into a pocket , or to picke out the bottome of a purse ; but i hope they are all dead , or at least you haue few of them about you : if you haue , i know not what vse you can make of them , but i i am sure we cannot away with them among vs. i haue heard moreouer that you haue among you certain eues-droppers , that are tale carriers , that come among the rooles of knaues : but for our howses in the cnuntry , they are so far one from another , that if we catch any of them about vs , wée should carry him before the constable for a théefe . but now leauing to speake more of these things : for pleasures , beléeue it , we will put you downe a world of steppes ; for , first of all we rise with the larke and goe to bed with the lambe , so that we haue the breake of the day and the brightnes of the sunne to chéere our spirits in our going to our labours , which many of you barre your selues of , by making day of the night and night of the day , by sleeping after wearines vpon the labour of wantonnes , if not of wickednes , as they which worke all day to bring the diuel into hell at night , and labour all night for damnation in the morning : such i haue heard of beyond sea , i pray god you haue none about you : but for vs in the country , i assure you wee can abide no such doings : now for the delight of our eyes , wee haue the may-painting of the earth , with diuers flowers of dainty colours and delicate sweets , we haue the berryes , the cherries , the pease and the beanes , the plums and the codlings , in the month of iune : in iuly , the peares and the apples , the wheat , the rye , the barly and the oates , the beauty of the wide fields , and the labours with delight and mirth , and merry cheare at the comming home of the haruest cart : we haue againe in our woods , the birds singing ; in the pastures the cowe lowing , the eue bleating , & the foale neighing , which with profit and pleasure makes vs better musique then an idle note and a worse ditty , though i highly doe commend musique , when it is in a right key . againe , we haue young rabbets that in a sunny morning sit washing of their faces , while as i haue heard beyond the seas there are certaine old conies , that in their beds sit painting of their faces : wee haue besides tumblers for our conies , and greyhounds for our courses , hounds for our chases . haukes of all kinde for the field , and the riuer , and the wood : so that what can reason conceiue , that nature can desire ? but for the delight of both the country doth afford vs. furthermore , at our meetings on the holydayes betwéene our lads and the wenches , such true mirth at honest meetings , such dauncing on the greene , in the market house , or about the may-poole , where the young folkes smiling kisse at euery turning , and the old folkes checking with laughing at their children , when dauncing for the garland , playing at stooleball for a tansie and a banquet of cords and creame , with a cup of old napyy ale , matter of small charge , with a little reward of the piper , after casting of sheepes eyes , and faith and troth for a bargaine , clapping of hands , are seales to the truth of hearts , when a payre of gloues & a handkerchiffe , are as good as the best obligation , with a cappe and a courtsey , hie ye home maides to milking , and so merrily goes the day away . againe , we haue hay in the barne , horses in the stable , oxen in the stall , sheepe in the pen hogges in the stie , corne in the garner , cheese in the loft , milke in the dairy , creame in the pot , butter in the dish , ale in the tub , and aqua vitae in the bottle béefe in the brine , brawne in the sowce , and bacon in the roofe , hearbs in the garden , and water at our doores , whole cloths to our backes , and some money in our cophers , and hauing all this , if we serue god withall , what in gods name can we desire to haue more ? now , for some of you , a man may take you many times in the nature of blind-men , that you can scarcely see a penny in your purse , and your lands growne so light , that you beare them all on your backes , and your houses so empty that in the cold of winter all the smoake goeth out at one chimney , when , if brag were not a good dogge , i know not how hee would hold vp his taile : oh , the fine excuses of wit , or rather folly , late businesse ouer night makes you kéepe your beds in the morning , when indeed it is for lacke of meate to dinner , and perhaps no great banquet at supper , when a crust and an orenge , a sallad and a cup of sack makes a feast for a brauo : then after all , a strech , and a●yaune , and a pipe of tobacco , weare bootes for want of shooes , or else that the garters and the roses are at pawne . now these are no courtiers , but hangers on vpon those that sometimes in great places haue an humor to fatten fleas . now for vs in the country , wee runne no such courses , but are content with that we haue , and keepe somwhat for a rainy day : loue neither to borrow nor lend , but kéepe the stake still vpright , spend as we may spare , and looke to the maine at the yeares end : our meetings are for mirth , and not mischiefe : and for quarrells we haue none , except the oyle of the malt worke vp into the head and so distemper the braine , that the tongue runne out of order , when a fit of fisticuffes will soone make an end of all matters ; so that wee haue pleasure with profit , mirth without madnesse , and loue without dissembling , when the peace of conscience is an inward paradise . now if you can shew any better cards for the maintayning of your oppinion , i pray you heartily let me heare it . covrt . oh cousin , i am sorry to see your simplicity , what a deale of adoe you haue made about nothing ? but i sée the prouerbe holds true in you , he that liues alwayes at home sees nothing but the same , and your education being but according to your disposition , somewhat of the meanest manner of good fashion , your witte rather being all in coppy-hold then in capite , and your learning but to spell and put together , it were hard for you that neuer studied astronomy to speake of the nature of the starres ; and therefore i can the better beare with your humour , because it is more naturall then artificiall , yet could i wish you would not so clownifie your wit , as to bury your vnderstanding all vnder a clod of earth : what ? is man but as a beast , bred like a fore-horse , to goe alwayes right on , and rather draw in a cart , then trot in a better compasse ? fie vpon basenesse , it is the badge of a begger : no , let me tell you , if you were or could be acquainted with the life of a courtier , you would finde such bewitching obiects to the eyes , and rauishing delights of the heart , that you would hold the world as a wildernes to the palace of a prince , and life but as a death that hath no tast of court comforts . oh cousin , wee haue learning in such reuerence , wisdome in such admiration , vertue in such honour , valour in such estéeme , truth in such loue , and loue in so rare account , that there doth almost nothing passe in perfection , y t is not followed , with great obseruation , wher the fauour of a prince maks a begger a petty king , the countenance of a lord makes a clowne a gentleman , and the looke of a lady makes a groome a gay fellow . oh cousin , aduancement and contentment are the fruites of court seruice , and the steps of hope to the state of honour : furthermore , for knowledge , we haue the due confideration of occurrents , the disciphering of characters , enditing of letters , hearing of orations , deliuering of messages , congratulating of princes , and the forme of ambassages , all which are such delights of the spirit , as makes a shadow of that man , that hath not a mind from the multitude to looke into the nature of the spirits honour . furthermore , we haue in court officers of care , orders of discretion , eyes of brightnesse , eares of clearenesse , hearts of purenesse , brainesof wisdome tongues of truth , mindes of noblenesse , and spirits of goodnesse , which though they bee not in all , yet are they examples for all , and in the worthiest of all . oh cousin , to heare a king or prince speake like a prophet , a queene like an angell , a councellor like an oracle , a lord like a councellor , a lady like a quéene , a preacher like an apostle , and a courtier like a preacher : and then to note the maiesty of the greatest , the reuerence of the wisest , the honour of the worthiest , and the loue of the best , to receiue grace from the one , instruction from the other ; fauour from one , countenance from another ; honour from one , and bouuty from an other ; kindnes from one , and comfort from another , where , for the good all , loue goeth through all , where exercises of wix are but tryals of vnderstanding , and the properties of spéech are the proofes of iudgment : where peace is the practise of power , iustice the grace of wisdome , and mercy the glory of iustice : where time is fitted to his vse , and reason is the gouernour of nature , where priuiledges are protections for the vnwilling offendant , and sanctuaries are the fafety of the vnhappily distressed : where the name of want hath no note , basenesse no regard , wantonnesse no grace , nor wickednesse entertainement , except the diuell like an angell of light come vnséene to the world : where the qualities of vertue are the grace of honour , and the breath of wisdome is the beauty of greatnesse , where art hath rewarde of labour seruice the regard of duty , nature the affect of reason , and reason the respect of iudgement : where idlenesse is hated , foolishnes derided , wilfulnesse restrayned , and wickednesse vanished : where wits refined , braines setled , bodies purged , and spirits purified make a consort of such creatures as come neere vnto heauenly natures . beléeue me cousin , there is no comparison betweene the court and the country for the sweete of conceit in an vnderstanding spirit , which can truely apprehend the true natures both of pleasures and profit : alas , let the cowe lowe after her calfe , and the eue bleat after her lambe , the asse bray , the owle sing , and the dog barke ; what musique is in this medley ? let ignorance be an enemy to wit , and experience be the mistris of fooles , the stockes stand at the constables doore , and the gallowes stand hard by the high way , what is all this to matter of worth ? to see laddes lift vp leaden héeles , and wenches leare after their lubbers ; to see old folkes play the fooles to laugh at the birds of their owne breed , and the young colts wighie at their parting with their fillies , when madge must home to milking , and simon must goe serue the beasts : what conceite is in all these courses ? but to trouble a good spirit with spending time in idlenes . oh cousin , if thou wert once well entred into the life of a courtier , thou wouldst neuer more be in loue with the country , but vse it as a cleane shirt , sometime for a refreshing , though it be farre courser for wearing , and little cleaner then that which you put off . i could say more that might easily perswade you to change your opinion , and alter your affection from the country to the court ; but i hope this shall suffice , if not , i pray you let me heare you speake to some purpose . covntry . say , quoth you , let me tell you , that all that you hauesaid , or i thinke you can say , doth , nor will worke any more with my witte to incline my humour to your will , then a pill that lyeth in the stomake , and more offends nature , then purgeth humour : for , where there is no corruption phisicke hath nothing to worke vpon , except by the trouble of nature , to bring health into sicknes : doe you thinke so much of your strength as to remoue a mil-stone with your little finger ; or are you so perswaded of your wit , that with a word of your mouth you can take away the strength of vnderstanding ? no such matter , no hast but good : i pray you giue me leaue a little , and if i speake not to your purpose , i will speake to mine owne : and i will say as one dante , an italian poet once said in an obscure booke of his , vnderstand me that can , i vnderstand my selfe : and though my country booke be written in a rough hand , yet i can read it and picke such matter out of it as shall serue the turne for my instruction . what is here to do in perswading you know not what ? to talke you care not how ? is this court eloquence ? is not the clownyfying of wit the fooltfying of vnderstanding ? home spunne cloth is not worth the wearing , water is a cold drinke , and simplenesse is but basenesse , and a clowne is but a rich begger . now truly cousin , you are quite out ; for , let me tell you that good words and good déeds are the best tryals of good minds , and make the best passages among the best people : and so much for this matter . now to answer your prouerbs , and as i can remember , most points of your discourses : first , let me tell you , that i hold it better to see something of mine owne at home , then trauell so farre that i see nothing of mine owne abroad , for i haue heard that roling stones gather no mosse : and for my education , if it hath béene simple , and my disposition not subtle , if i be not fashioned according to the world , i shall bee the fitter for heauen : and for my wit , to deale truely with you , i had rather hold it in a coppy of a good tenure , then by the title of an idle braine , to kéepe a fooles head in frée-hold . now for my learning , i hold it better to spell and put together , then to spoile and put asunder : but there are some that in their child-hood are so long in their horne booke , that doe what they can , they will smell of the baby till they cannot sée to read . now we in the country beginne and goe forward with our reading in this manner , christs crosse be my speed , and the holy ghost : for feare the diuell should be in the letters of the alphabet , as hee is too often when hee teacheth od fellowes play tricks with their creditors , who in stead of payments , write iov. and so scoffe many an honest man out of his goods . and againe , when he teacheth trauellors that haue taken a surfet in the low-countries to set downe h and o. to expresse the nature of their griefe , and to ieast out the time with b and r. or to bite mens good names with those letters to auoyde actions of slander , and when they write you r. and they b. oh fine knackes of more wit then honesty : but i hope there are none of these among you . but i haue heard my father say , that when he was young , hee saw many such in such places as you liue in , but it was a great way hence beyond the salt water . now for astronomy , i thinke it be fallen from the height that it was in former time , for starres were wont to bee in the heauens , now gallants hang them vpon their héeles , so bright in their spurres as if they were all young phaetons , that would ride phoebus horses , while the folly of pride should sit in the chaire of ruine : but let them sit fast when they are vp , least they breake their neckes in their falls . now for your nature and art , i thinke better of a naturall art , then an artificiall nature . and for your fore-horse pace right on , i hope he is better then a resty iade that will not stir out of the stable , or a kicking curtall that will sette his ryder beside the saddle : and better draw soundly in a cart then be lamed in a coach , or be sicke in a foote-cloth : & better a true trot then a fidling amble : but let these humors passe . now for your bewitching obiects , i doubt they will make abiects of subiects , and therefore i loue no such diuelish deuises , when womens eyes will bewitch mens hearts , and the breath of tongues will poison a mans wits . and for your rauishing delights , it is a word that i well vnderstand not , or at least , as i haue heard , this rauishing is a word that signifieth robbing of wenches of the inner lining of their linnen against their wills , and if it be so , it is a perilous delight that brings a man to the gallowes , if not to the diuell for a little fit of pleasure : but if there be any better sence in it , i would be glad to vnderstand it , though at this time i care not to be troubled with it . now for princes pallaces , they are too high buildings for our brickes , plaine people are content with cottages , and had rather pay tributes to their maintenance , then haue them too much in our view , for blinding of our eies with their golden brightnes . now for life and death , hee that liues at quiet and will not be contented , may change for the worse and repent it , when he cannot helpe it . oh cousin , i haue heard my father say , that it is better to sit fast , then to rise and fall , and a great wise man that know the world to a hayre , would say , that the meane was sure : better be in the middle roome , then either in the garret or the sellor : and an other of an excellent worlds wit , that ranne the ring with him in the walke of the world , would say , that honour was but ancient riches , and in high places , where frownes are deadly , and fauours are vncertaine , there was more feare of the one , then hope of the other ; and a laborious weekes wages well payde was better then a yeares hope in paper : and therefore , hee that would leaue possessions for promises , and assurances for hope , were more full of wit then vnderstanding , and of conceipt then iudgement , for though there is no seruice to the king , nor no fishing to the sea , yet there are so many suitors for rewards , and so many beaters of the water , that delayes may be cold comforts of long hopes to the one , and the other angle all day and catch a gudgion at night : and therefore , though the world be like a well with two buckets , that when one falleth another riseth , yet the fall is much swifter then the rysing , and good reason , because the one goes downe empty and the other comes vp laden . but to be plaine , i haue so long beene vsed to a quiet life , that i would not leaue it for a world . now for your notes of worth that you haue set downe in your court commendations ; i allow that all may bee true , and they that thriue in it may thinke well of it , and hold it a kind of heauen vpon earth : but for my selfe , i remember certaine notes that i read in a booke of my fathers owne writing that shall goe with me to my graue ; there were not many but in my mind to good purpose : as first for greatnes , my minde to me a kingdome is : so that the quiet of the minde is a greater matter then perhaps many great men possesse : then for wealth , godlines is great riches to him that is contēt with that hee hath , which many great men somtime perhaps haue lesse then meaner people . then for a good rule of life ; feare god , and obay the king : which perhaps some doe not so well in the court as the country . then for the course of the law , loue god aboue all , and thy neighbour as thy selfe : which if you doe in the court as wee doe in the country , enuy would worke no hatred , nor malice mischiefe ; but loue in all persons would make a pallace , a paradise , which in the best is more euident , then in the meanest apprehended : but god , whose loue is the life of all , bréed such loue in the liues of all , that peace may euer liue among all . now for learning , what your néede is thereof i know not , but with vs , this is all we goe to schoole for : to read common prayers at church , and set downe common prises at markets , write a letter , and make a bond , set downe the day of our births , our marriage day , and make our wills when we are sicke , for the disposing of our goods when we are dead : these are the chiefe matters that we meddle with , and we find enough to trouble our heads withall ; for if the fathers knowe their owne children , wiues their owne husbands from other men , maydens keepe their by your leaues from subtle batchelors ; farmers know their cattle by the heads , and sheepheards know their sheepe by the brand , what more learning haue we need of , but that experienee will teach vs without booke ? we can learne to plough and harrow , sow and reape , plant and prune , thrash and fanne , winnow and grinde , brue and bake , and all without booke , and these are our chiefe businesse in the country : except we be iury-men to hang a théefe , or speake truth in a mans right , which conscience & experience wil teach vs with a little learning , then what should we study for , except it were to talke with the man in the moone about the course of the starres ? no , astronomy is too high a reach for our reason : we will rather sit vnder a shady tree in the sunne to take the benefit of the cold ayre , then lye and stare vpon the starres to mark their walke in the heauens , while wee loose our wits in the cloudes : and yet we reuerence learning as well in the parson of our parish , as our schoolemaster , but chiefely , in our iustices of peace , for vnder god and the king they beare great sway in the country : but for great learning , in great matters , and in great places , wee leaue it to great men : if wee liue within the compasse of the law , serue god and obey our king , and as good subiects ought to doe , in our duties and our prayers dayly remember him , what néede we more learning ? now for wisdome , i heard our parson in our church read it in the holy booke of god , that the wisdome of the world is but foolishnes before god : and why then should a man séeke to befoole himselfe before god , with more wit then is necessary for the knowledge of the world , the wise man must dye as well as the foole , and when all are the sonnes of adam , wee haue a faire warning to bee too busie with tasting of the tree of too much knowledge : i haue read in the booke of the best wisdome , that the feare of god is the beginning of wisdome , and surely , he that begins his lesson there may continue his learneng the better , and come to bee a good scholler at last . salomon , the wisest man that euer was , said , that all was vanity and vexation of the spirit : and why then should a man vex his spirit with séeking to be as wise as a woodcocke , in beating his braines to get the possession of vanity ? and yet i must confesse , that least vanity turne to villanie , it is good that the authority of wisdome haue power to bridle the folly of selfe will : but for the great wisdome of councellors of state , iudges of lawes , gouernours of citties , generals of armies , or such great people in such great places , they go so farre beyond our wits , that wee had rather be obedient to their wills , then enter into the depth of their discretions , and content our selues with that wisdome which is most necessary for vs , to loue god aboue all , & our neighbours as our selues , to rise with the day raies , and goe to bed with a candle , to eate when we are hungry , drinke when wee are thirsty , trauell when we are lusty , and rest when we are weary : feare god , be true to the crowne , keepe the lawes , pay scot and lot , bréed no quarrels , doe no wrongs , and labour all we may to haue peace , both with god and man , speake truth and shame the diuell , pitch and pay , say and hold , trye and trust , belieue no lies , tell no newes ; deceiue not an enemy , nor abuse a friend , make much of a little and more as it may increase : these are the points of wisdome that we runne the course of our card by . now for valour , it is seene best in the best quarrells , and saint paul said , that hee had fought the good fight , to fight for the preseruation of a state , the person of a king or prince , to keepe my house from thieues , my children from dogs , and my family from famine , and my faith from fainting in the word of god , this hold we the good fight , and the true valour : not to stand vpon puntos , not to endure a lye without death , challenge for a frowne , and kill for a fowle word , aduenture all for nothing , or perhaps worse then nothing , loose lands , goods , life and soule and all in a murther or a bloody bargaine , to please a punke , and to be counted a captain of the diuels army , or a gallant of the damned crew , except some few howers before his end , while the worme of conscience bites him at the heart , a sparke of grace enter into his soule , and make him at the gallowes make a repentant rehearsall of a lewd life , and leaue a fayre example at his death to all behoulders , perhaps with these good words at his departing , all yee that heere bee take example to be hang'd by me . oh braue valour that makes many a weeping eye , when my mother for my sonne and my sister for my brother , or my wife for my husband , or my father for my daughter , or mine vncle for mine aunt sit and howle like dogs to see the workes of the diuel , in the wicked of the world . such kinde of valour i haue heard my father say that he hath mark't in some places where he hath trauel'd , i know not where , a great way hence when he was young , where he found among a hellish company of accursed spirits , they were called valliant fellowes , that durst say any thing , doe any thing , or be any thing , till they were worse then nothing ; durst quarrell with any man , abuse any man , strike any man , kill any man , and care for no man , durst prate , lye , sweare and forsweare , scoffe and swagger , drinke and dice , drab and stab , durst be hang'd and damn'd for a horrible fit of a franticke humour , and this was their valour : i pray god there be none such among yee where you keepe , i am sure there keepe none such among vs. now for truth , i hope there are more true hearts in the country then there are tongues in the city in many places , yea , and in greater places then i will speake of , but where they be god blesse them , and where they are not , god send them , and that is all that i say to them : but for ought i sée there is so much falshood in the world that i feare there is littletruth on the earth : and in great places where protestations are without performances , and excuses are better then lies ; where is either truth of loue or loue of truth ? but a little i thinke , i would there were more : but with vs , truth is so beloued , that a lyer is held little better then a theefe , and it is a lesson we learne our little children , speake truth , tell truth , take heed you lie not , the diuell is the father of lies , and little better be his children , deale truly with all men , let your tongues and your hearts goe together , christ is truth , in his holy name be true , euer tell truth and shame the diuell , be true to god in your beliefe and obedience to his word , bee true to your king in the loyalty of your hearts , bee true to your wiues in the honesty of your bodies , and bee true to your friends in performing your promises : this is the loue we haue to truth , if you haue it so , it is a good blessing of god and makes a happy people . and for loue , if it bee in the world , i thinke it is in the country , for where enuy , pride , and malice , and iealousie makes buzzes in mens braines , what loue can bee in their hearts , howsoeuer it slip from their tongues ? no , no ; our turtles euer flie together ; our swannes euer swimme together , and our louers liue and die together . now if such loue be among you , it is worthy to be much made of ; but if you like to day and loath to morrow , if you fawne to day and frowne to morrow ; if all your loue bee to laugh and lye downe , or to hope of gaine or reward ; that is none of our loue : wee loue all goodnes and onely for goodnes : first god , then our selues , then our wiues and children , then our family , and then our friends : and so hath loue his course in our liues : and therefore if there be any obseruation in affection , i pray you , let it bee rather in the country then in any place , where faith is not so fast but fancy can alter loue vpon a little humour of dislike . now for your fauour , when one begger growes rich by it , how many rich grow beggers through the hope of fortune : and therefore in my minde , better be lord ouer a little of a mans owne , then to follow a lord for the bare name of a gentleman , and better with a little to bee counted a good man , then with gaping after gudgions to be thought , i know not what : truly cousin , i thinke euery thing is best in his owne nature , as one is bred so let him bée : for as a courtier cannot hold the plough , but he wil be soone séene to be no work-man , so a country-man cannot court it , but hee will shewe in somewhat from whence he comes . and for a ladies looke , i thinke wee haue wenches in the country that haue as faire eyes as finer creatures , who when they list to looke kindly , will make many glad though few gay fellowes . and for apparell , plaine russet is our wearing , while pied coats among vs we account players or fooles , except they be better men then the best of our parish , except our landlord . now for preferment and aduancement , they be encouragements , to some spirits that are borne vnder the climing climate , but for mine owne part i loue not to play the flye with a candle , for feare of burning my wings but will leaue the ladder of honour to him that best knowes how to clim be , and to sit fast when he is vp . now for your occurrents , what are they ? but newes , sometime true and sometime false , which when they come to vs they are commonly more costly then comfortable , and therefore wee desire not to trouble our selues . now for disciphering of characters , i haue heard my father say in the old time , that they were accounted little better then coniurations , in which were written the names of diuels that the colledge of hel vsed to coniure vp in the world , and belong'd onely to the study of sorcerers , witches , wisards , and such wicked wretches , as not caring for the plaine word of god , goe with scratehes of the diuels clawes into hell : but how true it is god knoweth : but that this is true euery man knoweth that it was a deuise of the diuell at the first , to put into the head of a deceiuing heart that hauing no true nor plaine meaning in conscience , would write so , that no man should vnderstand him but himselfe , or like himselfe , and onely to hoodwinke the world for looking into his wickednesse : but what is the end of all wily beguily ? seeking to deceiue other , deceiu'd himselfe most of all : now letters of darkenes deuised by the diuell for the followers of his designes in the courses of his deceipt : honest men in the country loue to meddle with no such matters , but so far as may be to gods glory and the good of a state , to find out the plots , and to preuent the mischiefe of a villanie , being done in gods holy name and by his grace , i hold it a fine quality to discipher a character , and lay open a knaue : but for vs in the country , wee loue no such braine-labours as may bring our wits into such a wood , that we know not how to get out of it . now for enditing of letters : alas , what neede wee much adoe about a little matter ? if we can write , wee commonly begin and end much after one manner : trusting in god you are in good health , with all our friends : and so to the matter , either to borrow , or to pay , or to know the prise of your cattell , or for a merry meeting , or i thanke you for my good cheere . and so with my hearty commendations , i commit you to god. from my house such a day . your louing friend to his power . and then seale vp the paper , and write on the outside : to my louing cousin , neighbour , or friend , at his house in such a place , with speed , if the time require , and so no more adoe : except it bee a loue letter , and then a fewe idle words of sweete heart , i commend me vnto you , and haue beene as good as my promise , and haue sent you a paire of gloues by meg your brothers best beloued , and vpon friday ( god willing ) i will meete you at the market , and wee will be merry , and talke further of the matter , and if you be as i am , say and hold , i know my portion , and when yours is put to it wee shall liue the better : and so , keeping your handkerchiffe neere my heart : till i see you , i rest yours during life in true loue w. t. now for your stiles of honour and worship to this lord and that lady on the outside , and a deale of humility and ceremony on the inside , me thinkes it is a wearying of the minde before you come to the matter : and as i remember a great wise man that would dispatch many matters in little time , would thus euer read letters , in the beginning two words for the stile , and other two at the end for the conclusion , so noting the treble aboue , and the base beneath , he would soone in the middest find the substance of the musique : and to tell truth , few words and plaine , and to the purpose , is better for our vnderstanding , then to goe about with words to tell a long tale to little end . now if wo cannot write , we haue the clerke of the church , or the schoolemaster of the towne to helpe vs , who for our plaine matters will serue our turnes wel enough , and therefore what neede wee trouble our heads with enditing of letters ? now , for orations , they are fittest for schollers to allure an audience to attendance : but for vs , wée haue more vse of our hands to worke for our liuings , then of our eares to heare the sound of a little breath , yet i allow it among you in such places , as you liue in : but where truth is the best eloquence , we make but two words to a bargaine , and therefore for your long discourses , we desire not to be wearied with them , but will leaue them to you that haue more vse of them , and haue time to hearken to them . now for your messages , alas , cannot we giue a cap and make a legge to our betters , and deliuer our minds in few words , without we learne to looke downe as though we were seeking of a rabbets nest , or that we had committed some such fault that we were ashamed to shew our faces , or make a long congie as though we were making preparation to a galliard , when if a foote slip we may haue a disgrace in the fall ; and if a word be misplaced , it is halfe a marring to all the matter : and therefore for messages , our matters being not great , small instructiōs wil serue our turnes for the deliuery of our minds . now for congratulating of princes , god blesse them , they are too great men for vs , more then to pray for them ; and their matters too high for our reason to reach after : it is enough for vs to giue a cake for a pudding , and a pint of wine for a pottle of beere : and when wee kill hogs to send our children to our neighbours with these messages , my father and my mother haue sent you a pudding and a chine , and desires you when you kill your hogges you will send him as good againe . now for great folkes , they haue such great choyce of presents , and of such great charge , and such great care in the deliuery of them , that ( lord haue mercy vpon vs ) wee in the country cannot tell what to say vnto them , but , god blesse them that haue them , and much good may they doe them . now for ambassages and ambassadors , wee know not what the word meanes , and therefore little care to be troubled with the men ; for when we heare of any man that comes from a strange country , wee say , i pray god he comes for good , and then hee is the better welcome : tush , talke to vs of a basket or a basket-maker , and not of an ambassador nor ambassages ; but make your selues , that best know the meaning of them , the best vse you can of them ; for vs , wee care not to looke after them , more then to pray for them , that as they doe , or as they meane , so god blesse them . now for your officers , their charge is so great , that wee desire not their places , for we hold a priuate quiet better then a publike trouble ; and a cleane conscience worth a world of wealth : now for your orders , perhaps your need of them is great , where disorders may be grieuous : for vs in the country , we haue few , but in the churches for our seates , and at our méetings for our places , where , when maister iustice , and the high constables are set , honest men , like good fellows will sit togeither ; except at a sessions , or an assise wee bée called vpon a iury , then as it pleaseth the clerk of the peace , set one afore another : and therefore for orders what néede we trouble our selues with other then we are vsd vnto ? i remember i haue heard my father tell of a world of orders hee had seene in diuers places , where he had traueld , where right good gentlemen , that had followed great lords and ladies had enough to doe to study orders in their seruice : a trencher must not be laid , nor a napkin folded out of order ; a dish set downe out of order , a capon carued , nor a rabbet vnlaced out of order ; a goose broken vp , nor a pasty cut vp out of order ; a glasse filled , nor a cup vncouered nor deliuered out of order ; you must not stand , speake , nor looke out of order : which were such a busines for vs to goe about , that we should be all out of time ere we should get into any good order : but in that there is difference of places , and euery one must haue their due , it is méets for good manners to kéepe the rules of good orders : but how much more at rest are we in the country that are not troubled with these duties ? now for your eyes of brightnesse , i feare you are not troubled with too many of them ; late sitting vp , long watching , and night busines , as writings , readings , casting vp of accounts , long watchings , and such like other busines ; besides gaming , playing at cards , tables , and dice , or such sports as spend time , are all dangerous for weake sights , and make a world of sore eies : but as you said , some of the best sort are wiser in their actions , and more temperate in their motions , and therefore keep their sights in more perfection ; which may be examples to others , if they haue the grace to follow them : but for our eies , if we do not hurt them with a stripe of a twig in the wood , a flyo in the ayre , or a mote in the sunne , our eyes are as bright as christall , so that we can se the least thing that may doe vs good ; and if we can sée the sunne in the morning and the moone an night , see our cattell in our pastures , our sheepe in the common , our corne in the fields , our houses in repaire , and our money in our purses , our meate on our tables , and our wines with our children , and looke vp to heauen , and giue god thankes for all , wee seeke no better sight . now for the cleannes of your hands , i feare that now and then some of ye haue your hands so troubled with an itch , that you must haue them nointed with the oyle of gold , before you can fall to any good worke : and some of yes , that though your wits haue good inuentions , yet you cannot write without a golden pen , which indéede , best fits a sine hand . but for vs in the country , when we haue washed our hands , after no foule worke , nor handling any vnwholesome thing , wee néede no little forks to make hay with our mouths , to throw our meat into them . now for the purenes of your hearts ; except kings , quéenes and princes , and such great persons , make no comparison with country people , where yea and nay are our words of truth ; faith and troth are our bonds of loue , plaine dealing , passages of honesty ; and kinde thankes continues good neighbour-hood : a lyer is hated , a scoffer scorned , a spend-thrift derided , and a miser not beloued : a swaggerer imprisoned , a drunkard punished , and a iugler whipped , and a théefe hanged , for our hearts will harbour no such guests : and for loue , two eyes and one heart , two hands and one body , two louers and one loue ties a knot of such truth as nought but death can vndoe . now for braines of wisdome , i thinke hee is wiser that keepes his owne , and spends no more then néeds , then hee that spends much in hope of a little , and yet may hay loose that too at last . now for tongues of truth , let me tell you , fayre words make fooles faine , and court holy-water will scarce wash a foule shirt cleane , except it come from such a fountaine , as euery man must not dip his finger in : but cousin , when hearts and hands goe together , words and déeds goe together ; these are the tongues that will not faulter in their tales , but tell truth in the face of the wide world ; and therefore excepting the best that may bee examples to the rest , i thinke , if truth be any where , she is in the country . now for the noblenesse of minds ; it fitteth the persons in their places : but for vs in the country , wee had rather haue old nobles in our purses , then a bare name of noble without nobles : the reason may be that we doe not know the nature of noblenes so well as wee doe of nobles , and therefore wee heare onely so much of the cost of it , that we haue no heart to looke after it ; but where it is truly we honour it , and say , god blesse them that haue it ; and if they be worthy of it well may they keepe it , and that is all that i say to it . now to spirits of goodnes , alas , there is not one in the world ; christ iesus our sauiour said so , there is none good but god : and if there be any on the earth , i thinke a good beliefe and a good life doth best expresse the nature of it . to conclude with vertue , in which you lay vp all the treasures of life , i doubt not it is in the best , i would it were so in all with you , but bee it where it pleaseth god to send it once , i verily belieue it to bee as truly in the country as in places of higher compasse : and by your leaue , let me tell you of a riddle of my fathers one writing , touching that rare and pretious iewell . there is a secret few doe knowe , and doth in speciall places grow , a rich mans praise , a poore mans wealth , a weake mans strength , a sicke mans health ; a ladyes beauty , a lords blisse , a matchlesse iewell where it is : and makes where it is truely seene , a gracious king , and glorious queene . and this said he , is vertue , which though he vnderstood in the court , yet he made vse of it in the country . now therefore good cousin , be content with your humour , and let me alone with mine , i thinke i haue answered all your positions : and let me tell you , whatsoeuer you say , i verily belieue that ere you die , i shall finde you rather in the roole of peace in the country , then in the tryall of patience in the court , except the heauens highest grace , and vnder heauen our earths highest honour , make you happier in their fauours then the whole world else can make you . and now , what say you further vnto mee . covrt . i say this to you , kind cousin , that your fathers lessons haue made you better learned then i looked for , but yet let me tell you , had you seene but one of our showes in our triumphs heard one of our songs on our solemne dayes , and tasted one of our dishes , in our solemne feasts , you would neuer looke more on a may-game , listen more to a louzy ballad , nor euer be in loue with béefe and pudding . covnt . oh cousin stay the bells , i thinke you are deceiued , for it may be that at one of these showes , i might sée the fruites of my labours and my poore neighbours , flong away in gaudes and feathers ; and perhaps haue a proud humour , wish to be as wise as they that were no wiser then they should bée : and therefore i thinke , better tarry at home then trauell abroad to no better purpose . now for songs , a plaine ditty well expressed , is better with vs , then a fine conceit , as faigned in the voyce as the matter . now for your dishes of meat . i will tell you , i heard my father once report it for a truth , that a great man who liued where you liue , sent him for a great dainty a porpose pye or two cold : which taking very thankfully , and causing the messenger to stay dinner with him , he cut one of them vp , and very nicely taking out a péece of it , gaue it to my mother , which she no sooner had in her mouth , but it had like to haue marred all with her stomacke , but shee quickly conueyed it all vnder boord , which my father séeing , said , why how now wife ? what ? doe you loue no good meate ? yes ( quoth she ) but i pray you tast of it your selfe : which he no sooner did , but he made as much hast out of his mouth with it as she did , then did the children likewise the same , and the seruants being by , their master offred ech one a péece of it , no sooner tasted of it , but they did so spit and spatter , as if they had béene poysoned ; then he gaue a péece to his dogge , which smelt to it , and left it : by and by after came in a miller and his dogge , to whom my father inlike manner offered a péece , but neither man nor dog would eate of it : wherevpon my father heartily laughing , with thankes to his great lord for his kinde token , sent one of them backe againe to him with this message , commend me , i pray you , to my good lord , and tell him i heartily thanke his honour , and tell him , if either my selfe , or my wife , or my children , or my seruants , or my dog , or the miller , or his dogge , would haue eaten of it , i would neuer haue sent one bit backe againe to him of it : but it may bée that it is more wholesome then toothsome , and hee may make a better friend with it : so , paying the messenger for his paines , sent him away with his message , which was no sooner deliuered , but his lord heartily laughed at it : this was one of your fine dishes . another , a great lady sent him , which was a little barrell of cauiary , which was no sooner opened and taued , but quickly made vp againe , was sent backe with this message . commend me to my good lady , and thanke her honour , and tell her we haue blacke sope enough already ; but if it be any better thing , i beseech her ladyship to bestow it vpon a better friend , that can better tell how to vse it . now if such be your fine dishes , i pray you let me alone with my country fare . and now , what say you else vnto mée . covrt . i say this , that nature is no votcher , and there is no washing of a blacke moore , except it bée from a little durty sweat : the oxe will weare no socks , howsoeuer his feete carry their sauour : and diogenes would bee a dog , though alexander would giue him a kingdome : and therefore though you are my kinsman , i sée it is more in name then in nature : thy breath smels all of garlike , and thy meat tasts all of mammaday pudding , which breaking at both ends , the stuffing runnes about the pot : and since i sée thou art like a milstone that will not easily bee stirred , i will leaue thee to thy folly till i finde thée in a better humour , for i sée the musique of thy minde hangeth all vpon the base string . farewell . covnt . nay soft a while , let me not be in your debt , for an ill word or two : i see truth is no lyer ; all in the court are not courtiers , nor euery man that hath witte is not truly wise ; for then no man would spend breath to no purpose : an oxes foot may bee sweeter then a cods head , when sockes may bee but saueguards for bare tooes in broken stockings : garlike hath béene in more grace then tobacco , and is yet in the country , with them that loue meate better then smoake . diogenes is dead , and alexander is in his graue ; and better bee a manish dogge then a dogged man : and if your good will be to your good words , you are more like a stranger then a kinseman . and for my pudding , i belieue it will proue better then a tobacco pipe : so , rather desirous to be a milstone , not to stirre at euery motion , then a feather in a weather-cocke , to turne with euery gayle of winde , i will pray for your better wit , then you haue showne in a selfe wild humour , and so till i finde you in more patience and lesse passion , i will leaue you till wee méete againe , hoping that you will bee as i am , and will be a friend , to forget all ill humours , and ready to requite all kindnesses . covrtier , so will i , and so , farewell . thus they parted for that time , but what fell out at their next meeting ; as you like of this , you shall heare more hereafter . finis . necessary notes for a courtier question . what is a courtier ? answer . an attendant vpon maiesty , a companion of nobility , a friend to vertue , and a hope of honour . quest . what things are chiefely to be required in a courtier ? a. two. q. what are they ? a. a good body , and a good minde . q. how are they to be vsed ? a. in humillity and ciuillity . q. to whom ? a. the first vnto god , the second to man. q. what are the proofes of a good mind ? a. loue of goodnesse , and feare of greatnesse . q. what are the tokens of a good body ? a. ability and agility . q. what preserues a good minde in goodnesse ? a. prayer and charity . q. and what keeps the body in strength ? a. continence and exercise . q. what is the chiefe grace of a courtier ? a. the feare of god , and the fauour of a king. q. what is the honour of a courtier ? a. the loue of vertue . q. what is the wealth of a courtier ? a. the loue a king. q. what is the charge of a courtier ? a. truth in religion , care in his seruice , loue to his master , and secrecy in his trust . q. what is the care of a courtier ? a. to deserue well , to keepe well , to liue well , and to dye well . q. what qualities are chiefely required in a courtier ? a. wisdome , valour , learning , and bounty . q. what learning is most fit for a courtier ? a. diuinity , philosophy , policy , and history . q. what are the ornaments of a courtier ? a. variety of languages obseruation of trauels , experience of natures , and the vse of vnderstanding . q. what is a courtier most to take heed of ? a. enuious ambition , malicious faction , palpable flattery , and base pandarisme . q. what is a courtier chiefely to take note of ? a. the disposition of the best , the words of the wisest , the actions of the noblest , and the carriage of the fairest . q. what things chiefely is a courtier to be charie of ? a. his tongue and his hand , his purse and his midle finger . q. what conuersation is fittest for a courtier ? a. wise wits , noble spirits , faire eyes , and true hearts . q. how should a courtier hope of aduancement ? a. with prayer to god , diligence in his seruice , respect of persons , and iudgment in affections . q. what discourses are fittest for a courtier ? a. admiration of wisdome , defert of honour , truth of valour , and life of loue . q. what friends are fittest for a courtier ? a. the wise and the wealthy , the valiant and the honest . q. what seruants are fittest for a courtier ? a. the expert , the faithfull , the diligent and the carefull . q. what is the true valour in a courtier ? a. to feare no fortune , to be patient in aduersity , to master affections , and to forgiue offenders . q. what are the follies in a courtier ? a. vaine discourses , idle complements , apish fancies , and superfluous expences . q. what are most dangerous in a courtier ? a. to bee inquisitiue of occurrents , to reueale secrets , to scorne counsaile , and to murmur at superiority . q. what things are most profitable to a courtier ? a. a sharpe wit and a quicke apprehension , a smoth speech , and a sound memory . q. what should a courtier chiefely obserue in a king ? a. his wisdome , his valour , his disposition , and affection . q. what in a councellor ? a. his religion , his reason , his care , and his iudgment . q. what in a lord ? a. his title , his worthines , his spirit , and his carriage . q. what in a lady ? a. her beauty , her portion , her parentage , and her disposition . q. what in an officer ? a. his knowledge , his care , his diligence , and his conscience . q. what time is best spent in a courtier ? a. in prayer , in study , in graue discourse , and in good exercise . q. and what time is worse spent ? a. in deuising of fashions , in fitting of fancies , in faining of loue , and in honouring vnworthines . q. what is commendable in a courtier ? a. concealing of discontentments , mitigating of passions , affability in speech , and courtesie in behauiour , q. what most delighteth a ladies eye in a courtier ? a. neat apparell , wise spéech , to mannage a horse well , to dance well . q. what most contenteth a king in a courtier ? a. religious valour , reuerent audacity , humble loue , and faithfull seruice . q. what is most troublesome to the minde of a courtier ? a. conscience and patience , continence and abstinence . q. what are most grieuous to a courtier ? a. the frowne of a king , the displeasure of a lady , the fall of honour , and the want of wealth . q. what friend shall a courtier most rely vpon ? a. his god , his king , his wit , and his purse . q. what foes should a courtier most stand in feare of ? a. wanton eyes , glib tongues , hollow hearts , and irreligious spirits . q. what things are necessary for a courtier to haue euer in memory ? a. temperate speeches , moderate actions , deliberate inuentions , and discreete resolutions . q. what delights are most fit for a courtier ? a. riding and tilting , hunting and hauking . q. what is most comely in a courtier ? a. a stayed eye , a faire hand , a straight body , and a good legge . q. what should be hated of a courtier ? a. rudenes and basenes , sloathfulnesse and slouenlinesse . q what speciall seruants of name are most fit for a courtier ? a. a barbour for his chamber , a taylor for his wardrobe , a groome for his stable , and a foote-man for his message . q. what is the hapinesse of a courtier ? a. to feare god , to haue the fauour of a king , to be able to lend , and to haue no néede to borrow . q. what is the shame of a courtier ? a. to take much and giue nothing , to borrow much and lend nothing , to promise much and performe nothing , and to owe much and pay nothing . q. what should a courtier be alwaies iealous of ? a. in sinuating spirits , intruding wits , alluring eyes , and illuding tongues . q. what is the life of a courtier ? a. the labour of pleasure , the aspiring to greatnes , the ease of nature , and the commaund of reason . q. what is the same of a courtier ? a. a cleare conscience , and a frée spirit , an 〈◊〉 heart , and a bountifull hand . finis . the run-awyaes [sic] answer to a booke called, a rodde for runne-awayes. in vvhich are set downe a defense for their running, with some reasons perswading some of them neuer to come backe. the vsage of londoners by the countrey people; drawne in a picture, artificially looking two waies, (foorth-right, and a-squint:) with an other picture done in lant-skipp, in which the londoners and countrey-men dance a morris together. lastly, a runne-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies, arming them to meete death within the listes, and not to shunne him. 1625 approx. 50 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14249 stc 24562 estc s104644 99840377 99840377 4877 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14249) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4877) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 862:08) the run-awyaes [sic] answer to a booke called, a rodde for runne-awayes. in vvhich are set downe a defense for their running, with some reasons perswading some of them neuer to come backe. the vsage of londoners by the countrey people; drawne in a picture, artificially looking two waies, (foorth-right, and a-squint:) with an other picture done in lant-skipp, in which the londoners and countrey-men dance a morris together. lastly, a runne-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies, arming them to meete death within the listes, and not to shunne him. b. v., fl. 1625. [24] p. a. mathewes], [london : printed mdccxxv. [1625] dedication signed: b.v. s.o t.o. a.l. v.s. the first word in the title is printed xylographically. place of publication and printer's name from stc. answers: dekker, thomas. a rod for run-awayes (stc 6520). signatures: a-c⁴. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. -a rod for run awayes -early works to 1800. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. england -social conditions -17th century -early works to 1800. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 jason colman sampled and proofread 2006-07 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the run-awyaes answer , to a booke called , a rodde for runne-awayes . in vvhich are set downe a defence for their running , with some reasons perswading some of them neuer to come backe . the vsage of londoners by the countrey ▪ people ; drawne in a picture , artificially looking two waies , ( foorth-right , and a-squint : ) with an other picture done in lant-skipp , in which the londoners and countrey-men dance a morris together . lastly , a runne-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies , arming them to meete death within the listes , and not to shunne him . printed mdcxxv . to ovr mvch respected and very worthy friend , mr. h. condell at his countrey-house in fvllam . sir , at our parting from london to vndertake our sadde peregrination into the countrey , ( amongst our friends who are hard to be found ) it pleased you to bestow vpon vs a free and noble farewell . we remember it with thanks , which cuts off the sinne of ingratitude ; yet because thankes , is but one word , and that your loue cannot receiue a requitall but in many , wee send you a little bundle of papers , full . for being abusde in a booke printed at london , in which we were called runne-awayes , wee in this our defence request you to be an arbiter , to iudge , whether we haue not iust cause , to stand then promisde . bid him therefore send all his paper-kites flying from his stall , quite through the citie , and from one eude to th' other to giue notice of this our answere . bid him likewise to tell all stationers , who haue any of those bookes ( called a rodde for run-awayes ) that it were good for 'em to sell them away as fast as they can , for when wee come to towne , they shall be all callde in . farewell . the runn-awayes answere . there hath of late come foorth a three-sheete-printed-pamphlet ( as if the rodde had but three twigges only ) written ( as the title seemes to promise ) by some schoole-maister , for he calles it , a rod for rvnne-awaies . but we , vpon whom those poore and wretched names are pinned , no way enduring so to be lash'd ouer the face in scorne , snatch the rodde out of his hand ; and to make him smart a little , thus print wee our answere to those bold affronts , by which he does challenge vs , vtterly disdayning to be called runne-awaies : and vtterly disclayming those offences , for which that london whipper is so ready to punish vs. first then for the name . hee is a runne-away , who rather then he will learne a trade ( with some paynes ) vnder a carefull maister , turnes roague , runnes into the countrey a padding ▪ keepes company with gipseys , and strowling pedlers , fatting himselfe with the lazy bread of sommer , tumbling ( during that season ) in a hay-cock with his dell ; and in winter , lying snug in a brick-k●ll with his doxy : if you wonder how we came by this language ? you must thinke , that in our trauailes we could not choose but meete with canters . agen : he is a runne-away , that being prest for a soldier , runnes away from his captaine ere he be sent a ship-bord , or from his cullors , before he comes to the fight . he is a runne-away , who hauing got loose from a sergeant , takes his heeles , and runnes away from him . they are runne-awaies , who in a tauerne roaring in for more wine then they are able to pay , giue a slippe out at the back doore , and so pawne a drawer to the barre for the reckoning . lastly , they are runne-awaies , who lay the key vnder the doore , and cry , good night land-lord . none of these base ginges are wee : wee scorne to sayle in such stinking dung-boates . so much therefore for the name of runne-awaies . now for the matter . the very beginning of the booke is able to make any coward runne away , for ther 's a sett-battaile , a field appoynted , the van comming vp , and london leading it : then shires and counties prest to martch in the reare ; the generall busy , trompets sounding the alarum , our enemies about vs , and the weapons brandished ouer our heads , which threaten to cutte our throates . hee would make vs beleeue he has been a soldado by his termes of warre : in the field dialect wee tell him , that true it is , when the armada of gods anger was preparing against vs , when the pestilence beate at our citty gates , and the arrowes of infection flew into our howses , when in the heate of the day the mayne-battayle gaue ground , and that many ( or most ) of our commanders left the field ; what should wee doe but flye ? it was not out of base feare , but safety : it was not out of a desire to safety only , but feare , least so many dropping downe euery hower before our faces , there would be found not officers nor ministers enow to fetch off the wounded , or bury the dead : had we not reason to flye ? before this tempestious weather beate vs , o! what glorious sun-beames of exultations , reioycings , hopes , and comforts were rising to shine vpon vs ? we swallowed vp nothing but the east and west-indies in our imaginations ; the golden-age was comming in agen : our english almanacks seem'd to speake of none but holy-daies : great-brittaine stood on the toppe of her white cliffes triumphing ; london on tiptoe , ouerlooking all other cities in the swelling pride of her approaching fortunes : for no sooner was the old king dead , but our gloomy noone was changed into the cleerest euening that euer our liuing eyes beheld . a golden sunne ( within a few howers ) lifted vp his head to reuiue vs ; a new king was proclaymed , a iames was lost , but a charles was found : a queene was to come from france , and that queene arriued in england : a parliament was at hand , the terme not farre off , triumphes approaching , pageants setting forward to meet our king and queene going to their coronation . no people could be fuller of ioy , no city prowder of happinesse : when loe ! a volley of thunder shootes , and batters down all these sumptuous buildings : and was it not time to flye ? heauen saw vs boasting in our owne strengths , and growing angry at it , hath turnd it into weakenesse : mirth hath shaken handes with mourning , riches with misery , brauery with a winding sheete , prosperity with the pestilence , health with sicknesse , and life with death : and what is he would encounter with these ? hereupon , the city fledde the city , and shun'd that enemy which fallowed her , and hath since mette her in euery corner : london was great with childe , and ( with a fright ) falling in labor ( her owne time being misreckoned ) was deliuered of none but still-borne children . neuer was such a sudden ioy changed into so sudden a lamentation : those belles which were ready to cleane the ayre with echoes at king charles his coronation , did nothing presently but ring out knelles for his subiects ; by which meanes , as there is no musicke so sweet as that of the churches , none for daies and nightes together hath bin so iarring , so that in 13 weekes more then 33000. haue falne dead to the ground at their dolefull tunes : and who would ( if he could choose ) make one in such dangerous peales ? had wee not iust cause therefore giuen vs to flye ? be not you then ( good maister runne-away-beater ) so sharpe , spare your rodde a little , and whippe vs not for going to see our * freinds in the countrey , we doe not thinke but you yourselfe ( could you haue gotte a horse ) would haue bin one of the tribe of gad , with one of your comerades ; for ther 's no dancing now to your theatrian poeticall piping : neither your frierians , nor cock pitterians , can for loue or money helpe you to a plaudity , we wish for their owne sakes ( and yours ) they could : but many of them ( that could get winges ) haue kept company with vs in our flight ; neyther are wee or they to be condemned ; flesh and bloud naturally abhorres dissolution : all desire to begett children , but none loue to see them buried : so mortally doe we hate the name of death , that though we lye in our last sheete , saue one ( which must winde vs , ) we hardly endure the name of dying . the very scriuener who makes our willes , as he is cunning in other thinges , so is he crafty in that conueyance , and knowing what word will fright vs , he goes about the bush , and writes thus : when it shall please god to call vs out of this transitory life : we must heere the string twang out life still , albeit deaths cold fingers pull vs by the noses . agen , ( to adde one handfull more of corne to this sheafe of defence , made vp by the run-awayes , ) know , that many of vs that haue shut vp shoppes & are gon , are yonger-brothers ; and are assur'de , that euen owne fathers , ( knightes by degrees , and great men in possessions , ) haue for sixe or seuen yeares together , suffred ( nay at this very hower doe suffer ) their owne sonnes , ( yea their only and eldest sonnes ) miserably to languish in coumpters , and other prisons , vpon two shillings a weeke maintenance : this is good pollicy to tame an vnthrift , but little charity to murder a man 's owne childe : it 's a safe locke to tye to a runne-awayes legge , but ther 's too much iron in 't : at this ward wee haue no great stomacks to lye ; wee find our fathers hard enough here , and are loath to tempt their affections , whether they will come to london , and cry to a iaylor , fellow turne the key , let me see in what nasty chamber lyes my sonne . wee are better as we are , and therfore fling away your rodde , and doe not whippe vs for flying . besides , had we all tarried at home that are fledde , in what miserable cases ( according to humane reason , not diuing into the deepe and insearchable iudgements of god ) had we all bin ? if the country loues vs not now that are amongst them in perfect health , how would they haue hated the city in her populous thronges , when ( perhaps ) foure times the number now departed , had then bin smitten downe by the contagion ? what markets would you haue had then ? where had meate bin found to fill so many millions of mouthes ? the casting out sometimes of merchandize into the sea in a storme saues the rich venture , and our being driuen from the fleete in so hideous a tempest , hath ( we hope ) giuen the rest of the wether-beaten nauy more sea-roome , and so aduantage to meete lesse danger . was it not hie time to take our heeles and be gon , when the doctors themselues playd the runne-awayes ? doctors for the soule , and doctors for the body , they both fledde : many of them that stood the battaile , ( and being worthy commanders , fought brauely , ) we heare are falne , and in their places ( who were to looke to the sicke and wounded souldier , ) are crept into your city , a crew of prating emperickes , cogging mowntibanckes , and cheating quacksaluers , who if they cure one , kill twenty ; it being more danger for an infected man to fall into their handes , then for a sound person to liue two dayes fasting in an infected house . but what talke we of the flight of these ? for phisick and chirurgery , ( those two diuine sisters sent from heauen ) are both of them puzzelld in their readings , and driuen a to stand in their owne practise . this sicknes turnes knowledge into ignorance , for experimented salues and medicines forfet their wonted vertues to astonishment and admiration . our flight then you see is warranted by ecclesiasticall , martiall , polyticall , and phisicall authority : let vs not therefore here-after be termed runne-awayes ; for though many of our fellow londoners are in our absence turned into pine-trees , our hopes are at our comming home , to begett a new and prosperous plantation . well did the rodde-maker indeed condemne vs for not leauing our armor behind vs when we ran from the army , ( some peeces of siluer to mainteyne the poore : ) but whole troupes of vs haue bin so beaten in this country-leaguer , that we haue siluer little enough to mainteyne our selues : beside , numbers ( we are in feare ) will be so blind with the country dust flying vp into their eyes , they will hardly finde the right key-hole whilst they liue ( as they should doe ) to open shoppes agen ; the wardes of the lockes ( if not well oyld before ) will by that time ( t' is thought ) grow rusty . let the rich miserly runne-awaies , who fl●do● to saue their liues for their moneys sake , and to saue their golden idolls for their owne sake , let them ( in gods name ) pay soundly for their horse race ; who haue too much iuice may endure a squesing . if we left our houses , and no body to keepe them , t' is but the fashion of great-men , who reare vp huge buildings , in which well rattes and spiders more often then hospitable tennants . now whereas your qui mihi discipulus , ( with his birchen septer in his hand ) ●hreatens to fetch blood from vs , by telling what terrible frightes we are like to be put into at our comming back : alas ! he drawes a bowe too big for his strength , and shootes that arrow without any ayme . what did iob , who had seuen sonnes and three daughters , 7000. sheepe , and 3000. camells , 500. yoke of oxen , and 500 shee asses : to him one messenger came , and told him the sabaeans had tooke away his oxen from the plough , and the asses , killing his seruants : an other came and sayd , that fire from heauen had burned vp his sheepe and shepheards : an other that the caldeans had seizd vpon his cammells , and slew the men : an other that all his children were slayne by the fall of the house , as they were banqueting at their eldest brothers . but what sayd job ? naked i came , and naked i must hence : the lord hath giuen , and the lord hath taken . doe you thinke we are cast-awaies , because counted run-awaies ? what should we feare ? say at our returne to london , our friends be departed , our kindred lost , or seruants dead , and our goods spent vpon whores in tauernes ; or say , that comming out of the fresh ayre , and falling sicke , none of you will come neere vs , because we fled from you : nay , say that ludgate or the compters must be our innes , where if infection setts her markes vpon vs , neither creditor , phisition , surgion nor apothecary will resort to comfort vs : yet haue we a helpe in all this extremity ; there is one anchor to ride at in the fowlest weather : one friend hath promised to stick to vs all ; and that friend , is the deere , louing and beloued earth : when sonne nor daughter will come neere our coffin , but shun our carcas as loathsome carion , yet euen then , that good grandame ( the aged earth ) will open her armes and hugge vs , and lay vs in beddes , to take our euerlasting sleepes , and shall we be affrayd to come back to london ? no : for albeit your whip-deedle was so bold to tell vs , that londoners in the en● of the last great s●cknes , comming nere the city , looked pale , like men going to execution , that comparison frights not vs ; we , ●n plaine & merry english bid the twigger , not ●o be in such feare of our comming backe : for an order will bee taken for some of vs , neuer to call at the counter for a freemans horse , to carry him on foot to ludgate . a many of our iouiall fraternitie are glad they haue this vnpolitike aduantage . they must haue been driuen to studie for a cleanly excuse , which heer● of it selfe ( without teaching ) is growne very mannerly . there bee men that dare eate spiders : monkeyes swallow them , and by them get sweet breaths ; why then should not many limbes of our estates bee made the sounder by this infectious fracture ? there is an ireland to flie to , and a low-countries to roare in , and a wales , to keepe the winde of lawyers from vs with her mountaines : wee can bee bankerupts on this side , and gentlemen of a company beyond-sea : bee burst at london , and piec'd vp in rotterdam . the sea is a purger , and at sea must our fortunes take phisicke . amongst many other euils , which might terrifie men from repayring to london , the griping hands of clarkes of churches , and their sextons , and the villanous doggednesse of vncharitable bearers , are two maine ones . too many crie out vpon their crueltie ; they flea the liuing , and dishonor the dead , by tearing money out of poore peoples throats , at the buriall of husbands , wiues , or children , when it were greater almes , to abate from such vulturous deuourers ( those currish coffin-tossers ) their vnconscionable racking demands , and to giue it to the suruiuing distressed creatures . wee fare better in the countrey ; for there wee pay neither for belles nor bearers , neither minister , vicar , sir domine , nor his clarke will take a penie for any of vs. and they deale noblier , then wee heare a citizen was dealt with , in a towne not aboue two miles from london , whose mayd-seruant there ending her life , the hatches of a ship are not so close , as the doores and windowes of that infidelian village were ; not one durst for money , digge a graue , no reward bribe the clunnicors to carry the body to church : insomuch that the master of this seruant was compelled with sixteene shillings ( for vnder they would not goe ) to hire foure london-bearers , to carry her to her graue , whose casting vp likewise cost a price extraordinary . this dreadfull season of so many gastly apparitions , should ( as wee thinke ) fright all wickednesse out of the citie : but wee heare it does not . for all the distance of miles betweene you and vs , the swearing and cursing amongst some of you , leaues a tingling in our eares . for , one woman hauing left egges in a roome at her going foorth , and missing them ( as forgetting where shee layd them ) at her comming in , wished that the plague might consume them that eate them . yet after her anger was past , and forgetting her curse , they were drest , and eaten by her children , all of them dying the next day after . you know this better then wee , and are neere to blacke-friers where the curse fell ; if you haue a minde to examine the truth . this was a rod for a curser : but this that is held vp next , was a rod to whip presumption . a young man hauing some place in a parish church in london , being ( as to vs it was reported ) to locke vp the church-yard , called to a man , who stood amazed at the deepe graues ; and looking into one that was not filled vp , the other called to him to come away , and ( after a scoffing manner ) told him , he were best stay there all night , and take vp his lodging . no , quoth the other , you may lye heere ( for ought i know ) before mee . i lye heere ( said hee : ) see , i can lye heere at my pleasure ; and so leaping into the graue , and spreading his body vpon the dead , out hee came presently in a iesting manner : but going home , sickened that night , and lay there the next day in earnest . we haue no such foule-mouthed women neere the villages wee incampe in : no such desperate youths so to tempt fate . no , no , giue the countrey people their due , and there are none like them liuing vpon the face of the earth . the true picture of the countrey people . it is reported , that the gates of innes , and doores of victualling-houses are lock'd against vs , and that we are vsed like dogges . wee stand vp for the countrey : this is false : t is an arrant lye : for all the countrey people take their houses of purpose for londoners : and for vsage , they make more of vs , then they can of their owne kinne . most deare are they to the worst citizen that comes within their doores : marry wee must tell you , those are not very many ; and the reason is , they will not ( in a dangerous time ) pester men together . so well-giuen are they , that continually they pray for vs : and when ( in the open fieldes , for ayre sake , or vnder a hedge for coolenesse ) wee sit downe to eate or drinke , they ( good soules ) will not touch so much as a bit of our bread ; it shall not be said , they turned vs out like staruelings . so mannerly are they ( now ) growne , that if two or three citizens walke through a towne , all the countrey people step presently in at doores , onely in modestie to giue them the wall. and so cleanly are they in euery paltry village , that if there bee but ten stragling houses , you shall not for your heart see a foule paire of sheets in any one of ' em . t is reported in london , that wee are lodged in barnes , in hay-lofts , hay-cocks , and stackes of straw : t is true , but why ? alas ! when londoners that haue trauaild hard , scramble to a towne ( all faint and weary ) the honest country people , point to such places , to the ende they may there lye soft , till their chambers bee prouiding . o! they are the louingest wormes earth euer sent forth : offer them money , they scorne to touch it : neither ( hauing so many gold-smiths amongst them ) doe they weigh gold. reach to take 'em by the hand , they will not doe it for an hundred pound . and why ? shall they and we be haile-fellow well met ? how grossely doe they wrong them , that report , how they stop their noses at vs , & would make bonfires in their townes to bee ridd of vs ? this is another lye : they neuer come neere any of vs , but they are ready ( kinde whorsons ) to fall downe at our feet : and for ridding vs away ; why , take your leaue of them neuer so often , any townesman thinkes himselfe halfe vndone , if he but see a londoner departing . much more could wee speake in their praises , but wee are afraid they le bee angry at this ; for they loue not to haue their good deedes proclaimed to the world. wee will therefore conceale , what they would haue hidden . and albeit wee cannot glew vp mens lippes , we know what we know of these people , and a good many of vs are sure to be bound to them for euer . leaue them , and now to our selues . now shall you vnderstand what we doe , and how we liue ▪ or , though your beadle who whippes runne-awaies saies , that we are merry in our countrey houses , and sitte safe ( as we thinke ) from the gun-shotte of this contagion , in our orchards and gardens : yet we would haue him know , that we looke back vpon our disconsolate mother ( the city , ) we sigh at her sorrowes , weepe for her distresse , and are heauy in soule , but to remember her lamentations . farre though she be from vs , yet doe her miseries flye into our bosomes : and albeit ( out of humane frailety ) we left her hoping thereby not to fall into deaths handes , ( o wretched and deceiaued men that we are ! ) death hath with his long arme , reacht vs and our families ; and therefore , scithence there is no corner in the kingdome ( were it as vast as the world ) to hide vs from his face , thus doe we arme one an other against him . in these and the like speeches ( now following ) doe's the absent londoner giue his fellow citizen a little consolation . a run-awaies speech to his fellow run-awaies , arming them ( though flying from death ) to meete death brauely , and face to face . o my deere brothers , and copartners in misery ! death is a cruell creditor , and will haue all that we owe him . man is an imperfect garden , and to keepe it from being ouer-run with weedes , it must be turn'd into a graue . as our birth brings the beginning of all things , so our death shewes vs the end of all things : for if thou hast liued but one day , thou hast seen all that all men before in the world euer saw ; the same light , the same night ; they came in as thou did'st , and went out as thou must . death then being a part of our selues , why should we flye our selues ? men , nor their liues are measur'd by the ell , but by the spanne : no matter how long life is , but how good : no matter how short , so the end be sweet : it is but once , and what happens but once can not be grieuous . nothing makes death dreadfull , but that which followes death : the after-reckoning troubles all our arithmetick how to cast it vp : if nothing were to be hoped for after this life , the basest creature were more happy then man. one intreated caesar that he might be put to death , because he was old ▪ and lame and c●●zed : but ( quoth caesar ) ar't sure to be dead then ? let vs all be caesars : whether we liue or dye , lett vs be like belles which at coronations and funeralls are one and the same ring : in health or sicknes , crosses or comforts , calmes or tempests , in countrey or in city , so tune our soules , that all the notes may be sett for heauen . for death hath his a b. c. printed on euery thing we looke vpon . to behold sheetes turnd downe ( at bedde-time ) puts vs in minde , that that 's the last garment which we shall euer weare . if a cloath be but layd on a table , thinke on a coarse , and ( in feeding ) say to thy selfe ; i fatten this body for wormes , which one day ( how soone j know not ) will fatten themselues on mee . our last day is the maister-day , looke to that well , and the calender of thy life goes well . as thus we were fortifying our selues against the batteries of death , into our company rushes a londoner , ( ore that fights vnder our countrey cullors , ) and hee in a passionate exclamation , cryes out , are you sending an answere to the rodde for runne-awayes ? and haue you written so fully in praise of our countrey-landlords ; i am a tennant as you are , let me pay them my rent too , and so intreated that in our packet , his letters of commendations might be inclosed , which begin thus . an other manner of picture , drawne in lant-skip , of the countrey , shewing as well as the other , and ( as some say that are trauaild into those places ) trewer . vt que erat impatiens irae — o ( quoth he ! ) wee that haue left london , ran from a storme to fall vpon a ship-wrack ; to saue our throates from cutting amongst lambes , we haue been bitten by serpents , stung by adders , worried by wolues , and sett vpon by lyons . that name ( of londoner ) which had wont to draw out a whole towne to stare vpon him , and a church-yeard full of people ( after seruice ) to gape vpon his fine cloathes , spruce silke-stockins , and neate steeletto-fied beard : that name , to be called by which , all the land ( from one end to the other ) sends her sonnes , here to sow their clownary , and to reape witte , out of that witte , to thrash wealth , and by that wealth to climbe to honor : that name is now so ill , that he is halfe hanged in the countrey that has it : as spanish women ( in sir francis drakes time ) had wont to still their ninnios ( their little children , ) with crying out , hush , the drake comes : so now , men , women and children , cry out , away , flye , a londoner comes . in rufus his reigne , an english-man durst not in his owne countrey say he was an english-man ; a londoner now is at the same passe . be a londoner neuer so reuerend for age , neuer so gallant , neuer so full of gold and siluer , neuer so sweet in behauiour , so bewitching in language , and but once come to be examined by ( those russet images of authority ) the countrey bill-men , he speakes to the north wind , courts a porpose at sea , seekes to soften a rocke , and stroakes a beare in the bayting : euery one of these tytiries is a case of rapiers to a single ponyard . it is no tickling thē like troutes , to make 'em turne vp their bellies ; no , he that makes himselfe a lambe amongst them is worried : feed a foole so long as he will cramme , and he bursts his belly : the more you fawne on them , the sooner they flye in your face : as heate makes a flea to skippe , so the warme breath of a londoners mouth is able to make a hay-gee gentleman ready to leape out of his skinne through feare . silly creatures ! their countrey spirits goe but with wherries , oares would drowne them ; but miserable animals are they to be so cowardly , for feare is a terrible hangman , and his halters doe they tye about their owne neckes . what can be more noble then to doe good ? and what more good then not to doe ill ? but here in the countrey ( amongst the barbarous sort ) he is counted a varlet that dares be mercifull , and he a good townse-man that dares turne diuell . to goe braue here , and for a clowne not to care a straw for you : nay , in a drincking-schoole to haue him in his sweate sitte aboue you , and giue you base language , which you dare not for your guttes but put vppe , is no more disgrace then to stand bare to a constable in england , goe lowzy in ireland , or to fare hard in spayne . to stand and ieere a londoner in scorne , as he passes along , is the countrey posture : to walke by , with an insinuating face , lifting vp the beauer , and crindging to a carter is our city-posture . if now you demand how amongst these heluetians , we weare out our wearisome time ; here 's one of the bottoms . of the kinges of macedon , who succeeded alexander the great , some were afterwards glad to become ioyners , scriueners , painters and such like : so dionisius king of sicily , kept a schoole in corinth : so aelfrede a saxon , king of england , was forced in extremity to dwell with a cow-herd in summerset-shire : and so , many citizens that haue been brauer fellowes then whifflers on simon and iudes day , are fayne ( in a number of shires through england ) to turne hay-makers , cock barley , and sweat with pitching the cart with corne , thereby to win the hearts of those , whose loues by no alurements can be won to them : for as pitty amongst the stoickes was held a vitious passion ; so our countrey gnoffes ( hob , dick , and hick ) are turnd stoickes , and hate pitty worse then a lawyer does a clyent in forma-pauperis , these are the sower plummes with which we haue bene fed in the countrey ; we send them to you for samples ; but if you should after dinner haue all these sorts of raw fruict set before you , which were gathred for vs , and that you were constrayned to eate them , as we were , it is impossible but to driue you into consumptions , for many of vs here are falne into that languishing disease and we feare it will follow vs to london . to london ! o best-beloued of cities , what sorrowes doe feele when we name thee , because euen then we can not see thee ? as children long banished from parents , at their first sight of them , teares on eythers side ( of ioy ) will seale vp all vtterance of language , so will it fare with vs when we behold thee . astonished shall we stand , too heare thee relate the tragicall ouerthrowes of thy sonnes and daughters , ( our brothers and sisters : ) and as sadly wilt thou sitte , listning to the stories of our peregrinations , in this wildernes of english wilde-men . nightes and dayes hast thou opened thy gates to receiue them into thy buildings : how often hast thou nourished them with the milke of thy brestes ? how often hast thou emptied thy coffers , to furnish them with money ? how many of their sonnes hast thou taken from the plough , and from their poore and rusticall parents , and plac'd those sonnes ( after thou hadst tutord them ) on the pinacles of honor ? not only to stand there with commanding eyes ouer thy inhabitants ( o now deiected london ! ) but from thence , thou hast prefer'd them , to ride in more glorious chariots , and to attend as councellors , on many of our english kinges . yet ( ingratefull as they are ! ) vs haue they in our sorest extremities , thrust out of doores , denyed vs house-roome , euen in their stables amongst their horses , refuzde for money to throw vs meate , ( as hunters doe to their dogges : ) and vsing vs , our wiues and children , ( numbers of vs being their owne naturall children ) with a more then turkish crueltie ; as if none els in this kingdome had deserued punishment from heauen , but thou only ( deerest mother , ) and that god were the god of a city alone , and not of the countrey . but stay , whither are wee caried ? why does this torrent of mourning and complaining breake in to ouerwhelme vs , when an arme from heauen hath stucke vp a land-marke to saue vs from drowning ? the weekely bills are come downe ( like the doue out of noahs arke , with her oliue-branch , a blessed signe that the waters are fallen ! ) o excellent musicke ! see fellow-citizens , death hath not cut off so many as he did in his foure last battails , by 3000. persons and odde . god begins to repent him of his anger , albeit numbers of vs repent not of our sinnes . celestiall harmony played vpon 3000 strings ; the bells haue à desire to lessen their consort , they haue wearied themselues with playing sad lessons , and deafned the ayre to stay day and night to heare them . these are bankets vnlookt for ( therefore the sweeter ; these are comforts vndeserued , ( and therefore the welcomer . ) our hearts being not a little ( but wonderfully ) reuiued , we will with some tales of our owne misfortunes here in the countrey , bestow vpon you one half houres recreation . a londoner of great estate , riding at the beginning of the contagion , with his wife and two onely children ( hauing no more ) was for his money well receiud into a town , lodged in a faire house , the country-neighbors resorted to him , and were glad of welcomes , for their stomackes were not so subiect to qualmes , and watry spittings , as since they are fallen into . but in the end , god ( to shew how far-soeuer we flie , hath wings to ouer-take vs ) laid his hand vpon this londoners two children , strucke them with sicknesse first , and in a few dayes after with death . being dead , the londoner ( struck in yeares ) fell into consideration of his leauing the citie , & ( full of sorrow ) much lamented his departing from it , most peremptorily condemning him selfe , as guilty of pulling downe the wrath of heauen vpon his two sweet babes , for his hastie flying ( like adam ) out of gods reach , when at the holding vp of a finger , hee would finde him out . this added some heauy weights to his sorrow , yet this seemed nothing , to what was layd vpon him afterwards . for his two children lying dead vpon a table , the minister would not come neere him to bury them ; no clarke ( to get a parsons liuing ) would venture to church with them ; there was none to dig a graue for as much ground as the whole town stood vpon ; and for coffins ! had he bin owner of coffers filld with gold , hee could not with them haue hired a fellowe to make one . then came into his mind the happinesse of londoners at home : for all their miseries , for all the tedious marchings of threescore or fourscore in a day to one churchyard , yet there was a comfort , a blessing , a reioycing , to see those bodies receiue decent christian buriall . had his children bin snatchd from him in london , i could , said he ( his heart-strings being ready to crack with sighing ) haue had friends and kinred , to accompany them to their graues : no ceremonies should haue beene wanting due to the dead : but now ! and then he brake off ; recollecting his spirits , and resoluing to make a vertue of necessitie , he determined ( seeing no other remedy ) to bury his children himselfe . a graue herevpon he digged in the handsomest fashion he could , & then fetching first one child , and after , the other ( his wife being a partner in this tragicall passage ) he read seruice ouer them ; the mother , when he came to these words , earth to earth , ashes to ashes , performing that dutie . this is too sad ; here 's one more merry . a prentice of london being handsomly attired in one faire sute , and carrying another down with him , went to see his mother in the country 45 miles from london ; with fetching a compasse ( for he knew what danger it was to fall into the hands of that english-spanish inquisition , ( the muster of billmen ) he gat into the backside of his mothers house ; to her , notice being giuen , that her sonne was come from london , shee was ready to fall into a swound ; shee could not hold a ioynt ; her cheekes lookd pale , & her eyes with feare almost setled in her head : in the end , affection conquering passion , she ventur'd to see him . he , as she was approching , falling on his knees for her blessing , the first word she vttered was this , god blesse thee , & god blesse me from comming neere thy company . and so charging him as yet not to come into the house , but to keepe himselfe in an out wood-pile , whither a bed should be sent him , with which the yong man was content , only it grieued him , that his mother ( all the time that shee talked with him ) stood not onely a great distance from him , but held her nose betweene her fingers . my yong master had brought a comrade with him , who was to leaue him the next morning : that night therfore they would be merry : good drinke was sent them by a mayd , who set it a farre off , and they must fetch it : then had they a ioynt of meat laid to the fire , which was likewise sent them , but with this cōdition , they were to eat it vp euery bit ; for not so much as the bones they left , should bee giuen to any dogge in the house or towne . night being come , & our trauailing caualiers hauing a desire to drinke tobacco , which they brought with them : a clowne of the house ( when the mother was in bed ) pluckt vp a good heart , rubbd his cheekes and forehead , gaue halfe a score hemmes , to fetch vp his spirit , which ran to his heeles , and lighting a candle , swore , come life , come death , he would to his yong master , he had but a breath to lose , knew he was grasse and hay ; but ( how mortall soeuer ) he would to master iohn , and drinke a whiffe with him . the valiant desper-view did so : but the watch walking the round ( when the pipes were discharging ) the candle plaid the tel-tale , & told them ; two londoners were there . vpon this , the towne was instantly in a hoobbub , the house beset with browne-bills , and authority in a base-organ-pipe-voice commanded the two dangerous londoners to bee tredging , there was no staying for them there . the mother arose , cursd tobacco that ere it came to light , stood stoutly for her son awhile ; yet the town-bullets of threats & perswasions thumping about her eares , in th' end she yeelded , they shold raise the siege , and depart with bag and baggage the next morning . in shew they did so , and marchd both away with small dishonor ; but the sonne secretly returnd agen at night , was lodged in some remote roome ( good for nothing but a londoner ) & there kept till a new suit was made him ; which done , hee was washed naked twice or thrice , his other clothes ayrd in a ouen , yet being smelt out , his mothers house was shut vp for a month after . in another place , a poore man dying in the fields ( as hundreds round about the country haue done the like ) none would come neere the body , none giue it christian ( nay any ) buriall : so that it lay so long aboue ground , that hounds or hoggs had eaten out his bowels , and so was left that beasts might end as they had begun , to make their bellies serue for his graue . and this hapned within few miles of kiddermaster . we could tel you 500 dismal euents hapning in the country , & put by the people vpon vs , & all others that trauell : so wretchedly haue they handled men in some places , that when a shilling has bin offred for a can of faire water , it could not be had for money , because they durst not come neere the parties ; and in one poore village , a horse-smith , who neuer in his life was worth halfe a barre of iron , swore he would not shooe a londoners horse for ten pound . we could giue you a full picture of many others , drawn with infinite absurdities about them of their owne naturall committing . but in doing so , we shall but disgrace our owne nation , and leaue a discouery to the world how weakely mann'd their soules are with faith , and a confident resolution , in the omnipotent mercy of god. it is fitt to fly , and withstand this pestiferous enemy by all faire and lawful meanes , but these countrey people run backward ( with too much feare , but no wit ) so that at euery footes remouing , they are in danger to breake their owne neckes . o london ! how we hunger & thirst to be within thy walles : would to heauen the citie and countrey were diuorc'd , and we parted from them , away we determine to come , yet with many arguments are frighted from setting forward : wee lay seuerall plots , but build vpon none : sound euery little creeke , and riuer , and finde the water in some places too shallow , and in some too deepe , therefore too perrillous . scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus . we londoners a thousand questions make , which way to goe , yet know not which to take . if we put not in at london , god prosper vs in our next voyage , which is , that we may all meet in heauen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14249-e290 who are run-awaies . a run-away from his maister . a run-away from his captaine . a run-away from a sergeant . roaring run-awayes . good night land-lord run-awayes . he has seene finsbury fields mustering . flight not for feare , but safety , nor for safty , but on pollicy . a rough march turnd to a weeping aprill . all these castles were built in the ayre . earth leuels out the groūd , but heauen deuides the acres . folly to runne from that we can not shun . church-musick , best and worst . * they were gon abroad ere we came . if there were , you would giue ouer your trade of pamphletts . to flatter sick mens bodies may foole away their soules . young cockes loue no coopes . the more that run away whē a field is lost , the fewer fall . whē the leaders flye , shall the soldiers stand ▪ phisick and surgerie at a non plus in this sicknesse . if there fall good showers of money , els not . all our money in the cuntry is turnd into quick siluer . if the poore pine for all , let the rich pay for all . great-men , little-house-keepers . iobs estate . his losses . his patience . no cast-awaies , though run-awaies . well fare an old freind in a corner . we haue set vp our staffe already . o for a good winde ! t is but changing our copy these bearers are worse then beare-wards . a londoners money in the countrey is brasse . 16 . s for foure london bearers . badd egges hatch no good chickens . a curse rebounded . no iesting with god. none but doues i' th countrey . we londoners dare sweare so much . and peepe out at loope-holes . haue they not reason ? exceeding deare . to bee gone . for feare it chokes ' em . a murren on their manners when they haue any . nor cleanes ones neither . can any man wish more ? t is pity they should . neuer , vnlesse it be at foot-ball . nay halfe-hangd . who can proclaime them ? we should be sorry else . where the treasure is the heart dwels . death is a nimble footeman and hath ouertaken vs. a run-awaies armour to be worne against death . an old souldiers sute to caesar . men should be like bells . death's a. b. c. the last scaene crownes the play. a hot-spurre londoner . here the morris begins here 's plaine dealing . the name of londoner hatefull , ninnio in spanish is a boy . a londoner a bugbeare . to bayte one of these beares in smithfield would make good sport . suttle gudgeons . a hay-gee gentleman . no disgrace in the country to haue a horse-fly play with your nose . this fashion will not hold long we trow . one king a a schoole-maister , an other a cow-heard . he must needs goe whom the diuell driues . we hope for better winter-fruite . we will st●ale in by owle-light but we 'le see her . and they reward thee well for it . the bills decreasing , are ioyes increasing . a caueat for run-awayes . a rich father sexton to his own children . a mother and her sonne . the conditions had bene good in a deare yeare . a valiant coward . more feard then hurt . a mans bowels eaten out by doggs or hoggs . the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots sharply inveighing against them (as most justly they deserve) this yeare, 1639. by w.s. saltonstall, wye, fl. 1630-1640. 1639 approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11385 stc 21643.5 estc s106432 99842148 99842148 6778 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11385) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 6778) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 585:16) the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots sharply inveighing against them (as most justly they deserve) this yeare, 1639. by w.s. saltonstall, wye, fl. 1630-1640. [8] p. printed by b. a[lsop] and t. f[awcet] for richard harper in smithfield, at the bible and harpe, london : 1639. w.s. = wye saltonstall. printers' names from stc. in verse. signatures: a⁴. formerly stc 21525. identified as stc 21525 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng covenanters -scotland -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-04 simon charles sampled and proofread 2005-04 simon charles text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots . sharpely inveighing against them ( as most justly they deserve ) this yeare , 1639. by w. s. london printed by b. a. and t. f. for richard harper in smithfield , at the bible and harpe . 1639. the grounds and reasons of times complaint against the rebellious scots . this land ( god be thanked ) is blest in the happy government of a most gracious king , against whom in despight of mercy divers aff●onts have lately beene offerd by the rebellions scots , who under pretence of religion would ouerthrow the hierarchy of the church , pulling downe the house of god , and building babels of their owne invention , and man'd with this furious zeale , they have raised great forces , and stand ready armed in the field to resist the head of the church in his dominions our most gracious king charles ; time therefore hearing how these bold attempts under the title of covenanters bad acted many outrages , entrencht vpon the kings soveraigne power , and have hitherto neglected and slighted his royall authority ; therefore in this complaint of time some reasons are laid downe . for the chronicles of this land due witnesse that rebels have beene alwayes overthrowne in their designes , and at last met with a deserved death . thus mortimer who rebelled against king edward the second , and violently tooke away his queene , was afterwards himselfe taken and beheaded . also those rude mechannicke rebels that were led under the conduct of watt tiler , tom miller , and iack strae made a great tumultuous vproare in kent and essex , untill sir william walworth than lord mayor of london did with his dagger stabbe iacke straw in smith-field , whereupon the dagger was set in the armes of london . the rebellion for perkin warbek was soone disanimated , and the imposture discovered , and so likewise iack cade and his associates were soone confounded and overthrowne , and punished according to their deserts . and thus rebellion is like that ignis fatuus or that phantastick apparition of fire , which running under hedges doth affright country-people , but having blazed a while , it is soone dissipated and extinguished . the scots therefore cannot promise to themselves any better fortune than their rebellious predecessours , who were soone scatter'd and confounded , and their leaders received condigne punishment . if therefore any precise humorist that accounts himselfe a transcendant protestant , and a goliah in religion ▪ when indeed he is an hypocriticall puritane , if any such doe thinke the complaint of time against the scots is too satyricall ▪ i would have him know , that the rebellion of the scots as it is haynous in its owne nature , and deserves a sharpe vindication and revenge , so it also hath cast an aspersion vpon time , for both the city and country doe find fault , that it is a very hard , dangerous and doubtfull time. and some in regard of this unnaturall rebellion say , time declines and growes worse , and that many discentions , divisions and rebellions shall happen in the old age of time , unto all which accusations time doth make answere with one old ancient verse ▪ conscia mens recti famae mendacia ridat . the conscience that is cleere from spot or stayne , laughs at the false reports of flying fame . time did not cause the scots rebellious factions , which breaking forth in time , time blames their actions . the complaint of time against the tumultuous and rebellious scots . anno dom. 1639. age now hath silver'd ore the haires of time , and as i am growne old , so i decline in native goodnes , else what frantick moode could make the scots so prodigall of their blood to staine their honour by the imputation of tempting their king to high indignation by being sonnes of tumult and of thunder ? time grieves for them , and shooke with holy wonder admires what genius leades them on to be revolters against sacred majestie , why they had best attempt if they thinke good to prove themselves of the gygantick brood pelion on ossa hurling up againe , so to invade the high olimpian name of love ; for whether wont their boldnesse presse ? vnlesse the just revenger send redresse . time needs not heere from his owne height descend as to make answere to what they pretend in frivolous objections , for what pretence can heaven allow them for their bold offence ? what have they made such a strange scrutiny that none but they have found divinity ? or have they fanci'd to themselves abstractions of angels zeale set forth in divelish actions ? will they allow unto the king of heaven no ceremonies which are duly given vnto his majesty , but will bluntly fall without ceremony to rebellion all , must they needs teare the miter from the head of bishops ; what antipathy is bred within that land which doth on england border that they should seeke equality of disorder ? which alwayes tends to ruine , nature makes in all her workes a resemblance of estates , the peacefull bees have kings , the waspes have none , they onely buzze , and sting , and so are gone ; most perfect creatures have the truest sence of soveraignty and true obedience ; the hierarchy of angels still doe cry all prayse and honour be to god on high whom they obey , and government on earth from heaven had originall and birth . and would the scots thinke by their furious rage . to turne the world into a golden age as in the infancy of time ? yet then saturne did raigne , and was obey'd by men , then iupiter the ancient world sway'd whose soveraignty was generally obey'd ; and time that measures out the workes of nature from the first being of a formed creature to thee not being , was at first created by the king of heaven , and my power is dated and whatsoever is his great decree i must therein obey his majesty . but since the giants warres i was not tooke with greater feare , nor with more horrour strooke then when lowd fame did bring unto my eares the scots attempt ; i drown'd my cheekes with teares and wisht that i my patent might resigne before the world should say that aged time had thus produc'd by the seeds of dissention an armed brood of men sprung from contention that in despight of mercy will proceed to court their ruine , and desire to bleed . is there a plurisie , and an excesse in spirituall matters that must find redresse by such a cruell salve ? or doth the sword more mercy then is vsuall now afford ? and not cut off ill members , will it spare those who in deepe affronts engaged are against their soveraigne ? who did wooe them long by mercy which was powerfull and strong to conquer good minds , but when his grace found that balme of mercy could not cure the wound , then our dread soveraigne mindfull of his cause , went downe against those that did flight his lawes arm'd with his iustice full of powerfull dread for kings have iron hands , though feete of lead . now heaven protect him , time on aged knees prayes that these waspes which scorne the obedient bees though they are gathered into mighty swarmes yet may bee all compell'd by force of arm●s to yeeld their stubborne neckes , let angels drive these waspes away out of the churches hive . who bring no honey , but have often stung their mother with contentions from them sprung . time hath spoke liberally , but now hee 'le stay no correct himselfe , for some perhaps will say that the scots beare an earnest great affection vnto my daughter truth , by whose direction in her defence this furious course they take for love of truth through danger way doth make , but they doe erre herein , for my deere childe and daughter truth 's by nature soft and milde . christ was all truth , yet when hee came to wooe the world to goodnesse , and the way to shew vnto all truth the holy angels then sang peace on earth , and goodwill unto men . can therefore tumult , and the thundring drum speake in a language that may well become the wooers of faire truth ? or else transported doe they imagine truth can thus bee courted ? me thinkes i see the angels hide their faces and blush in angry zeale , for their disgraces no thinke the scots should thinke faire truth to winne from her most just defendor , and her king. me thinkes i see sad truth kneele downe and speake her wrongs against them who her lawes doe breake , shee pleads for mercy and doth plead againe and with her oratory doth enflame the kings most royall brest , then having got his gracious favour , shee tels him the scot with many shewes of holinesse doth wooe her , pretends much inward zealous love unto her but yet doth mocke her with a smooth pretence of love to colour over his offence ; and then shee wishes shee may never know heaven if truth did bid them thus to goe in huddle into armes , for truth sayes shee loves and obeyes your sacred majestie ; and all my precepts say that kings appeare like gods on earth and his vice-regents heere ; then why should they the truth and you abuse and fasten upon truth a false excuse ? no 't is their pollicie that doth extend to use my name to a prodigious end , and with the veyle of truth to hide and shrowd their proud ambition which walkes in a cloud and like a piller of fire guides them on into a wildernesse of rebellion . thus would my daughter truth make her complaint 'gainst the tumultuous scots that doe so vant in crying up her name , when heaven knowes that truth was never tooke with feyned showes . bee dumbe night-ravens then , and doe not croake to piece up the alleageance you have broke with faire pretences , for old time doth know you have entrencht on soveraignty , and doe grow gyants in your opinion , being so given to furious zeale that you would invade heaven , pluck iupiter out of his seate , and all of you would then be gods in generall . and yet they are but shadowes you pretend while in substantiall matters you offend by fallacie joyning god and king together , and yet will shew obedience unto neither ; there you devide the cause by your affection and distinguish of a limited subjection . even nature doth instruct that you should be subject unto the power of majestie , and all the workes of nature seeme to speake hee is a rebell doth alleagiance breake . then trust not to your selves , though you are strong , for heaven will vindicate all rebellion , and truth doth say of old , no warres can bee happie attempted against soveraigntie . how dare you still persist ; time bids pull downe your baffling flags , and on your knees fall downe , and for your colours let your blushing cheeke display them , while you doe for mercy seeke ; if not , then time doth bid you know bold scots , your vrne is turn'd , and fate hath shooke your lots , you have betray'd your selves , up english then and shew your courage against those contemne heaven in their king , o let not his great cause suffer while they 〈◊〉 his power and lawes . finis . coach and sedan, pleasantly disputing for place and precedence the brewers-cart being moderator. peacham, henry, 1576?-1643? 1636 approx. 78 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a09194 stc 19501 estc s110325 99845888 99845888 10819 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a09194) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 10819) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1111:08) coach and sedan, pleasantly disputing for place and precedence the brewers-cart being moderator. peacham, henry, 1576?-1643? [56] p. printed by robert raworth, for iohn crowch; and are to be sold by edmund paxton, dwelling at pauls chayne, neere doctors-commons, london : 1636. dedication signed: mis-amaxius, i.e. henry peacham. with a title-page woodcut. signatures: a-g⁴. running title reads: a pleasant dispute between coach and sedan. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng carriages and carts -early works to 1800. sedan chairs -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion coach and sedan , pleasantly disputing for place and precedence the brewers-cart being moderator . spectatum admissi risum teneatis amici ? london : printed by robert raworth , for iohn crowch ; and are to be sold by edmund paxton , dwelling at pauls chayne , neere doctors-commons . 1636. to the valorous , and worthy all title of honor , sr. elias hicks , knight , and one of the honorable band of his majesties gentlemen pensioners in ordinarie . noble sir , that i prefixe so deserving and eminent a name before such light stuffe : i doe n● more then tavernes and innes doe , with us heere in england , and in other countreys , to credit their houses , hang up at the porch , the pictures ( for signes ) of kings ; queenes , princes and other eminent persons , under whose subjection they live , or unto whom they stand most affected . the great turk sets his own stampe upon terra lemnia , an earth , or clay ; virgil thought his gnat not unworthy the view of octavius caesar : and with the same confidence i offer thes● few lea●es unto your view ; who are so belov'd at home , and honor'd ●br●ad , especially for that your memorable service somtime at mount auban in france , that towne even to this day acknowledging her safety , and preservation to your valour onely , and whom for your resolution and forwardnesse in our late fleete , your noble admirall , the earle of lindsey honored with the dignitie of knighthood : if your selfe , sir , or any else shall aske mee , if i had no better imployment to set my selfe about then this , i could answere them ; the wisest counsellers and greatest scholars have ever season'd , and sweetened their profoundest studies , and greatest employments , with these and the like passages of inoffensive mirth . erasmus commended the foole. homer writing his illiads , wrote also the battell betweene froggs and mise . fannius extolled the nettle ; sir phillip sydney made good sport with rhombus his countrey schoole-master : and the like many others . besides , wee live in that age , wherein difficile est satyram non scribere . but the trueth is , i being at this time in hand with a serious and laborious work for the presse , ere long to see light ; my printer desired of mee , that hee might not sit idle in the meane time . sir i take my leave , desiring to bee remembred and recorded among the number of those , who for your owne worth and goodnesse , truely love and honour you . february 19. 1636. yours ever , mis●maxi●s . to the reader . as it is usuall in countrie , and homely houses , when guests come upon the suddaine , to tell them at the porch before hand , what they shall find within ; so i heere at thy entrance ( ingenious reader ) tell thee there is not so good provision for thy entertainement , as i could wish ; wherefore resolvedly with the cynick i say ( who inviting great personages to a dinner of radishes , salt and bread , and being by some blamed ) answered , if they bee my friends they wil bee content with any thing , if onely to fill their bellies , this is too good for them . and to say truth , i am sorry i come forth no better provided , i am no ordinary pamphleter , i would have thee to know ; onely in mirth i tried what i could doe upon a running subject , at the request of a friend in the strand : whose leggs not so sound as his iudgement , enforce him to keepe his chamber , where hee can neither sleepe or studie for the clattering of coaches : i shew'd him the booke ; he smil'd , and onely wrote underneath out of martial . dum vernat rosa , dum madent capilli tunc te vel rigidi legant catones . vale quisquis es . to my worthy friend the author . who is it ( under thirty ) that beleeves big-bellied-dublets , made with cloak-bag-sleeves , that would hold pecks a peece ? wings , that belowe the elbowe reach't ? and for the better shewe , every large button that went downe the brest , ( broade as an halfe-crowne piece ) to grace the rest ? when the short breech , not reaching past the knee , ( crosse-garter'd at the hamme ) a man might see the calfe apparant ; with the anckle-joynts , not frenchified ( as now ) with aglet points to hide their gowtie shin-bones ; when the ruffe wide , as a fore coach-wheele , with starch enough , weare onely in the fashion ? a●d ( friend ) than some coaches w●re in use , but no sedan : nor doe i thinke , but if the cust●m● were t'●ee hurryed in wheele-barrowes , t'w●ld appeare ( in processe ) well : and they would take the wall of carres , of coaches , of sedans and all . and wh● can tell , whether 't bee now a breeding ? and may perhaps pr●●e so in times succeeding . n●● when wee l●st discourst , close by the mill , which over-lookes the towne from hamst●d-hill , thou told'st mee of this project ; i then said , this thy dispute there t●lk't of , and since made , i thought would apt this age , and further v●w'd , 't should bee no sooner finish't , and alow'd . but that i would commend ( as all may se● ) it , to the world first : next myselfe to thee . anonymos . a pleasant dispvte betwene coach , and sedan . it was just , about the time , when the cu●kow ( not daring to come neerer to the citie then ●slington ) warned the milk-maides , it was high time to bee gone with their pailes into finsburie : and nodding to the cheshire carriars , told them if they made no more hast , they would not reach dun●table that night ; when my selfe with an english-tailor , and a french-man ( who newly were come out of france ) where they had spent halfe a yeere to learne , and bring home the newest fashions there , to their ladies heere in england ) comming downe iack-●●●apes lan● , wee perceived two lustie fellowes to justle for the wall , and almost readie to fall together by the eares , the one ( the lesser of the two ) was in a suite of greene , after a strange manner , windowed before and behind with isen-glasse , having two handsome fellowes in greene coats attending him , the one even went before , the other came behind ; their coates were lac'd downe the back with a greenē-lace sutable , so were their halfe sleeves , which perswaded me at first they were some cast s●i●●● of their masters ; their backs were harnessed with leather cingles● cut out of a hide , as broad as dutch-collops of bacon , whereat i wondred not a little , being but newly come out of the countrie , and not having se●ne the like before . the other was a thick burly square sett fellow , in a doublet of black-leather , brasse-button'd downe the brest , backe , sleeves , and winges , with monstrous wide bootes , fringed at the top , with a n●t fringe , and a round breech ( after the old fashion ) guilded , and o● his back-side an atcheivement of sundry coats in ●heir propper colors , quarterd with crest , ●helme and mantle , besides heere and there , on the sides a single es●ut●hion or ●rest , with some emble●aticall word or other , i supposed , they were made of some pendants , or ba●ners that had beene stollen , from over some monument , where they had long liuing in a church . hee had onely one man before him , wrapt in a red cloake , with wide sleeves , turned up at the hands , and cudgell'd thick on the backe and shoulders with broad shining lace ( not much unlike that which mummers make of strawen hatts ) and of each side of him , went a lacquay , the one a french boy , the other irish , all sutable alike : the french-man ( as i learned afterward ) when his master was in the countrey , taught his lady , and her daughter french ; vshered them abroad to publike meetings , and assemblies , all saving the church , whither shee never came : the other went on errands , help'd the maid to beate bucks , fetch in water , carried up meate , and waited at the table . i seeing them so hot , and hearing such rough , and disgracefull words to passe betwixt them , and fearing they would presently have mischief'd one another , i earnestly desired the tailor and french-man , to make haste along with me , to part them , and to see the peace keept , as it is the dutie of every honest subject ; the tailor fearing his skinne , and not having ( as the saying is ) halfe the heart of a man , tooke him to his heeles , and runne away ; the french-man , under a colour to fetch the tailor backe againe , ranne as fast as hee , whom to this day i could never set eye on . seeing my selfe left to my selfe , i stepped in to them , and in coole and friendly manner , thus i began . gentlemen , albeit i am a stranger unto you both , yet the law of nations , yea and of nature too , requireth that humane societie should be maintained , the life of man preserved , and the peace of that common-wealth , wherein wee live , by all possible meanes advanced ; wherefore let me intreate you to forbeare one another , if either of you bee pleased to intimate unto mee , the ground and occasion of your grevance , i will doe my best to compose your strife : quarrells , both in this age and kingdom , are growne poore and ridiculous ; and to chalenge the field of any man , is either to choose his owne death , or an halter : it is true my my friends ( quoth i ) the times were , if one man had slaine another , hee might presently have taken sanctua●y ( usuall also among the iewes ) or being taken , have put in baile , or fled unto some private friend , where he might have kept out of the way , and have beene sheltred , untill by meanes of a courtier , hee had procured his pardon , for a small matter ; or else , as in germanie and the low-countr●ys , have gotten some handsome young wenc● to have begged him for her husba●d ( for if i bee not deceived , they love english-men well ) but those dayes are gone , and the necessitie of our times , require stricter courses to bee taken ; otherwise our streets of london , like leig● , venice , paris , pad●● , millan , rome , and other places , would every night , ring with out-cries of blood-shed and murder , especially , being pestered at this time , with such varietie of sundry nations , which till of late was strange to london , but as good lucke was , they had no weapons ( save one whip ) betwixt them both . they hearing mee talke sensibly , and but reason , they began to bee som-what pacified ; hee in the leather , with brasse studds and buttons , demanding what i was ; i told him i was a peece of a schollar , and had seene the world abroad in my travells , in many countreys , and was now returned to make use ( for the good of my selfe , and countrey ) of whatsoever i formerly had knowne , or seene ; and here-upon i required his name . my name sir ( quoth hee ) is coach , who am a gentleman of an auncient house , as you may perceive by my so many quarter'd coates , of dukes , marquises , earles , viscounts , baro●s , knights , and gentlemen , there is never a lord or lady in the land , but is of my acquaintance ; my imployment is so great , that i am never at quiet , day or night : i am a benefactor to all meetings , play-houses , mercers shops , taverns , and some other houses of recreation , for i bring them their best customers , as they all know well enough . this other that offers mee the wrong , they call him mounsier sedan , some mr. chaire ; a greene-goose hatch'd but the other day ; one that hath no leggs to stand upon , but is faine to bee carried betweene two , and whereas hee is able with all the helpe and furtherance hee can make and devise , to goe not aboue a mile in an houre ; as grosse as i am , i can runne three or foure in halfe an houre ; yea , after dinnner , when my belly is as full as it can hold , ( and i may say to you ) of daintie bitts too . sedan . sir , the occasion of our difference was this ; whether an emptie coach , that had a lords dead painted coate and crest , as lion , bull , elephant , &c. upon it without , might take the wall of a sedan that had a knight alive within it : coach swore hee would proove by the law of armes , and all he●aldry , hee ought to doe it . i stood against him , and told him , it was against all law whatsoever , and that our master would avouch : hereupon , hee threatned to have us all put downe , and that i should not passe whe●esoever hee came , much lesse have any precedence . it is true , my name is sedan , and i am ( i confesse ) a meere stranger , till of late in england ; therefore if the law of hospitalitie be observed ( as england hath beene accounted the most hospitable kingdome of the world , ) i ought to be the better entertained , and used , ( as i am sure i shall ) and find as good friends , as coach hath any , it is not his bigge lookes , nor his nimble tongue , that so runnes upon wheeles , shall scare mee ; hee shall know that i am above him both in esteeme , and dignitie , and hereafter will know my place better ; but in the meane time , i will doe nothing without good advice . neither i hope , will any thinke the worse of mee , for that i am a forreiner ; hath not your countrey coach of england beene extreemly enriched by strangers : who in your own opinions , have attained to perfection in any excellent art , or science , but they ? who makes all your delicate , and most excellent pommanders and perfume for our ladies here , but italians ? who fits our lords and ladies so exactly with varietie of fashions , even from the perruke to the pumpe , and pantofle , as the french ? and who so curiously skilfull ( to the great benefit of this kingdome ) in painting of paving-tiles for chimneys , making conceited babies for children , hobby-horses , rattles , bristle-brushes checkered blacke and white , for which wee are much beholden to the wes●phalian swine , and spanish black hoggs : with such varietie of drinking-pots , beades , and whistles ; to making of which , neighbour coach , you know not how to turne your hand : nay , whereas you , five or sixe houres together , are faine to stand wayting at the court gate , play-house , or you wot where ; i am many times admitted into a ladies chamber , had to the fire , dried , rub'd , and made cleane both within and without ; but the plaine troath is ( coach ) i will no longer bee made a foole by you ; i will have it tried , though it cost me a fall , whither i bee as fit to walke the streets as you , or no , and to take my place ever next to the wall , when all the world knoweth , the kennell is your naturall walke . i would ( quoth i , it is true ) have strangers well intreated , but not so to doate on them as ordinarily wee doe , as if we were guilty to our selues of such grosse ignorance , and asinine stupidity , wee should thinke nothing well done , except an italian , french , or dutch-man have a hand in it , ( the best is ) sounder judgements are not infected with this opinion ; these are but the fancies of fooles , and women . but i now beleeve sedan you are made a free denizen , and may safely passe wh●re you please with-out any cont●oule , or question about your freedome , and think your selfe as good as coach , saving that hee hath more liberty then you , going abroad in the countrey at his pleasure . for my part i am acquainted with neither of you , onely signior coach , some twenty , or fowre and twenty yeares since i knew you , by the same token your guide was drunke , and had not certaine noble ladyes by my advice , walked on foote over those little bridges betweene gormanchester and huntington on foote , they had layne ( where you , and your man lay ) over the head and eares in a river very deepe of mud : these mischances i confesse befall you but somtimes , and that is , when your horses have beene watered in a noble-mans-buttery , or a marchants cellar . beeing in this discourse comes whistling by with his carre , a lus●ie tall fellow red-hayr'd , and cheekes puffed and swolne as if hee had beene a li●colne-shire-baggpiper , or a dutch-trumpeter under grobbendonck , in a canvas frocke , a red-cap , a payre of high-shooes , with his whip in his hand : i calling ●nto him , hee stayed , and asked me what i would , i craved his name , hee told me roger dudgin , and that his dwelling was at puddle-wharfe ; in good time , ( quoth i ) you may stand us in good stead to end a controversie heere betweene two strangers , yet i doubt not but you know them well-enough ; what are they ( quoth he ? ) why coach and sedan , said i , cannot agree for place and precedence . you are a dweller in the citie , and may soone end the difference ? car. the divell agree them for me , i can never goe in quiet for them , by day nor by night ; they talke of rattle snakes in new-england , i am sure these bee the rattle snakes of old england , that keepe the whole citie from their naturall rest ; it is long of them that poore prentices are raysed vp ( before their houre ) to their worke , when their masters who have bin hard at it , at the taverne overnight , would ( but for their ratling ) have lyen till nine or tenne ; poore maids who were raised out of their beds to washing or skowring of their brasse and pewter , cannot take a nap in their shops : children that goe in a morning to schoole , or of errands in the streete , goe in danger of their lives . noe man having his chamber neere to the streete , can be private , or followe his studie , coach , for your noyse ; and in streets about the suburbs , and places unpaved , you so bee-dash gentle-mens cloakes or gownes , without all shame and civilitie ; that let a man but come from st. iames to charing-crosse and meete you in his way , one would sweare by his dirtie cloake , he had come po●t from st. michaels-mount in cornwall . i marvell whence we had you at first coach ; if you and all your fellowes were on a light fire upon hounslowe-heath , the matter were not great ? coach. it were better a hundred such rascally carmen as you were hang'd ? carman . sirrah , you robin-redbrest , wish your lady to pay my master for foure loade of billets , which hath beene owing him ever since the great snow a twelue-month agoe . coach. well iack-sauce , we shall talke with you , when you come back from tyborne . car. nay i prithy coach goe along with me . and i will have done with thee there presently . coach. sirrah , goodman rogue , pay my master for an old coach-horse , you had to put in your carre ; and heere 's your companion sedan , almost in as good credit in the citie , as your selfe . powel . does i● talk against i● master ; pray you master stay heere a little while , while i● runne to shrewsbury , to fetch a welch-hooke , her great grand-father gave her father , when her was a great souldier to sir rice ap thomas , at milford haven , when i● countrey-man , king henry the s●ven came into wales , it is in shrewsbury , and lies over her hostesses beds head , at the signe of the goate and the greene leeke . sedan● powell ; you welch-men are well t●mper'd , but you smell a little too much of the fire : mr. coach of hackney , hath a cooling-card dealt him already ; hee may walke now whither he will , to vtopia , new england , or the amazons ; for those ladies , after they are weari● of riding , love to bee carried . wee sedans ma● now goe quietly by you , without nick-names , nor shall wee ever have halfe those curses of the people , you are wont to have ; in every streete and lane , wee take up lesse roome as wee goe along ; wee are of an easier charge , our journeys are short , we carrey no lackquies , or foot-boyes , when we are emptie , nor have we to doe with d●● turn-up , and peg burn-it , your ●ilken wenches of hackney , to car●y them to the red-bull , and other play-houses , to get trading , or citizens wives to st. albanes , south-mimme , barnet , hatfeild , waltham , i●ford , croidon● brainford , and other places , under a colour of seeing their children at nurse to banquet with their sweet-hearts and companions , the match being agreed upon a moneth before ; wee pleasure the lame , sicke , weake , and impotent , women with child , and such as are corpulent and unweldly , and are not able to endure the jolting of a coach , wee defend , and keepe gentlemen , and ladies from the fogge , and rotten mistes , that morning and evening arise in townes and cities , neere to great rivers , and many other stinking and grose exhalations , which corrupt the lungs ( as dewes and mistes rot sheepe ) breed long and dangerous coughs , and catarrhes ; the very breath wee breath , being nothing else then ra●ified water : moreover , wee are places fit for privacie , or meditation , where a man may reade or studie , even in the midst of the throng , and open street , which men in law-suites , and businesse of weightie importance , oft times stand in great need of ; beside , we have our name from sedanum , or sedan , that famous citie and vniversitie , belonging to the duke of bovillon , and where h●e keepes his court. powell . nay , doe you heare mee master , it is from sedanny , which in our british language , is a brave , faire , daintie well-favoured ladie , or prettie sweete wench , and wee carrie such somtime master ; but tou sone . carman . well , may a man now passe quietly by you both ; hayt , stand up there . coach. carman be gone , and keepe a good tongue in your head , and while you live , give way to your betters . carman . never to the devills carter , while i live . coach. well well sirrah , there is a place called bridewell . carman . yes marrie , where some of your fine carriage hath beene lodg'd many a time and often . powel . this rogue will never have done , shall i beate him master . sedan . powell by no meanes , for that 's the next way to bee beaten our selves ; they are sturdie companions , and there is a world of them about the citie . being all this while in such like discourse as this , the morning began to be well up , and people in the streetes to cluster about us , like the ballet-singers auditorie , when by chance , came by a plaine countrie farmer , who newly it seemed , had passed the thames ( for a waterman followed him with a bag full of writings or such like ) and demanded of mee what the matter was , i told him in briefe that there were two ( well knowne in the citie , coach and , sedan ) fallen out about superioritie , and place , and in a contention , which of them should deserue best of the common-wealth . water-man . deserve ( quoth the water-man ) they deserve both to bee throwne into the theames , and but for stopping the channell i would they were ; for i am sure where i was woont to have eight , or tenne , fares in a morning , i now scarce get two in a whole day , our wives and children at home are readie to pine , and some of us are faine for meanes to take other professions upon us , as some in frostie weather to gather dog-wood for butchers , to get burch and broo●●e for beesomes , and sometimes to catch birdes with lime , or set springes in the marshes for water fowle , honest shifts , it is true , in necessitie . but wee are an auncient companie , and though the last in the ranke of companies , yet are wee the first and chiefe in getting our livings honestly ( and as god commandeth ) with the sweate of our browes , our profession is free from deceit and lying , which many trades are subject unto , and being the most of us strong of bodie , and skilfull upon the water , wee are able ( and as ordinarilie we doe ) to serve our soveraigne in his fleete royall , or armies by land , many of us being westerne men , of somerset , glocester , wiltshire , and and other places there abouts , who generally are esteemed the strongest , and most active men of england , when take one of your common , or hackney coachmen from his boxe , hee is good for nothing except to marry some old ale-wife , and bid his old acquaintance welcome , to turne horse-courser , become a gentlemans baylie or butler in the countrie , or by meanes of some great man , get a place in an hospitall ; i speake to shew the incertaintie of service : not onely in regard of them , but others . wee serve god and our king onelie , and some of us for countenance sake , or affection , weare the coates and badges of noble-men , which dependance impeacheth not our liberties , no whit at all . the coach upon the least error committed , either mistaking his way in an evening , the falling lame of an horse , though not his fault , breaking of a wheele , overthrowing his coach against an hill side , tree-roo●e , or the like , hee is presently sent to seeke a new master , yet are some of them growne so proud because they are advanced i● the streete above their lord and master , they cannot afford us inferior water-men ( that labour beneath them in the liquid element ) a good looke , or a good word . as for you , master sedan , you are the hu●bler , and i beleeve the honester of the two , i heare no great ill of you , nor have i had any acquaintance with your cowcummer-cullor'd men , onely i beleeve you are a close companion : and that you conceale most of our delicate feminine fares , in your boxes by land , that were woont to bee our best customers by water , for coach his seentence is past , and except you tread evenly you may follow after . countrey-man . nay honest water-man give not so rash a censure , wee must not gainesay what the state tolerateth , for some reasons perhaps unknowne to us , neither will i enquire ; my sedan in the countrey is a plaine wheel●barrow , and my coach my cart , wherein now and then for my pleasure i ride , my maides going along with me , with their forkes , rakes , and a bottle or two of good bee●e , with an apple-pastie , potted butter , churne-milke , bread and cheese , and such like , into the fields in summer-time to cocke corne , make hay , and the like ; and now and then , on faire and market-dayes i walke with a neighbour or two to the faire or market , to buy , or sell , and having drunke a dozen of ale amongst us , wee come home the same night , scarse feeling the ground wee tread on : and if our great lords and knights would use their leggs as wee doe , they would not ( so many of them ) bee troubled with the goute , dropsies , and other diseases , which grow upon them , through ease , fulnesse of diet , drinking many sorts of wine , and want of bodily exercise ; i won●er in my heart , why our nobilitie and gentrie cannot in faire weather , walke the streets as they were wont , as i have seene the earles of shrewsbury , darbie , sussex , cumberland , essex , northampton , with most of our barons , without any disparagement to their honours . beside those unimitable presidents of courage and valour , sir francis drake , sir philip sydney , sir martine frobisher , sir thomas bas●ervile , with a number others ; when a coach was as rare almost to bee seene as an elephant : i would our coached and caroched gallants , who think their feet too ●ood to tread upon mother earth , had , or were ever likely to deserue so well of their king and countrey , or could but shew those scarres , leave such a testimonie of their vertues to after-ages , as these foot-men have done , who were the true sonnes of honour : yea and many times have i seene some of them walke to the farthest part of the citie and to invite them s●lves in love to di●ne● to ●n alderman or mer●hants table , and other private houses as they thought good , as the noble george e. of cumberland to master garrets an apothecarie in lime-street , sir francis drake to alderman martines in cheap side , and the rest in like manner , where they were content with such as they found , and were each with other heartily merrie , and as truely welcome ; having perhaps learned this of a●gustus caesar , who would leave his court , and goe eate and drinke familiarly in the private houses , of his romane citizens : for majestie and greatnesse ( like a bow ) cannot stand so long extent but must have ( by fits ) a relaxation , and as the most daintiest dishes of flesh or fish , have commonly their sauces prepar'd of meane and course things , as onions , vineger , water and the like , so privacie and converse with inferiors among great persons , as also homely sports , and exercises , take off and sweeten the teadiousnesse of rugged cares and high emploiment : as when i was a grammar-scholler our master to revive our spirits dulled with studie , would make us comoedies , and because even now i spoke of onions i will repeat the prologue of one of our plaies , which i my selfe spoke upon the stage , and it was this . even as the duck in river navigable , is serv'd with onions to a great mans table ; so , will wee doe our best to give co●te●t , to the meanest of this rascall ●ablement . which i pronouncing distinctly , and with a good grace i was mervailously applauded ( by clapping of hands ) of the multitude ; maides tossed apples to mee , and our schoole-masters wife offered me her bottle of rosa-solis to drink , and i well remember too , at that time a knight of our countrie ( who this last yeere married his mothers chamber-maide , ( and birladie , maintaines her in her coach , with foure horses ) plaid the foole most admirably ; yea , i knew a lord , who journeying in the countrey , would leape out of his coach , to play a game at stoole-ball with country wenches ; and one time above the rest ; when a gentleman of his told him it was past three a clock , and that they had yet twenty miles to ride , hee called for a watch , and set it backe to twelve , now said my lord , wee shall have time enough ; i will have the other game . and one thing ( coach ) i am sure of , it was never good world with us in the country , since you and your fellowes have so multiplied ; the devill of good house is any where kept , where you have to doe ; and i have observed , where a coach is appendant , but to two or three hundred pounds a yeere , marke it , the doggs of that house are as leane as rakes , you may tell all their ribbs lying by the fire , and tom-a-bedlam may sooner eate his horne , then get it fill'd with small dri●ke , and for his old almes of bacon , there i● no hope in the world ; i may tell you , some houses of thousands by the yeere , are become little better ; when a poore labouring man that hath perhaps liv'd all his time in the parish , shall hardly get a loade or two of hay to keepe his cow al winter , but the baily tells him his lady cannot spare it from her owne ki●e , and coach-horses , and now adaies , wee must pay two shillings for a pecke of oate-meale , which wee were wont to have for sixteene , or eighteene pence , and all long of coach-horses : before ( coach ) you came into request , one of these houses maintained sixteene , or twenty propper tall fellowes , to march from the kitchin to their masters table , in their blew coates and cognisances , every man carrying a dish of good meat , either boyld , or roast , now the case is so altered , that the coach-man alone must take upon him three or foure of the prime offices about the house ; without dores , hee is gentleman of my ladies horse , and coach-man ; within , hee is butler and chamberlaine ; and if strangers come , perhaps some poore boy of the towne is sent for to assist him , for the scraping of trenchers , and emptying chamber-pots ; who within a day or two must returne to the place from whence he came ; and if ( coach ) your man have ever beene versed in brewing , or baking , hee must undertake that too ; i heard my boy , who is now at cambridge , say out of aristotle ( which is well observed in your great houses now adayes ) frustra fit per plur● , quod fieri p●test per p●●●ci●ra . and by the logicall fallacie , compositionis et divisionis , they will make two eggs pa●se for three , and many times turne away their cooke for roasting a whole brest of mu●ton to break-fast , when he should have roasted but halfe ; as a great man both of ranke and revenue , some one or two and thirty yeeres since , set his cooke in the stocks at huntingdon upon the very same occasion , as the cooke ( fast by the heeles ) told me himselfe , all this coach i can impute to none other then your selfe , and your appurtenances ; nay , let a man have never so earnest an occasion of businesse with your knight or ladie , at your houses , let him come at dinner time , hee may knocke his heart out ere any body will heare ; and indeed , to speake truely , i blame them not , for , venter non habet aures , saith the old proverbe . i knew a knight , an especial friend of mine , of himselfe a free and and a noble gentle-man● who lay sicke of a burning-feaver , or causos ( as the phisicians call it ; ) and a very skilfull gentleman , both a phisitian and a chyrurgian , being sent unto him by a iustice of peace ( his loving friend and neighbour by , in the countrey ) who much tendred his health , the physitian came at night , wringing wet in snow and raine , when his ladie was at supper , where hee continued knocking , and could not be let in , but was faine that night to take his supper , and lodging at the next ale-house in the towne , and before morning the good gentleman was dead , whom blood-le●ting ( the present remedie in hot-feavers ) that night , by all likelyhood might have saved , hee being in his best yeeres , strong and able of body , of sanguine complexion , and his spirits not yet spent , or decayed by the vigor of the disease : and most lamentable it is , to see ( upon fasting-dayes , or in time of lent ) how closely , the poore eele , haddock , and herring are imprisoned , and so strongly kept up , within barred and bolted gates ; that if a man would give ●ever so much , as but to speak in private with any one of them , or whisper in his eare , hee should not bee admitted . and now i speake of whispering , i remember a good fellow of goose-toft , neere boston , came to a fish-monger in that market , who had mackerels to sell ( a fish very rare in those parts ) and taking up a mackerell in his hand , whispered in the mackerills eare , then he laid the mackerills mouth to his eare ; which the fish-monger observing , said ; friend doe you make a foole of my fish , and of your selfe too ? no , said the fellow , i make bold , but to aske him when hee was at sea , and hee tells mee not these three weekes , but this by the way . and coach , twice or thrice a yeare you must needes make a boone voyage to london with your ladie , under a cullor to bee new cullourd , guilded or painted , covered , seated , shod , or the like , when her errand indeede is as one saith well , speaking to such ladies , as love to visit the citie . to see what fashion most is in request , how is this countesse , that court ladie drest : while yee your beauteous faces , so disguise , wee neither see , your fore-head , nor your eyes , ( that woont the seates , and indices to bee , of spirit , love , and ingenuitie . like dutch boores houses , where the straw hangs over the low thatch'd ●aves , & doth th● windowes cover . hence it happens , coach , that by your often ambling to london , sir thomas , or sir iohn , sinks ( as in a quick-sand ) by degrees , so deep into the merchant , mercer , or taylors booke , that hee is up to the eares , ere hee be aware , neither can he be well drawne out without , a teame of vsurers , and a craftie scrivener to bee the fore-horse , or the present sale of some land , so that wise-men suppose this to bee one maine and principall reason , why within a co●ch journey , of a day or two from the citie , so many faire inheritances , as have beene purchased , by lord-majors , aldermen , merchants , and other rich citizens , have not continued in a name to the third , yea , scarce the second generation , when go farre north or westward , you shall find many families , and names , both of the nobilitie and gentrie , to have continued their est●tes two , three hundred yeeres and more , in a direct succession ( as in cumberland , and n●rthumberland , the families of the graies , groystocks , lowthers● musgraves , with many other in yorkeshire , of the dacres , scroopes , nevell● , huddlestones , savill● , &c. the like may bee said of lan●ashire cheshire , devonshire , sommersetshire , norfolke , suffolk , and many other places ●at remote from london ) without racking or raising of rents ; or inclosing of whole townes , and lord-ships : which every where ( neighbour coach ) they say is long of you , and your costlie carriage . as for you sedan , i heare no great complaint of you , save that my wife and daughter thinks that you have made say dearer then it was woont to bee , for whereas they used to buy it for sixteene pence a yard , you have brought it to two shillings● seven and eight groats , and and none of the best neither , and co●ch i entreat you if ( you beeing now banished the citie ) happen to come into our countrie of lincolnshire ; let me know of it , that i may remove my selfe , tenne miles off from where you shall have to doe : sedan because you are a stranger you shal be the welcomer of the two ; for as yet you were never seene in our parts . but to be short , my masters agree as you can , i must follow my law occassions , and to tell you true i can skill of neither of you , and so fare-ye-well . sedan . coach doe yee see , how neither in coun●rie or citi● , any one can give you a good word , you have carried your selfe well in the meane 〈◊〉 , have you not● powell . her would hang i● selfe before shee would have so great deale of ill words in the world . coach-man . welch-man keepe you quiet , there is no great feare , or danger of you , but when our coach-ma●es and horses , are put to grasse . powell . sirrah you grimalkin , who was a knave and a foole , when your ladie being pig with schild , and could not endure the jolting of her coach up that s●eepe stonie hill beyonnd ferribrigges in york-shire , you made her sell two exellent stout mares , to buy a couple of ambling horses , beleeving as long as they ambled , shee could never bee jolted , where was her wit then . coach-man . well well wood-pecker , wee shall meete with you when time serves . powell . i le meete her where and when her dare . heere i interposed my selfe and said before the companie ; truely honest coach ( if i be not deceived in your name ) i cannot see but you may passe well eno●gh , concerning that plaine country man and his speach , you must know , that the common people of the countrie affect not , very well , the gentrie , nor the gentrie them , there beeing a kind of antipathy betweene them : first they envie gentlemen , as living more plentifully and at ease then themselues . invidus al●erius rebus macrescit ●pimis : againe they doe not greatly love them , because gentlemen hold them in a kind of aw , and they are fearefull to displease them . oderunt quem metuunt . thirdly if they bee tennants , their rents are often raised , if strangers , they ar● overlaid many times with leavies , and paiments either to the king , or some publique charg●s and occasion in the countrie , and sometimes extraordinarie curtesies by great men ( their neighbours ) are exacted of them , which grumblinglie they yeeld unto , as borrowing their carts , to fetch home ( five or tenne miles off ) stone , coales , timber , and the like , sometimes their cattaile to plough their grounds , or helpe home with harvest , sometime they are troubled with bringing up a whelp or two , till they become ravenous ●ounds , and undoe a poore man in his dayrie , and if they bee faulconers , they must afford them pigeons , from their dove-coates , besides new-yeers-gifts , which are conditioned in leases , and with the yeerelie paiments of rent , as capons , geese , henns , lambes , conies , neates-tongues , pigges , swannes , all manner of fish , and wild-●oule , with a thousand such . i ommit the generall murmur , and complaint of the whole countrie against them , for depopulation , inclosures , and encroaching upon publique commons ; nor is it to bee forgotten , how in levies , ceasements , and charges of armes at publique musters , they can befriend themselves , and in the last place ( as hee said truely , their miserable house-keeping , wherein had they beene , free and liberall , they might have made some part of amendes for the rest , but commonly the poore of parishes are faine to bee releeved , by the farmer , husband-man , and the middle ranke , or else they must starve , as many upon my knowledge did this last snowie-winter . i taxe not all , god-for-bid , there are numbers left , who with their fore-fathers landes , inherit their noble vertues , of loyaltie , fortitude , bountie , charitie , love , to learning ( learned themselves ) and whatsoever is good or excellent . i condemne not , neither , the lawfull use of coaches , in persons of ranke and qualitie , yea and in cases of necessitie : no more then i doe tilted boates and barges upon the water , they defend from all injurie of the skie , snow , raine , haile , wind , &c. by them is made a publique difference , betweene nobiliti● , and the multitude , whereby their armories without speaking for them , they are known and have that respect done to them , as is due to them : they are seates of honour for the sound , beds of ease for the lame , sick and impotent , the moving closets of brave ladies , and beautifull virgins , who in common sence , are unfit to walke the streets , to be justled to the ke●nell , by a sturdie porter , or breathed upon by every base bisogn● : they are the cradles of young children , to be convei'd with their nurses , too , or from their parents into the citie or countrie . and if all inventions have their just , and due praise from the goodnesse of their endes , whereto they were ordained ; surelie the coach invented for the necessarie use and service of man cannot bee condemned , if regard bee had to those circumstances , of person , time , and place . their first invention and use was in the kingdome of hungarie , about the time when prier george , compelled the● queene and her young sonne the king , to seeke to soliman the turkish emperour , for aid against the frier , and some of the nobilitie , to the utter ruine of that most rich &c flourishing kingdome , where they were fi●●t ●alled kotoze , and in the slavonian tongue c●riti , not of coucher the french to lie-downe , nor of cu●hey the cambridge carrier , as some body made master minsha● beleeve , when hee ( rather wee ) perfected that his etymologicall dictionarie , whence wee call them to this day 〈◊〉 ●the first ( they say ) that was seene in england was presented to q●eene eli●beth , by the ea●●e of a●undel● , but whether it were an open charriot , or covered over the head as our ●●●●●es now are i doubt , for such a one q●eene 〈◊〉 rode in , from sommerset-hou●e to s. 〈…〉 to heare a sermon , presently upon the victory obtained against the spaniard i● eightie-eight . master nowell deane of paules preaching at that time , when i remember ●being then a schoole-boy in london , abut tenne yeeres of age ) so many spanish-ensignes , in triumph were hung up , that the leades of the church , and houses round about , seemed to be veild or curtain'd round-about with gold , silk , and silver . sedan . it was a glorious sight indeede . but ( quoth i ) upon a more glorious occasion . talking in this manner , unexpected , there comes by a morrice-dance of countrey-fellows ; away goes powell , and takes the maide-marian , and the foole along to a taverne , the promiscuous by-standers left us to follow the morrice-dancers , when there steps in to mee , an honest plaine countrey-vicar , of mine old acquaintance , and claps me on the shoulder , calling mee by my name , and saying , it is a wonder to meet you heere in london , which i think you have not seene in these dozen yeeres . it is true ( said i ) and somwhat more , and i find my selfe to bee a great stranger heere , for whereas heretofore , i could walke in some one streete , and meete with a dozen of my acquaintance , i can now walk in a dozen streets and not meete one , yea both in people and building , i find , n●vam rerum faciem . vic●r . yes , i dare say since you and i were first acquainted in cambridge ( the world is altered ) it is a good while , i was laid hold on in an evening , by our vice-master d. r. for whistling in the court ; and i told him ( and told him truely ) i could never whistle in all my life ; you made answere , no sir , it was not hee ; for could hee have whistled , his father would never have sent him to cambridge● meaning , hee would have made a plough-boy of mee . let mee remember you likewise ( said i ) of another merrie accident when wee were boyes , and sophisters in the schooles , when you , and two more of your old acquaintance , went one frostie morning to eate blacke-puddings to break-fast , and wanting a penny of the reckoning to pay ●or an odde pudding ( having no more mony amongst you all three ) you venter'd on it , and spet out a single penny that was buried in the puddings end ; so that by wonderfull fortune , the pudding payd for it selfe ; and after you declaim'd upon , a●daces fortuna juvat . vicar . come , these merry passages are gone and past , i am heartily glad to see you alive and well . and in good faith ( quoth i ) i am glad to meete with any of my old acquaintance , they are so rare in these parts . heere is a gentleman , my friend , said the vicar , who much desireth your acquaintance , hee is an excellent surveior , limmer in oile , and water colours ; besides , a skilfull musician both for song and instrument , and you are met in a good time : so having saluted one another , i smilingly told them the occasion of mine idle stay there at that time , which was a neighbourly office of ●econciling coach and sedan , who in that place , fell fouly out with either , opposing each other to the utmost for place and precedence ; neither would they yeeld a jot one to the other , without the mediation of friends . vicar . is he in the black , with brasen studds on his sleeves , wings , backe , and brest , called coach ? surveyor . yes , and i am sure , the other in the greene is sedan ; let me entreate you ( quoth i to them both ) to talke with them , they will surely heare reason , if one of the church ( which i thinke neither of them cares for ) shall goe about to perswade them . vicar . i will. sir , i understand your name is coach. coach. men call me so about the court. vicar . out of my love , understanding the time of your execution is at hand , and that quickly you must expect to be turn'd off ; i come to give you the best admonition i can . first , you have beene these many yeeres a lewd liver , accompanying your selfe with pandars and common strumpets , bo●h of citie and countrey . secondly , you have beene suspected for many robberies ( i am sure you have heard of madam * sands ) for there is not an high-way , streete , back lane , or odde corner in the citie , or within five miles , but you are well acquainted with the same . thirdly , you bring many a one to the gallowes . fourthly , you never ca●ed for the church , since all sermon-time wee heare you hurrying up and downe the streetes , insomuch , that the reader of devine service , or the preacher , can hardly heare himselfe speake for you ; or say you bring your lord , knight , and their ladies to church , you stay in the streete , while your man commonly goes to the taverne , or ale-house , till service bee done . fiftly , you live not in love and charitie one with another , but give one another ( if you are crossed in the streete , or in a narrow lane ) the worst words you can ; and another great fault you are guilty of ( in the judgement of that late reverent iustice , sir edward cooke ) you will in no place give way to the carre and cart , your elder brethren . sixtly , if you have gotten your cup ( like iehu ) yee drive as if you were mad , and become very dangerous in the night . surveyor . mr. vicar , these are but personall faults , you conceive not what dammage the state receiveth by coaches , and how the whole common-wealth suffereth in their increase and multitud● ; now if it please you , i will shew you wherein . they first consume an infinite quantitie of ou● prime and best leathe● , which also by reason of the d●cay of woods , and consequently of barke for tanners ) leather is growne extreemely deere , and hardly that which is principall good , to be gotten for any money . againe , wee can hardly have a young ash grow till hee bee seven yeeres old , within forty miles of london , but hee is cut off before his time for the coach-makers use , in spokes for wheeles , beames , bodies , and the like . more-over a wonderfull quantitie , of our best broad-clothes is consumed and wasted , about the lining of coaches , and their seates . i ommit , other superfluities of lace , fringe , guilding , &c. last of all , and which is worst of all , and withall speed ( if it shall so please his majestie ) to bee redressed , the breede of o●r best horses in england , are reserved , or rather bought up in faires and markets , onely for the use of the coach , hence it comes to passe that at any generall muster taken of horse , you shall see so many arrant iades showne , scarce one in tenne serviceable , some send thither their ordinarie saddle geldings , and nagges , some their cart-horses , where you shall see their necks and sides miserably gall'd with collars & traces , and their riders serving-men or ploughmen , just answerable to their horses . i speake i confesse the more freely , because i know what belongeth to horse-manship , and have beene my ●elfe an horse-man , and in service beyond the seas , in somuch as i dare say , no nation in europe , is more back-ward and carelesse in breeding and managing horses , then we in england , god bee blessed for our peace , quid postera ferat di●s nescimus : if it would please his royall majestie ( which with my selfe all true subjects ought from their hearts to wish ) to command our coach-horses , instead of hearing a coach rattle at their heeles , to listen to the trumpet , i beleeve the poore beastes themselves would be better pleased , and since they cannot speake , expresse their joy by bounding and neighing , as they ordinarily doe , when they are to goe upon service , and are by the trumpet call'd to charge the enemie ; or if their noble owners are desirous , to get as good as they can for their coaches , they should provide as many other , as good fit and able , alwayes to bee in a readinesse , ●or his majesties service . i speake not as if i did altogether , condemne , and disallow of coaches in the generall , wee know that the kings , princes , and nobles , of israell , had their charriots , equivalent ( at the least ) to our richest caroches , it is most fit , ●nd requisite , that princes , nobilitie , the more eminent and abler among the gentrie should bee allowed their , c●●ches , and c●rr●●●es , and ●ll others who hold ●●y place of dignitie , either in church ●r common-wealth , a● our bishops , the reverend iudges , doctors of divinitie , law , phis●cke with the chief● m●gistrates of e●inent and honorable citie●●ith others of like and equall ranke , but what i pray you ●●e the coaches of these few , to that multi●ude at this day in england ? when in l●nd●n , the suburbes , and within fou●e miles comp●ss● without ; are reckoned to the ●umber of six ●housand and odd . i easilie ( quoth i ) beleeve it , whe● i● cert●ine places of the citie● as i h●ve often observed , i have 〈…〉 i have there , the w●y 〈…〉 with ● c●●●h , t●o o● th●●e , t●at wha● hast , or businesse soever a man hath● hee mus● wait● my ladie ( i know ●ot whose ) le●●●●e ( who is in the ne●t shop , buyi●g penda●●s for her eares or ● colle● for her ●ogge ) ●●e he● can find any passage . the mos● eminent places for stoppage , ●●e paul-ga●e into che●pside , lud-gat● , and lud-gate-hill , especially whe● the play i● done 〈◊〉 the p●iers , then hol●or●e-gundoit ●nd holborne-bridge , ●●villanou●ly pe●●ered with them , no●●er-la●● , s●●ith-fi●l● , 〈◊〉 coe-l●ne ●ending all about their new or old mended coaches , then about the stocks and poultrie , temple-barre , fetter-lane and shooe-lane next to fleet-street ; but to see their multitude , either when there is a masque at white-hall , a lord-majors feast , a new play at some of the play-houses you would admire to see them , how close they ●tand together , like ( m●tton-pies in a cookes-oven ) that hardly you can thrust a pole betweene . my masters quoth i , wee have a great deale of talke , and discourse all this while about nothing , heere comes one that if you will be rul'd by mee , shall determin● the quarrell without more adoe , because our occasions call us away , about weightie● emploiments . with that , comes up unto us a lustie tall fellow , sitting upon 〈◊〉 axel●r●e betweene two mōstrous gr●at wheeles , drawne by a great old jade blind of an eie , in a leather pilch , two emptie beere-barrels upon a brewers sling● beside him , and old ble●-cap all bedaub'd , and stincking with yest , a●● the spurging of beere , him coach , and seda● knew , as soone as ever they saw him ( for it seem'd they had beene old customers of his masters , and true stakes to the beere-barrell ) ●ee seeing them familiarly talking together , i cra●● his name : my name is beere-car● quoth hee ; in good time , you may ( said i ) by me●●es of your 〈◊〉 acquainta●ce with these two , coach and seda● ; doe a good office and reconcile them , being fallen at difference , who should be the better man , and deserve the most respect , my selfe and these gentlemen , have laboured what we could herein , yet can wee doe no good . when according to our relati●n , hee had heard the whole substance of the busines , hee shooke his head , saying , will this never be otherwise , i made you friends once before , when you were together by the eares at charing-crosse , and you vow'd to either ( and dranke upon it ) you youl l never square , and fall-out againe , but live , and love as bretheren , but let that goe if you will once againe , wholy referre your selves to mee , and promise before to morrow at night to enter into bond , to stand to my censure and agreement , before these honest-gentlemen ( who are strangers to me ) i will set you straight , and make all quiet ; are you not mad men , to wrangle and fall out in the streete , to draw boyes and wenches and every rascall about you , to wonder and laugh at you ? coach this is your fault , you are cholerick and cannot forbeare ; and sedan , you thinke your selfe so countenanced at the court , that such a one as my selfe dare not speake or meddle with you , but i would have you know , i am of auncientes standing in england then both of you , i came into england in henry the seventh● time , what time i was brought into this land with musi●k : my brother al● , is farre auntienter then i , and was in england , as i have beene told by schollers , in the time of the brittans and romans ; but what doe we talke of our antiquitie , let us boast of our goodnesse and strength , which makes us to bee so well thought on , and beloved where ere wee come . but let these things passe , are you content to stand to , and heere my verdict , and will promise to observe what i in reason shall propound , and so to make a finall end of all controversies betwixt you . coach and sedan . with all our hearts . serveior . we are h●●re , th●ee or foure , witwitne●●es , and shall ca●rie the newes unto your best friends , who surely will bee glad of your reconcilement . vi●●● . now master beere-cart , since you have taken upon you to be ● moderator betwixt ●hem , let us heare th● conditions you meane to propound for their ●greement , because wee are not like altogether to meet againe . nay ( quoth i ) ho●e●t ●eere-c●rt , will have a c●re of his credit , a●d doe nothing but what shall bee just , and right , i dare say . beere-cart . nay , if i doe other-wise let mee never walke upon london stones , or see saint kathari●s againe , there●●re understand me well , and heare what i shall say . first , coach and sedan , you both shall reverence and ever give way to beere ( or brewers ) cart , wheresoever you shall meete him , either in citie or countrie , as your auncient and elder brother . secondly . you both againe shall be constant custome●s to cellars , innes and ale-houses , as being the upholders , and principall maintainers of brewers-cart . coach , you shall now and then give your man leave to take a nap at noone , especially , when your lord or lady , is to see a masque at the court , my reason is , when he is fast a sleep upon his box , his curtaines are commonly cut off , and his cushions stollen . thirdly . see your man give his horses their due allowance , in hay and oates , and that he beguiles them not , to maintaine his wench , or follow the taverne , beside charge him to keepe their manger cleane , without dust or feathers . fourthly . more-over give him especial commandement , that while he is drinking wine , his horses want not water . sixtly . againe coach , if your lord or master , bee disposed in an evening , or any other time , to goe to an house of good-fellowship ( the rude and unmannerly multitude call such baudie-houses ) and your lady or mistris , when you come home , aske where you have beene ; you shall say , your lord or master hath beene turning and looking over some bookes in a french liberarie . 6. you shall leave altogether your old wo●nt , that is , when your knight or ladie or both , are gone to the church , suffer your man to goe to the ale-house and there to stay , till prayer or sermon bee done , but see him a gods name goe to church , to learne to serve god better , and to mend his manners . 7. your man also shall leave that old knavish tricke , of tying a horse haire very straight , about the pastornes of your horse feete ( which presently will make him halt ) then to tell your master hee is lame , and will not serve his turne , procuring after some horse-courser to buy him at an under price ; then sell him againe , and after you two share the money betwixt you . 8. speake well of water-men , and offer them no wrong , besides know they are a corporation , and boats were before coaches ; i will undertake for them not to hurt you , they are my friends , and acquaintance , and i deale much in their element . 9. if your lord or knight , be invited to my lord majors , the sheriffes , or any other great or eminent mans house to dinner ( because wee know not in these times who wee may trust ) let your man be sure to search and examine the celler well , for feare of treason . 10. if coach , you happen to goe to a christening , or any publique banquet , see that you turne your man loose like an hogge , under an apple-tree , among the comfitts and sweete-meates , and let him shift . 11. leave in any case that ill custome yee have of running over people in a darke night , and then bid them stand up . 12. in terme times , you shall drive in the streetes faire and softly : for throwing dirt upon gentlemens clokes , and lawyers gownes going too , and comming from westminster . 13. you shall have an especiall ●are , of little children playing in summer time in the streets , greens , high-waies , and such places , you shall endeavour to keepe your selves sober , from over much drinking , for by coach-men overtaken with drinke , many have lost their limmes , yea some their lives . 14. you shall carrie none without leave , of your lord , lady , or master . 15. you shall not coach ( as you are accustomed ( take up into you every groome , and lacquay , to lie tumbling with his dirtie feete upon your lords velvet , or cloth seats , and cushions , but let their leggs carry them in the open streete , with a mischiefe . 16. you have a trick , and custome ( which i wish were amended and reformed ) that if your knight or lady be out of the way frō home , out of the citie , for some spending money to carrie tradesmens wives , waiting-maides and young-wenches : somtime to brainford , to barnet , tottenham , rumford and such places , to meete , and to be merry with their sweet-hearts , while all the way they goe , they sit smiling and laughing , to see how the poore inferior sort foote it in dirt and mire , and hereby they grow so prowd , that ever after they accoun● themselues companions for the best ladies . 17. coach , if you are to goe a journey , twenty , thirty , or more miles into the countrey ; see that you are provided of all necessaries● that your lady and her women may stand in he●d of by the way , you know what i meane , and never be unprovided of a bottle or two , of the best strong-waters . 18. you shall be no hindrance to poore people , who shall demaund and aske the charitable almes of your lord or ladie , much lesse revile them , or lash them over the fa●es with your whip . 19. and honest coach , at my request , be very careful in going over 〈◊〉 places , quick-sands , unknowne waters , and narrow bridges . 20. if a man of manlike behaviour and fashion , casually fall lame by the way , or by some accident be wounded , whereby he is unable to travell , you sh●ll out of christian charitie , imitating the good samaritane , take him up , helpe him wherein you can , & ●ar●y him ●o hi● inne . 21. you shall offer your brother sedan no manner of wrong , but intreat him with all love and friendship , giving him the wall , you keeping your naturall and proper walke , the middle of the streete . 22. lastly you shall be affable and curteous to all , endevouring to get the good will , and good word of every one , especially your fellows in the hovse , that having the love of your master and lady , they may settle you in a farme of theirs in your old age , and marrying the chamber maid , ever after give them leave to lash that will. so much brother coach for you ; now honest sedan , something i have to say to you , though not much . first as you tender the love and friendship of your brother beere-car● , observe these rules and admonitions . you shall from this time forward , live with coach in perfect love and amitie , to defend and helpe him in all casualties , and ever-more to speake well of him behind his backe . you shall never carrie any infected person . you shall never take into your charge , any one that is bea●tly drunke , at any taverne or ale-house , but rather give a porter leave to carrie him to his lodging , in his basket. you shall not meddle with any exchang-wenches , semsters , or hand-some laundr●sses , to carrie them to any gentle-mans private chamber or lodging , ther● to shew their wares and commodities . you shall never endanger your selves with carrying matters of great charge , as money , plate , iewells , boxes of evidences , writings and the like . you shall never carrie coach-man againe , for the first you ever carried was a coach-man , for which you had like to have sufferd , had not your master beene the more mercifull . you shall see your bottomes be sound , that grosse and unweldie men slip not thorow . you shall carrie no manner of beast for any mans pleasure , bears-whelp , surbated-hound , baboone , musk-cat , or the like . you shall have an esp●●iall care to keepe your chaires , cleane and sweet , both within and without ; suffer no tobacco , which many love not , to be taken in them , and wish the painter , to adde to his verd ' greace and linseed-oyle , in his painting , a small quantitie of the oyle of spike , for the better smell . and ●ince the w●akest goes to the wall , take you the wall i charge you , of all porters , bakers , costard-mongers , carm●n , coaches , and in a word , of all in generall , saving beere-car● , who after you are wearrie , and tired , will bee at hand to doe you any manner of servi●● , especially to revive your decayed spirits . and last of all with which i will conclude ; because at the court you are friendly used , and often times admitted within the gates , ( which your brother coach never is ) you shall take nothing at any time , for carriage of the kings great porter . surveyor . but master coach , what say you to a late proclamation , that is come out against you , and your multitude ? coach. it concernes not us who follow the court , and belong to noble-men , it is chiefly for the suppressing my neig●bours of hackney , who are a plague to citie and countrey ; it had beene the better for us , if it had come out seven yeeres ag●e , for being , wee shall ( i hope ) be better rewarded , and better respected . i have read i remember in herodotus , of sesostris , a tyrant , king of egypt , who causing foure kings whom hee had taken prisoners to be yoaked together by the necks , & to draw his charriot ; one of these kings , ever and anon cast backe his eye , and looked over his shoulder to the charriot-wheele , which the tyrant observing , demanding of him the reason why hee did so ; the captive king made answer , quia in rota , video statum humanum : because in this wheele , i see the state of man : the spoke of the wheele , that was even now aloft , is now at the bottome , and below ( as wee our selves are ) and that below , anon gets up to the top , sesostris knowing this to be true , and fearing his one estate ( being as others subject to change and mutabilitie ) forthwith released them of their bandes & set them at libertie . so coach , you men that were aloft , and above others , they must like ( the spokes of their wheeles ) come below ; and why not ? but by some other profession and calling , mount as high againe : — sic sors incerta vagatur , ferique ref●rtque vices , ●t hab●●t mortalia c●sum . serveyor . well gentle-men coach , and sedan , are you both pleased with those honest propositions ( tending to a perpetuall reconcilement , of one to the other ) made by beere-cart , so that here after you will beare no grudge , one to another , but speake kindly at your meeting , salute one another , as you passe , and in a word doe all good offices you can one for another , that yee may no more make your selves laughing stocks to the world . coach , and sedan . wee will with all our hearts , and gentle-men we thanke you hartily , for the paines you have taken , and especially , you master vicar . well gentlemen ( quoth i ) we have now done a good office , and beere-cart , they are much beholding unto you . surveyor . so are wee ; for you have made us wiser then wee were , in understanding the abuses , and misdemeanors either of them are subject unto , for which wee , and the world shall heartily thanke you . beere-ca . i could indeede say much more , but i am in good hope of their agreement , and they will not faile but visit our house three or foure times in the weeke , to see how their brother beere-cart does ; and with what liquor hee is laden . so now ( quoth i ) wee have made ( honest friends , and good-fellowes , coach and sedan ) an end of your businesse ; mr. surveyor , and honest master vicar , we will go dispatch our own : which way lies your way ? survey . to westminster-ward , wee both goe . and i into the strand ; and for this merry meeting , and old acquaintance sake honest vicar , and master surveyor , i have for you a quart of the best canary in westminster , which i think is at mr. thomas darlings ( a very honest man ) at the three-tunnes by charing-crosse . wee will beare you company ( quoth they ) and so wee three , ( leaving the other ) departed . but in going along , to beguile the way , wee fell i know not how , into discourse , what alteration in common-wealthes , cities , countreys , buildings , manners of men , and fashions in apparrell , the revolution of time , contrary to the opinion of man , brought forth ; the vicar earnestly maintaining the latter times to be the wisest ; as i stiffely maintained the contrary against him . his first argument was ; that wee in our age have more learning then ever , ergo , more wisedome . i denied his antecedent , replying , quod efficit , tale , majus est tali : meaning the auncients who were our masters , aledging chaucer : whence commeth this new corne , men have from yeare t● yeare , out of old fields , old men saith , and when●e commeth this new learning that men teere , out of old fields , in good faith . secondly , the inventions of latter times farre excelled those of former ; i denied that also . he instanced guns , printing , watches , wind-mills , &c. against these , as rare , i opposed archimedes his burning-glasses , wherwith he fired marcellus ships from syraecusa ; the perpetually burning lampe , made of the spirit of gold ; malleable glasse ; dying of that highly estemed purple ; that rare manner of guilding called * pyropus , mentioned in plinie , wherewith those round balles on the top of the romane houses , shone like fire ; with many other , which are lost and forgotten . surveior . and i am perswaded wee have had many rare inventions , even heere in england ; which are forgotten , or quite out of use . yes quoth the vicar , foure especially , daggers , flat-caps , french-hoods , and cod-peeces ; but heere wee brake of our discourse , beeing at the taverne dore , the period of our iourney . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a09194-e960 the end of travell . the benefit this land hath by strangers . powel a welch-man , one of sedans m●n . the amazons fought on horsebacke , with bowes a●d arrowes , & their semitars . a merrie tale of mackerell . in a funerall elegie , u●on the c●u●tesse of warwick , latelie printed . paule tomorree going to the young ki●g , lying at viceg●ade , to complaine of the frier , used coaches first , being so called f●om a towne where they were made whence they had there name kot●ze . * a lady that rob'd in her coach by the hie-way . mary are carried in their coaches to execution . beere and vlols de gamba came into englād both in one yeere , b●itāni , potus genus habent quod alicam vocant . plini . lucan . * let common schoolemasters observe this , who take pyropus in ovid , for a carbuncle or great rubie . london and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters. by d. lupton lupton, donald, d. 1676. 1632 approx. 86 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 79 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06473 stc 16944 estc s108946 99844598 99844598 9427 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06473) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9427) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 847:08) london and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters. by d. lupton lupton, donald, d. 1676. [16], 143, [1] p. printed by nicholas okes, london : 1632. the first leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -social life and customs -early works to 1800. london (england) -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2004-11 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the right honorable lord , the lord goring , baron of hurster-point , and mr. of the horse to the queenes highnes . right honorable : your brothers real worth shewed to mee in the warres abroad , imboldned me to present this new borne babe to your protection , not doubting but to finde the same reality of worth in your selfe in the court at home , as i found in him in forraigne leagers : the subiect is new & merry , the fitter eyther for court or field . it was conceiued and perfected in ten daves space ; and how desires tuition vnder your lordship . it is the emblem of my affection , and so hopes to be lou'd & lik'd the better & sooner ; it is the first , but not perhaps to bee the last . i had thought to haue presented it vnto your lordship , before this time in print , as i did in the manuscript , had not eyther some maleuolent spirit , or enuious planet crost me in my designes . i wish that it may bee esteem'd nere the worse , though from so meane a hand , and so vnworthy a person as my self . lend it a fauourable sm●le to comfort and cherish it , and it shal be the highth of my desires ; thus presenting my selfe , it , and what is , or shall be mine , to your honor. i humbly take my leaue . your honors obliged : d. lupton . to the reader . if courteous , i loue thee ; if otherwise , i feare not , deale by me , as thou wouldest haue others doe to thy selfe : if the matter prooue as pleasant , as the subiect is new , i doubt not thy approbation : 't is one comfort , thou canst not say , i am the first foole in print , nor as i thinke , shall bee the last . friends perswasions preuaile much , had they not , i had not showed my self in this kinde : i am in presse , do not ouer-presse me with preiudicate opinions . i desire thy smile and benigne aspect ; yet feare not much thy frown . if thou sayest , 't is idle , know it came not into the world to worke much ; like it and loue it if thou please , leaue it is thou wilt ; t is all i say , if thou louest mee , and my childe , i loue thee , and thine as thou art mine . d. lupton . in commendation of the author . take in good part what here i offer , t is my maiden louing proffer ; i wonder at thy strange deuice , that thus thou shouldst charactize : and how alone that thou shouldst finde , these two new subiects to thy minde . braue ouerbury , earle , nay none found out this plot but thou alone . but most of all , i wonder yet , how in ten dates thou finish'd it , the mirth , the wit , the stile , the phrase , all giue thee a sufficient praise . hee that thy booke shall buy and read , shall finde i 'ue spoken truth indeed . thine iohn barker . to his louing friend , d. lupton . feare not momus , though hee carpe , nor zoylus though hee snarle or barke ; mirth is the subiect of thy booke , citty and country here may looke , wonder at thee , and praise thy paine , that labour'd hast sans hope of gaine ? thy wit and learning i commend , to thee applause , i freely lend : the wise will like , i wish the rest to spare their censure , it is best : they le hurt themselues with their owne tong , their snarling can do thee no wrong . per samuel perkings , philomath . the table . of london . 1. the tower. 2. st. paules church . 3. the bridge . 4. of the thames . 5. exchanges old and new. 6. cheapeside . 7. innes of court , and chancery . 8. smithfield 9. bridewell . 10. ludgate and counters . 11. newgate . 12. turnebull-streete . 13. hounsditch and long-lane . 14. charter-house . 15. christs-hospitall . 16. paris-garden . 17. artillery garden . 18. bedlam . 19. play-houses . 20. fencing-schooles . 21. dancing-schooles . 22. fisher-woemen . 23. scauengers and goldefinders . 24. of the countrey . 1. hospitality . 2. enclosures . 3. tenants by lease . 4. tenants at will. 5. country schoole masters 6. country vshers . 7. country chaplaines . 8. ale-houses . 9. apparators . 10. constables . 11. 〈◊〉 or weekely newes . 12. london and the countrey carbonadoed and quartred into seuerall characters . she is growne so great , i am almost affraide to meddle with her ; she 's certainely ● great world , there are so many little worlds in her : she is the great bee-hiue of christendome , i am sure of england : shee swarmes foure times in a yeare , with people of al ages , natures , sexes , callings : decay of trade , the pestiletice , and a long vacation , are threescar-crowes to her ; shee seemes to be a glutton , for shee desires alwayes to bee full : she may pray for the establishing of churches , for at the first view , they are her chiefest grace : she seemes contrary to al other things , for the older she is , the newer and more beautifull . her citizens should loue one another , for they are ioyn'd together ; onely this seemes to make them differ ; they liue one aboue another : most commonly he that is accounted richest liues worst . i am sure i may call her a gally-mophrey of al sciences , arts , & trades : she may be sayd to bee alwayes with childe , for shee ●owes greater euery day then other ; she is a mother well stored with daughters , ●t none equall to her for ●reatnesse , beauty , wealth : she is somewhat politicke , ●r she inlarges her bounds ●ceedingly , in giuing way 〈◊〉 make cities of common ●ardens ; and it 's thought ●r greatnes doth dimi●sh her beauty . certaine● shee is no puritaine , for ●er buildings are now conformitant ; nor shee 〈◊〉 no separatist , for they ●re vnited together : shee ●ath a very great desire t is ●ought to bee good , for she is alwayes mending : she may be called a great book faire printed , cum priuilegio regis : she is the country-mans laborinth , he can find many things in it , but many times looseth himselfe ; he thinkes her to bee bigger then heauen , for there are but 12. caelestiall signes there , and he knowes them all very wel , but here are thousands that he wonders at : well , she is a glory to her prince , a common gaine to her inhabitants , a wonder to strangers , an head to the kingdome , the nursery of sciences , and ● wish her to bee as good 〈◊〉 great . 2. the tower. fowre things make it to be remarkeable . ma● , antiquity , scituation , strength , an head fitting so great a body , a royall residence hath graced it : it stands principally , now for defence , offence , and punishment of offenders . anger it , and you shall heare it thunder farther then you can see it . time seemes to bee a little angry with her , for shee striue to ruine her beauty , ●ere it not supported by 〈◊〉 hand of maiesty . gold ●nd siluer the 〈◊〉 of our land receiue their a● lowed formes from hence● a coronation day is brau● ly exemplified here . it i● faithfull , for what is put i● here is surely safe : they tha● are within need not muc● feare , for they are sure t● be kept well , i cannot say● they shall presently be● forth comming . the me● that keepe it are no slug● gards , but are very ready for they watch and war● continually . i wish it may be my prospectiue for pleasure , but not my abode by compulsion , i had rather bee an honest poore man without it , then otherwise neuer so great , and 〈◊〉 in it : i thinke it to be 〈◊〉 changling , for shee still ●epes the old fashion , it ●ay bee sayd to bee the schoole of morall philosophy , for it ciuilizes lyons and other wild beasts : the officers ought to bee faithfull stewards , for they are much trusted , they had ●eed be wise , for they doe ●ot onely keepe themselues but others too . those that are in it are reserud , still , and well stayed men : those that keepe it , are well payd , for it keepes them : those that come to see it , rather ●dmire at euery thing 〈◊〉 ●eight any obiect . it is th●●ublick megazine for warlick● prouision , it doth seeme terrible to those that doe offend her prince , for her owne part she hath taken allegiance , and withall loyalty intends to keepe it . this land hath affoorded this place many brethren , strong fortified castles ; but through rebellion , through times malice , and the frownes of princes , they cannot bee knowne almost but by their ruines , this kept her obedience to her rulers , and so escaped as yet destruction . to conclude shee is the glory & strength both of city and kingdome . 3. of s. paules church . oh domus antiquae , a fit obiect for pitty , for charity ; further reported of then knowne , it is a compleat body , for it hath the ●hree dimensions of longi●ude , latitude , and profundity , and as an excellent o●er-plus famous for height . it was a maine poynt of wisedome to ground her ●ppon faith , for shee is the more likely to stand ●ure : the great crosse in the middle , certainly hath bin , and is yet ominous to this churches reparation . s. paul called the church , the pillar of truth , and surely had they not beene sound , they had fallen before thi● time . the head of this church hath beene twice troubled with aburning feuer , and so the city to keep it from a third danger , let it stand without an head . i can but admire the charity of former times , to build such famous temples , when as these ages cannot finde repaire to them , but then the world was all church , and now the church is all world : then charity went before , and exceeded preaching ; now there is much preaching , nay more the● euer , yet lesse charity ; o● fore-fathers aduanc'd the church , and kept their land : these times loose their lands , and yet decay the churches : i honor antiquity so much the more , because it so much loued the church . there is more reason to suspect the precise puritaine deuoyd of charity , then the simple ignorant fraught withgood workes . i thinke truly in this one point , the ends of their actions were for good , and what they aimed at was gods glory , & their owne happines . they builded temples , but our degenerating age can say ▪ come , let vs take them into our hands and possesse them : amongst many others , this cannot be sayd to bee the rarest , though the greatest . puritaines are blowne out of the church with the loud voice of the organs , their zealous spirits cannot indure the musicke , nor the multitude of the surplices ; because they are relickes , ( they say , ) of romes superstition . here is that famous place for ser mons , not by this sect frequented , because of the title , the crosse. the middle i le is much frequented at noone with a company of hungarians , not walking so much for recreation , a● neede ; ( and if any of these meete with a yonker , that hath his pockets well lined with siluer , they will relate to him the meaning of tycho brache , or the north-star : and neuer leaue flattring him in his own words and sticke as close to him , as a bur vppon a trauailers cloake ; and neuer leaue him til he and they haue saluted the greene dragon , or the swanne behind the shambles , where i leaue them . ) well , there is some hope of restoring this church to its former glory ; the great summes of money bequeathed , are some probabilitles , & the charity of some good men already , in cloathing and repayring the inside , is a great incouragement ; and there is a speech that the houses that are about it , must be puld down , for paules church is old enough to stand alone . here are prayers often , but sinister suspition doubts more formall then zealous ; they should not be worldly , because al church-men ; there are none dumbe , for they can speake loud enough . i leaue it and them , wishing all might be amended . 4. the bridge . it is almost arts wonde● , for strength , length , beauty , widenesse , height : it may be sayd to be polypus , because it is so well furnished with legges : euery mouth is foure times filled in eight and forty houres , and then as a child it is still , but as soone as they be empty , like a lyon it roares , and is wondrous impatient : it is made of iron , wood , and stone , and therefore it is a wondrous hardy fellow . it hath changd the forme , but as few doe now a dayes , from worse to better : certainely it is full of patience , because it beares so much , and continually : it 's no prison , for any one goes through it : it is something addicted to pride , for many a great man goes vnder it ; and yet it seemes something humble too , for the poorest peasant tread vpon it : it hath more wonders then arches , the houses here built are wondrous strong , yet they neyther stand on land or water : it is some praeiudice to the water-mans gaines ; many goe ouer here , which otherwise should row or sayle : it helpes many a pennilesse purse to passe the water without danger or charges : nothing afrights it more , then spring-tides or violent inundations : it is chargeable to keep , for it must be continually repayred : it is the onely chiefe crosser of the water , his arches out-face the water , and like iudges in the parliament are plac'd vpon woole sackes : one that liues heere neede not buy strong water , for heere is enough for nothing : it seemes to hinder the water-bearers profit , for the inhabitants easily supply their wants by buckets : he is a setled fellow , and a maine vpholder of houses ; hee is meanely plac'd , for there are diuerse aboue him , and many vnder him , & his houses may wel bee called none-such , for there is none like them , and to conclude , he pertakes of two elements , his nether parts are all for water , his vpper for land ; in a word , it is without compare , being a dainty streete , and a strong and most stately bridge . 5. thames . this is a long , broad , slippery fellow ; rest hee affects not , for he is alwaies in motion : he seemes something like a carrier , for he is stil eyther going or comming , and once in sixe or eight houres , salutes the sea his mother , and then brings tydings from her : he followes the disposition of the vvind , if that be rough , so is the vvater ; if that calme , so is this : and hee loues it , because when the vvinde is at highest , then the vvater will best show her strength and anger : it is altogether vnsteedy , for it commonly is sliding away . mans vnconstant state , and vncertayne frayle condition , is truely resembled by this , alwayes either ebbing or flowing , beeing in a trice high and low : he will not be a martyre , for he will turne , but neuer burne : resolution is absolutely his guide and counsellour , for he will run his course ; hee cannot be sayd to be a wel or spring without water , for he is puteus in exhaustus . merchandize hee likes and loues ; and therefore sends forth ships of trafficke to most parts of the earth : his subiects and i●habitants line by oppresion like hard land-lords at land , the greater rule & many times deuoure the lesse : the city is wondrousl● beholden to it , for shee is furnished with almost all necess●ries by it : he is wondrously crost , hee is the maintainer of a great company of water-men ; he is a great 〈◊〉 , for he works as much in the night as the day . hee is led by an vnconstant guide , the moone : he is cleane contrary to smithfield , because that is all for flesh , but this for fish ; his inhabitants are different from those vpon land , for they are most without legges : fisher-men seeme to off●r him much wrong , for th●y rob him of many of his subiects ; he is seldome without company , but in the night , o●●ough weather : h● meets the sun but followes the moone : ●e seemes to complaine a● the bridge , because it hath intruded into his bowels , and that makes him roare at that place : to speake truth of him , he is the priuiledg'd place , for fish and shippes ▪ the glory and wealth of the city , the high way to the sea , the br●nger in of wealth and strangers , and his busines is all for water , yet hee deales much with the land too : he is a little sea , and a great riuer . 6. exchanges old and neu● the one of these came from antwerpe , the other from a stable ; the one was dutch , yet made denison ; the other was not lo at the beginning , but did exchange his name and nature . the merchants are men generally of good habite , their words are vsually better then their consciences ; their discourse ordinarily begins in water , but ends in wine : the frequenting of the walkes twice a day , and a careles laughter , argues that they are sound : if they visit not once a day , t is suspected they are cracking , or broken : their countenance is ordinarily shap'd by their successe at sea , eyther merry , sad , or desperat : they are like ships at sea , top and top gallant this day , to morrow sincking : the ●ea is a tennis-court , their state● are bals , the winde is the racket , and doth strike many for lost vnder line , and many in the hazard : they may seeme to bee acquainted with athens , for they all desire newes : some of them do keepe two brittle vessels , their shippes and their wiues : the latter is lesse ballast , and that makes them so light : the merchants respect the former most , for if that sinke or be ouer-throwne , they fal , but the fall of the latter , is oftentimes the aduancing of their heads : conscience is sold here for nought ; because it is as old sermons , a dead commodity : they wil dissemble with , and cozen one another , though all the kings that euer were ●nce the conquest , ouerlooked them . here are vsually more coaches attendant , then at church-doores : the merchants should keepe their wiues from visiting the vpper roomes too often , least they tire their purses by attyring themselues . rough seas , rockes , and pyrats , treacherous factors , and leaking ships affright them : they are strange polititians , for they bring turkey and spaine into london , & carry london thither . ladies surely loue them , for they haue that which is good for them , farre fe●cht , & dear● bought : they may proou● stable men , but they must first leaue the exchange . it is a great house full of goods ; though it be almost in the middle of the citty , yet it stands by the sea. there 's many gentle-women come hither , that to helpe their faces and complexions , breakes their husbands backs , who play foule in the countrey with their land , to be faire ; and play false in the city : the place to conclude , is thought to bee a great formal●st , and an hazardable temporizer , and is like a beautifull woman , absolutely good , if not too common . 7. cheapeside . t is thought the way through this streete is not good , because so broad , and so many go in it ; yet though it be broad , it 's very streight , because without any turnings : it is suspected here are not many sufficient able men , because they would sell all : and but little honesty , for they show all , and some think , more some time then their owne : they are very affable , for they 'le speak to most that passe by : they care not how few be● in the streets , so their shop● bee full : they that bring them money , seeme to bvsed worst , for they are sure to pay soundly : their bookes of accounts are not like to their estates ; for the latter are best without , but the other with long crosses ▪ there are a great company of honest men in this place , if all bee gold that glisters : their parcell-gilt plate is thought to resemble them selu●s , most of them haue better faces , then hearts ; their monies and coines are vsed as prisoners at sea , kept vnder hatches . one would thinke them to bee good men , for they deale with the purest and best mettals , & euery one striues to work best , and stout too , for they get much by knocking , & especially by leaning on their elbowes . puritans doe hold it for a fine streete , but something addicted to popery , for adorning the crosse too much . the inhabitants seeme not ●o affect the standard ; the kings and queenes would bee offended with , and punish them , knew they how these batter their faces on their coynes . some of their wiues would bee ill priso●ers , for they cannot in●re to be shut vp ; and as bad nunnes , the life is so solitary : there are many vertuous and honest women , some truly so , others are so for want of opportunity ▪ they hold that a harsh place of scripture , that women must be no goers or gadders abroad in going to a lecture many vse to visite a tauern : the young attendant must want his eyes , and change his tongue , according as hi● mistresse shal direct , though many times they do mistake the place , yet they will remember the time an houre and halfe , to auoyd suspition . some of the men are cunning landerers of plat● and get much by washing that plate they handle , and it hath come from some of them , like a man from the brokers that hath casheer'd his cloake , a great deale the lighter . well , if all the men be rich and true , and the women all faire and honest , then cheapeside shall stand by charing-crosse for a wonder , and i wil make no more characters . but i proceede . 8. innes of court , and chancery . these were builded for profit , grace , pleasure , iustice : the buildings grace city , the men grace the buildings , iustice & learning grace the men : these places furnish our land with law : here nobility , learning , law , gentrey , haue their residence ; here are students and professors ; here are students that will not be professors ▪ here are professors & students : here are professors yet not students ; & here bee some that are neyther students nor professors : many hold , that for an excellent custome , in the temple , immunity , from danger of serieants or such like proling vermine . some liue here for profite , others for grace , some for pleasure , some for all , yet most for profite and pleasure : they that meane to liue by law , desire not so much the theory as the practicke part : though many here follows the law , yet all keep it not , but some transgresse : they are the seminaries of iudge ment and iustice ; hee that is most expert in the law , is the most fitting for publicke imployment , and the magistracy ; these cause caesar to haue his due , and giue the subiect his right : that land is likely to flourish where religion and iustice are honour'd and practis'd : take away iustice , and religion wil halt ; remooue religion , and iustice will degenerate into tyranny ; let moses and aaron rule , and our israel will prosper : these places moralize , ciuilize the younger , aduance the learned : their founders intended the stablishing of peace , and confirming of religion : many things that begin with blows , & would end in blood , are by these professors mediated , and christian agreement made ▪ their number , vnity , great imployment , makes the● admired , to conclude , the● are rich megazines for law , store-houses for policy , bulwarkes of equity , let them euer flourish , as long as they are deo , regi , patria ; for god , their king and country . 9. smithfield . you may haue a faire prospect of this square fellow , as you passe from the streights of pie corner ; this place is wel stored with good harbours for passengers to put into for flesh & drinke , and fish it is admirable ; but fish harbour appeares now but two dayes in seauen aboue water : here thrice in a week one may see more beasts then men . butchers that haue money make this their hauen , or rendeuouz : men that are downe-fled , and better fed then taught , may see many like themselues , boght here for the slaughter : butchers surely cannot indure cuckolds , because they kill so many horn'd beasts . some i suppose , may bee sayd to buy themselues , such as trafficke for calues : though the place besquare , yet here is much cheating in it : here land-pirates vse to sel that which is none of their own : heere comes many horses , ( like frenchmen ) rotten in the ioynts , which by tricks are made to leape , though they can scarse go ; he that lights vpon a horse in this place , from an olde horse-courser , sound both in wind and limbe , may light of an honest wife in the stews : here 's many an olde ia●e , that trots hard for 't , that vses his legs sore against his will , for he had rather haue a stable then a market , or a race : i am perswaded that this place was paued without the consent of the horse-courses company : this place affords those leather blacke-coates , which run so fast vppon wheeles , they shake many a young heire out of his stocke and meanes : the men that liue here , may be said to be wel fed , for here 's meat enough ; this place 〈◊〉 what rich countrey england is ▪ and how well it breedes beasts , a man that considers their number and greatnes and how soone consumed ▪ may thinke there are a world of mouthes , or else that englishmen are great eaters . well , i will speake this of smithfield , it is the greatest , fairest , richest , squarest market place of this great city or kingdome . 10. bridewell . here comes many that haue beene at many a dance , but neuer affected the bride-well ; heere 's a pallace strangly metamorphosed into a prison : in the outward court were carts not for the husband-man , but for those that haue vsed the vnlawfull game of venery ; it seemes to be contrary to nature , to make those draw which were made to beare , a strange inuention to haue such a new punishment , for such an old sinne . me thinkes the house complaines , oh quam a dispari domino : it may be sayd of it , that it hath beene eminent , great , and maiesticall , so much may bee sayde of it yet , that the court is where it was : it should maintaine vertue , for it punishes vice , they are seuere gouernors , for they are most vpon correction : when men haue here done their work , they are sure of their wages , a whip : they are temperate here , for they eate not ouer much ; for their drinke , if all were to follow their course , it would make male cheape , for it's water . it may be sayd of this , as of the palatinate , would it was restor'd in statu qu● prius : some say there are many idle persons in it ; strange ! yet work so hard : it ' is thought there 's scarse a true fellow in it , for they all lye hard : there 's none can say hee workes for nothing , for they are all s●e of payment . it 's the only remembrancer of aegypts slauery , they haue task●maisters to holde them to their worke : their whippemaister is like a countrey pedagouge , they many times whippe better , then himselfe , and both take a pride in their office , they inflict that vppon others , which they deserue themselues : they that come out of it neede not feare purgatory , for it's thought to be a place of more ease . this is a two fold comfort vnto them , that they may once come out , and then they can scarce light of an harder maister , or a worse seruice : they may be papists , for they fast often , haue their bodies afflicted , are shut vp from the world , seeme wondrous penitent , onely they pray not so often . i leaue the place , wishing they may come out , amend , and neuer more come into it . 11. ludgate and counters . i le ioyne all these together , because their natures are not much diferent , some of the officers make the places worse then they would be , if a man cannot by monies or good security pay his debts , yet hee may l●e for them here ▪ the prisoners are like apprentices , desire hartily to bee freemen : certainly , they haue beene men of great credite , for they haue beene much trusted : they hate three persons , an extream creditor , a cunning lawyer , and a biting serieant : these three are all fishers of men , the creditor ownes the net , the lawyer places and spreads it , the serieant ●als and drawes it to a purse : the serieant seemes to bee most of trust , for hee hath the whole businesse put into his hands , and if he can , concludes it : the lawyer next to him , for hee is trusted with the bonds : the creditor himselfe is of least note , for he will not be seene in his owne busines : yet the creditor is lord of the game , the lawyer is his hunsman , the serieant his blood hound , the yeoman his beagle , and the debtor is the wild hare ; if hee be taken , most commonly hee is tamed in one of these m●ses : a serieant is worst when most imploied , & a lawyer when most trusted , the cre ditor when without pitty , and the debtor when prodigality and ill courses haue procured this cage . the attourney and serieant may be termed hang-men , they procure and serue so many executions : these places are fullest when men break their bonds , & make forfeitures ; they may bee called dens , the serieant lyons , and the debtor the prey . it is a● ancient gate , yet not affected by citizens , though a closet for safety . for the counters , they teach wandrings nitingals the way vnto their nests , and learne them to sing the counter-tenor : the counters seeme very courteous , for they will open almost at any houre in the night , they would not haue men lye in the streets : wel , they are places that are too full , the more pitty that men eyther haue not better estates , consciences , or manners , to pay their debts , & li●e vprightly and orderly . 12. newgate . it may well answere to the name , and thanke the city for her care and charges : it is now well fac'd and heāded , charity helps much to a decayed estate : but that saint pauls is a church , and so to beare no anger or grudge , it would enuy the prosperity of the gates , and be angry with the citizens for not thinking vppon her old age and pouerty . newgate is generally a place of safety , and few comes hither , but by merit : the captiues are men that once would not , now must liue within compasse , they should be men of worth , for the keeper will not , dare not loose one of them . when they are forsaken euery where , then this place takes them in , for feare their heeles should bee as quicke as their hands haue beene : hee layes them in irons , that he may be the surer of them : they are , or may be supposed to be sound men , for they seldome break out : as long as they stay heere , they cannot be sayd to bee vnstayd fellowes or vagrants , for they are sure of a place of stay : they are quicke-sighted , for they can see through iron grates : some of them seeme to be eminent men , for they are highly aduanced ; they are like fish , haue a long time nibled away the baite , but are now caught : certainly they are no libertines , and are conuicted of free will : they are vncharitable , for they seldome loue their keeper ; they haue the power of life and death in their owne hands , and put many to be prest to death . by seeking others goods they procur'd their owne hurt . they liued without any thought of iudgement , now it is the onely thing they feate : they hold a triangle to be a dangerous figure . of all places they hold holborne-hill an vnfortunate place to ride vp . it seemes they goe that way vnwillingly , for they are drawne : they cannot misse their way to their iourneys end , they are so guarded and guided . lice seeme to bee their most constant companions , for they 'le hang with them for company : it seemes these men were not made for examples , for at their confession they wish all men not to follow their courses : and most are easily perswaded , for ther 's very few dare do as they haue done . well , i passe from them , thus much you may bee sure of , once a moneth you may heare , know , and see if you please ; whether they liue , or dye 13. turnebull-streete . it is in an ill name , and therefore halfe-hang'd : here may bee some probability of honesty , little or no demonstration , especially a priory . heere are lasses that seeme to hate enclosures , for they would lay all open , they may seeme good subiects , for they loue standing or lying for the common : they hold it was a good age , when woemen practis'd astronomy . they seeme to bee p●ritans , for they loue priuate conuenticles : they are not altogether vnpractif'd in the law , for they know and loue feelings : the aspect here is the conjunction , and they hold a noune substantiue , a preposition , an interiection & coniunction the best parts of speech . they haue learn'd thus far in their ac●idences , that femin● ludificantur viros . they seeme to bee no whit addicted to pride , for they desire to be below : they loue not lent , because they delight more in flesh : they seeme to bee well-wishers to lawyers , and to the citie , for they loue terme-times , and pray against the decay of trading . their chiefest desire is to bee well mann'd , they keepe open houses : it is hazardable to trust them because they are much addicted to lying : they affect a cannoneire well , because hee will force a breach , and enter the passage . they ioue not to wrastle , they had rather take a fall , then giue one . when this streete was builded , surely mars and venus were in a coniunction . here are very few men , but they are well arm'd : nay the woemen haue receiued presse-money , & haue performed the seruice : woemen though the colder vessels by nature , yet these are the hotter by art : they may bee thought to be great schollers , for they pertake of all the liberall sciences , for grammar they know the syntax●s , and the figure cal'd apollo p. for logic● they haue skill in the antepraedicaments & the fall●cies ; for musicke they a● not affected with vnisons ▪ but are skilfull in chroches and quauers , & loue ela● because the highest note and makes them squeake for retoricke , they kno● the metonomia adiuncti , and apostrophe ; for arethmeticke , the loue addition , and deuision ; for astronomy , they know the motion of venus , and are obseruers of mars ; for their skil in geography , they know the tropickes and the torrid zone , and ●o being thus experienc'd in these sciences , they are much frequented and sought too . i wish all in this streete to take heed of their cellars , least they fire first , and to lay their trading downe , or else it will lay them downe . 14. hounsditch and long-lane . these two are twinnes , they haue both set vp one profession ; they will buy a mans suite out of his hands , but it shal be hang'd or prest for 't . a man that comes here as a stranger would think that there had beene some great death of men and woemen , here abouts he sees so many suites & no men for them . here are suites enough for all the lawyers in london to deale withall : the inhabitants are men of many outsides , their faults are not seene easily , because they haue so many cloakes for them : they should be well affected to the romane church , for they keepe , & lay vp old reliques : they are beholden to the hangman , for he furnishes their shops : and most of their creditors wish that they may furnish his three corner'd shop , which often comes to p●sse ; and as many say , the oftner the better : broke currs they are in two respects , most of them were broke before they set vp , & currs for biting so sore euer since they set vp : his shop is a hell , he the diuell in 't , & torments poore soules : the iayler & broker are birds of a feather , the one imprisons the body , the other the cloaths , both make men pay deare for their lodging : the broker seemes somwhat the kinder , for he layes the cloaths in lauender : he is much of a seruing mans nature , liues much vpon the reuersion of cast cloathes : the seruing-man hath them the cheaper , but the other keepes them the better , they many times do make a bargaine : hee loues those birds best , that oftnest cast their feathers : to conclude , he is no tradsman , if the whole bunch of them be weighed , you shal not scarse finde a dramme of honesty , for a pound of craft . 15. charter-house . this place is wel described by three thinges , magnificence , munificence , and religious gouernment : magnificence is the ●erminus a quo , good orders the terminus mediari , munificence and charity the terminus ad quem : the first showes the wealth of both founder and establisher : the second showes the ●eanes to make the good thing done , durable : the third demonstrates his in●ent that thus establisht it : had it beene great without good gouernment , it had long ere this time come to ruine : or had it bin great & yet deuoyd of charity , it would haue bin laught at & derided ; but now charity showes it is well gouerned , and the good gouernment keeps it firme , and make● it famous : souldiers and schollers , i thinke , beginne their loue here , that they continue hereafter firme & solide , by liuing together ▪ callings both honorable , & here bountifully maintayned : it is a reliefe for decaied gentlemen , old souldiers , and auncient seruingmen : t is to bee pittied , that such religious , charitable houses , increase not in number : this one place hath sent many a famous member to the vniuersities , and not a few to the warres : i wil not censure as some do , that many places are heere sold for monies , nay the reuersions also : i le rather ex●ort the gouernors to discharge a good conscience , ( and not to suffer their men , or any other whom they affect , to get thirty or forty pounds for the promise of the next vacant place for a youth to come in , ) and to obserue their first institutions ; and those that so suppose , i wish them that they speake not that with their mouthes , which they know not in their hearts . the deede of this man that so ordered this house , is much spoken of , and commended : but there 's none ( except onely one ) that as yet , hath eyther striuen to equall or imitate that , and i feare neuer will : there 's many that will not doe any such good workes , and giue out that they smell something of popery , and therfore not to be imitated : well , i durst warrant thus much , let the ouer-seers liue religiously , gouerne ciuily , auoid bribery , keep their cannons directly , and this house shall stand to vpbraid this iron age , and see many brought to beggery for prodigality , when they shall be satisfied , and haue enough : well , this is my opinion of it , that the founder is happy , and so are all his children that liue here ; if they degenerate not , and ●rne from fearing god , obeying their prince , and from liuing in loue amongst themselues . 16. christs-hospitall . the former place and this are much of one nature , yet some difference there is ; charter-house is the younger for time , but exceedes for reuenews : it was erected by one , this by many citizens . christs-hospitall is principally for childrens education , that are fatherlesse and motherlesse , the other for mens and childrens too . the former is for any , as well as citizens , the latter not , that onely , it is for children ; seemes to be conformable to christs will , suffer little children to come vnto mee : none that are in this place can be sayd to bee without portions , for they haue education : the cities charity is the lesse , for shee relicues but her owne . it 's a good means to empty their streetes of young beggars , and fatherlesse children : she doth no more then the lawes of the land seeme to enioyne , to keepe those that were borne within her : it 's a good policy to p● them young to this place , because they may learne vertue before vice : and ordinarily , if youth be wel seasoned , it is the more hopefull to be good in age . the city doth deserue very great commendation for this action , because it 's rare to see so great a company ioyne together , for the good of the poore , and last out . you may easily know the children that belong vnto this place , by their azure liueries , and their sable head-peeces : this house may be termed the childrens common-wealth , and to speak truth , it 's well gouerned by good lawes , i wish the city not to be proud for her charity , nor to be weary of wel doing ; and the hospitall to remember their benefactors , and the children to liue and learne well , for feare of correction . 17. paris-garden . this may better bee termed a foule denne then a faire garden . it 's pitty so good a piece of ground is no better imploied : heere are cruell beasts in it , and as badly vs'd ; heere are foule beasts come to it , and as bad or worse keepe it , they are fitter for a wildernesse then a city : idle base persons ( most commonly ) that want imployment , or else will not be otherwise imploy'd , frequent this place ; and that money which was got basely here , to maintaine as bad as themselues , or spent lewdly ; here come few that either regard their credit , or losse of time : the swaggering roarer , the cunning cheater , the rotten bawd , the swearing drunkard , and the bloudy butcher haue their rendeuouz here , and are of chiefe place and respect . there are as many ciuil religious men here , as thei 're saints in hell. here these are made to fight by art , which would agree by nature : they thriue most when the poore beasts fight oftenest : their imployment is all vpon quarrels as vnlawfull , as vnseemely , they cause the beasts first to fight , and then they put in first to part them : it 's pitty such beastly fellowes should bee so well maintain'd , they torment poore creatures , & make a gaines and game of it . the beasts come forth with as ill a will , as beares to the stake . a beare-ward and an atturney are not much vnlike , the atturney seemes the more cruell , for these baite but beasts ; but these men , their clients : the beareward striues to recouer the hurts of his beasts , but the atturney regards not the dammages of any , and they both follow the trade for profit . well , i leaue the place , and when i intend to spend an houre , or two , to see an asse and an ape , to losse and charges , i may perhaps come hither : but as long as i can haue any imployment elsewhere , i will not come to see such a great company so ill occupied , in so bad a place . 18. artillery . this place is the cities campe , and mars his schoole : here are foure braue flowers in this garden , manhood , courage , actiuity , armes . the vse and expert skill of warre may be seene here in peace : decency , nimblenesse , skill , vniforme order , and experience , the fiue qualifications gracing military discipline , are vsually here to be view'd . in their exercising how many little bodies may you see , that by their proportionable motion make a great body ? and that suddenly alterede into any forme : here are braue martiall blades , that at three words , and three motions will giue fire : here are more armes then heads or feete : yet when one moues , like wheeles in a iacke they all moue . they are men that must not encroach into one anothers ground , but as they are com manders , so they must keep distance ; & they seeme not affect confusions , for they all striue to keepe order : ●is no maruell why souldiers desire so to fight , for they are alwayes in diuisions . you may know by their marchinge where euer either the best gentleman , or the ancienest souldier is plac'd , for hee is euer in the right before , or left behinde : they are strange men ; for in tenne yards space of ground they can all turne their faces about : there 's thought to bee no steadinesse in them , for like fortunes wheele , they many times suddenly alter & turne : they are generally men of good order and ranke , they then are at compleatest view , when their length and breadth agree , ten euery way . they are most dislik'd , when they are either out , or off their files . they vse to put their worst peices in the middest . they seeme to bee suddenly angry , for one word moues them all . obedience and silence they must practise , to doe as they are commanded , and to harken vnto their charge . a good souldier must be like a true maide , seene but not heard : hee 's more for actions then words . the city did well to prouide mars a garden , as well as venus an house . no question , but when these meete , they will be at push of pike , and often discharge . before i leaue this honourable place , i may speake this of it : that 's excellent the oftner vs'd , the best when 't is fullest , and most eminent wisedome , courage , experience , policy , bee the foure coronels ; and the foure regiments consist of patience , obedience , valour , and constancy ; and their colours deo , regi , gregi , legi , for god , their king , law , and countrey , flourishing all in the field of honor and victory . 19. bedlam . heere liue many , that are cal'd men , but seldome at home , for they are gone out of themselues : nature hath bin a steppemother to some , and misery and crosses haue caused this strange change in others : they seeme to liue here , eyther to rectifie nature , or forget miseries : they are put to learne that lesson which many , nay all that will be happy , must learne to know , and be acquainted with themselues : this house would bee too little , if all that are beside themselues should be put in here : it seemes strange that any one shold recouer here , the cryings , screechings , roarings , brawlings , shaking of chaines , swearings , frettings , chaffings , are so many , so hideous , so great , that they are more able to driue a man that hath his witts , rather out of them , then to helpe one that neuer had them , or hath lost them , to finde them againe . a drunkard is madde for the present , but a madde man is drunke alwayes . you shall scarce finde a place that hath so many men & woemen so strangely altered either from what they once were , or should haue beene : the men are al like a shippe that either wants a sterne , or a steresman , or ballast ; they are all heteroclites from nature , either hauing too much wildnesse , or being defectiue in iudgment . here art striues to mend or cure natures imperfections and defects . certainely , hee that keepes the house may be sayd to liue among wilde creatures : it 's thought many are kept here , not so much in hope of recouery , as to keepe them from further and more desperate inconueniences . their faculties and powers of their soules and bodies being by an ill cause vitiated and depraued , or defectiue . the men may be said to be faire instruments of musicke , but either they want strings , or else though beeing strung are out of tune , or otherwise want an expert artist to order them : many liue here that know not where they are , or how they got in , neuer thinke of getting out : there 's many that are so well or ill in their wits , that they can say they haue bin out of them , & gaine much by dissembling in this kind : desperate 〈◊〉 that dare make a mocke of iudgment : well , if the diuell was not so strong to delude , & men so easily to be drawne , this house would stand empty , and for my part , i am sorry it hath any in it . 20. play-houses . time , place , subiect , actors , and cloathes , either make or marr a play : the prologue and epilogue are like to an host and hostesse , one bidding their guests welcome , the other bidding them farwell : the actors are like seruingmen , that bring in the sceanes and acts as their meate , which are lik'd or dislik'd , according to euery mans iudgment , the neatest drest , and fairest deliuered , doth please most . they are as crafty with an old play , as bauds with olde faces ; the one puts one a new fresh colour , the other a new face and name : they practise a strange order , for most commonly the wisest man is the foole : they are much beholden to schollers that are out of meanes , for they sell them ware the cheapest : they haue no great reason to loue puritans , for they hold their calling vnlawfull . new playes and new cloathes , many times help bad actions : they pray the company that 's in , to heare them patiently , yet they would not suffer them to come in without payment : they say as schollers now vse to say , there are so many , that one fox could find in his heart to eate his fellow : a player often changes , now he acts a monarch , tomorrow a beggar : now a souldier , next a taylor : their speech is loud , but neuer extempore , he seldome speaks his own minde , or in his own name : when men are heere , and when at church , they are of contrary mindes , there they thinke the time too long , but heere too short : most commonly when the play is done , you shal haue a ligge or dance of al trads , they mean to put their legs to it , as well as their tongs : they make men wonder when they haue done , for they all clappe their hands . sometimes they flye into the countrey ; but t is a suspicion , that they are either poore , or want cloaths , or else company , or a new play : or do as some wandring sermonists , make one sermon trauaile and serue twenty churches . all their care is to be like apes , to immitate and expresse other mens actions in their own persons : they loue not the company of geese or serpents , because of their hissing : they are many times lowzy , it 's strange , and yet shift so often : as an ale-house in the country is beholden to a wilde schoolemaster , so an whoore-house to some of these , for they both spend all they get . well , i like them well , if when they act vice they will leaue it , and when vertue , they will follow . i speake no more of them , but when i please , i will come and see them . 21. fencing-schooles . heere 's many a man comes hither , which had rather work then play , though very few can hit these men , yet any one may know where to haue them , vpon his guard : his schollers seeme to bee strangely taught , for they do nothing but play ; his care seemes to be good , for he learnes men to keepe their bodies in safety . vsually they that set vp this science haue bin some low-countrey souldier , who to keep himselfe honest from further inconueniences , as also to maintayne himselfe , thought vp on this course , and practise it : the worst part of his science is , hee learnes men to falsifie : hee is glad to see any nouice that reads his orders with his hat on , for then he hopes for a forfeiture ; there are many blows giuen and taken , yet little or no blood spilt , the more he beates , the better man he is held to be , he will make many daunce about his schoole , as a beare about a stake . a little touch vpon your elbow , is commonly his first acquaintance and salutation : he hath his discourse ordinarily of single combates , and then will show you his wounds , and cause you to heare his oaths which are his familiar retoricke : he is for the most part a potter and piper and if he be well in age or not , you may know by the sanguine complexion of his nose , and the number of pearles that are vsually about it , accompanied with rubies and saphires , show that hee is some ieweller . his schoole is an introduction to blowes , and hee makes many mans head to ●ee the pillow of his cudgell : one must not trust to his lookes , for he lookes at one place , and strikes at another : you must bee sure to keepe him off , for hee is most dangerous when neerest to you : hee seldome strikes downe right , but either back● wards or forwards : he that loues fighting in earnest , let him goe to the wars ; he that loues to fight in iest , let him come hither . 22. dancing-schooles . they seeme to be places consecrated , for they that vse to practise heere , put off their shoes , & dance single-sol'd ; they are not exceeding men , for they teach and delight in measures : they seeme to be men of spare dyet , for they liue vpon capers : their trade is not chargeable to beginne withal , for one treble violl sets it vp : they should bee good players at cards , for for they teach men to cut and shuffle wel : their schollers armes are like pinion'd prisoners , not to reach too or aboue their heads : their heeles seem to hinder their preferment , & that makes them to rise vppon their roes : whatsoeuer their actions bee , they must carry their bodies vpright : the schollers are like courtiers , full of cringes : and their master seemes to bee a man of great respect , for they all salute him with hat in hand , and knees to the ground : the number of fiue is the dauncing a , b , c , both maister and schollers seeme to loue newes , for they both consist much of currantoes : their eyes must not see what their feet do , they must when they daunce , be like men that haue the french disease , stiffe in the hammes ; they are guided by the musicke , and therefore should be merry men . what they may seeme to intend , is that they hope to dance before gentlewomen : but in the next iigge you shall bee sure to haue them turne like globes all round . they like a fiddle better then a drumme , and hold venus to bee a more auspicious planet then mars . when they are in the schooles they are antickes , when they are out , i thinke you will iudge as i doe , they loue the faeminine gender more then the masculine : generally , these schooles learne men to begin merrily , leaue off sighing , and therefore they are players of tragedies , not comedies ; i thinke hee that seldome dances , liues well ; but he that neuer , liues best . when i intend to shew my bodies strength , and my mindes weakenesse , i will bee one of their proficients : i had rather haue my body not dance here , for feare my soule should not like the musicke : giue me that place whereall is musicke , but no dancing . 23. fisher-woemen . these crying , wandring , and trauailing creatures carry their shops on their heads , and their store-house is ordinarily . bilings gate or the bridge-foote , and their habitation turnagaine-lane , they set vp euery morning their trade afresh . they are easily set vp and furnish't , get something , and spend it iouially and merrily : fiue shillings a basket , and a good cry , is a large stocke for one of them . they are merriest when all their ware is gone : in the morning they delight to haue their shop ful , at euen they desire to haue it empty : their shoppe's but little , some two yards compasse , yet it holds all sorts of fish , or hearbs , or roots , strawberries , apples , or plums , cowcumbers , and such like ware : nay , it is not destitute some times of nutts , and orenges , a●d lemmons . they are fre● in all places , and pay nothing for shop-rent , but onely finde repaires to it . if they drinke ou● their whole stocke , it 's but pawning a petticoate in long 〈◊〉 or themselues in turnebull-streete for to set vp againe . they change euery day almost , for shee that was this day for fish , may bee to morrow for fruit ; next day for hearbs , another for roots : so that you must heare them cry before you know what they are furnisht withall , when they hau● done their faire , they meet in mirth , singing , dancing , & in the middle as a parenthesis , they vse scolding , but they doe vse to take & put vp words , & end not till either their money or wit , or credit bee cleane spent out . well , when in an euening they are not merry in an drinking-house , it is suspected they haue had bad returne , or else haue payd some old score , or else they are banke-rupts : they are creatures soone vp , & soone downe . 24. scauengers and goldfinders . these two keep al clean , the one the streetes , the other the backe-sides , but they are seldom clean them selues , the one like the hang man doth his worke all by day , the other like a theife , doeth their's in the night : the gold-finders hold the sense of smelling the least of vse , and do not much care for touching the businesse they haue in hand , they both carry their burdens out into the ●ieldes , yet sometimes the tha●es carries away their loads : they are something like the trade of the barbars , for both doe rid away superfluous excrements the barbers profession is held chiefe , because that deales with the head and face , but these with the excrements of the posteriorums . the barbers trade & these haue both very strong smels , but the gold-finders is the greatest for strength , the others is safest & sweetest : the barber vseth washing when hee hath done , to cleanse all , and so do these : the barber vseth a looking glass , that men may see how he hath done his work , and these vse a candle : they are all necessary in the city : as our faces would bee foule without the barber , so our streets without the scauenger , and our back-sides with out the gold-finder : the scauenger seemes not to be so great an officer , as the gold-finder , for he deales with the excrements chiefly of beasts , but this latter of his owne species : well , had they beene sweeter fellowes i would haue stood longer on them , but they may answer , they keepe all cleane , and do that worke which scarse any one but themselues would meddle withall . the country carbonadoed and quartred into characters . 1. of the countrey . this is the circumference of london : it is the embleme of the city in folio , and the city of it in decimo sexto : the country iustifies that verse to be true , that anglia , mons , pons , fons , ecclesia , faemina , luna . it doth now of late begin to complaine that the citty offers her wrong in harboring her chiefe members of nobility , and gentry : her gentry for the most part of late are growne wondrously vndutifull that will scarse otherwise then vpon compulsion , come and liue with their mother & maintayner : shee allowes these more meanes a great deale , then shee did their grandfathers ; yet these young storkes flye from her ; the other alwayes liu'd with her , and lou'd her : she doth much suspect their faith & loue towards her , because she being as beautifull , as bountifull , as healthy , and as rich , as euer , should be thus fleighted of her yonger sonnes , yet three times or foure in a yeare , perhaps they will vouchsafe their mother their presence , but it is to be suspected , that either a publicke proclamation , or a violent plague , or to gather vp their rackerents moouethem from the city , or else the pleasure of hawkin or hunting , or perhaps it is to show his new madame some pritty london bird , the credit of his fathers house , but his owne discredite to let it stand for iack-daws to domineere in : well , this country is the map of the world , the bea● ty of lands , and may wel be cal'd the rich dyamond gloriously plac'd ●t may be emblem'd by these 9. particulars , a faire great church , a learned colledge , a strong rich ship , a beautifull woman , a golden fleece , a delightfull spring , a great mountaine , a faire bridge , & a goodly m●n , to conclude , it is the life of the city , & the store-house of al christendome , for peace , war , wealth , or religion : they that will know more , must eyther trauayle to see , or reade the desription of it by geographers . 2. hospitality . this true noble hearted fellow is to be dignified and honor'd , wheresoeuer he keeps house : it 's thought that pride , puritans , coache● and couetousnesse hath caused him to leaue our land : there are sixe vpstart tricks come vp in great houses of late which he cannot brook peeping windowes for the ladies to view what doings there are in the hall , a buttry hatch that 's kept lockt , cleane tables , & a french cooke in the kitching , a porter that lo●kes the gates in dinner time , the decay of blacke-iackes in the cellar , and blew coates in the hall : he alwayes kept his greatnesse by his charity : he loued three things , an open cellar , a full hall , and a sweating cooke : he alwayes prouided for three dinners , one for himselfe , another for his seruants , the third for the poore : any one may know where hee kept house , other by the chimnies smoak , by the freedom at gate , by want of whirligige iackes in the kitchin , by the fire in the hall , or by the full furnish'd tables ▪ he affects not london , lent , lackaies , or bailifes , there are foure sorts that pray for him , the poore , the passenger , his tenants , and seruants : hee is one that will not hou●d vp all , nor lauishly spend all , he neyther rackes or rakes his neighbours , they are sure of his company at church as wel as at home , and giues his bounty as wel to the preacher , as to others whom hee loues for his good life and doctrine ●hee had his wine came to him by full buts , but this age keepes her wine-celler in little bottles . lusty able men well maintayned were his delight , with whom he would be familiar : his tenants knew when they saw him , for he kept the olde fashion , good , commendable , plaine : the poore about him wore him vppon their backes ; but now since his death , land-lords weare and wast their tenants vppon their backes in french , or spanish fashions . well , wee can say that once such a charitable practitioner there was , but now hee 's dead , to the griefe of all england : and t is shroudly suspected that hee will neuer rise againe in our climate . 3. enclosures . the land-lords that inclose their villages , are affraid that either the townc , or the land would runne away , or rebell against them . therefore they b●leaguer it with deep trenches and thorn-roots for palliz●does : they could not make th●ir trenches so easily , if all wer●●ue within : but the person he is like a false canoniere , that came by his place by simoniacke meanes , and perhaps is sworne , either not to molest the enemie at all : or else if hee doth giue fire , either to shoote ouer , or short , or vpon the side , neuer direct : or else he is poore , couetous , hopes to haue some crackt chamber-mayde , or some by preferment , and so giues leaue to the exacting landlord to doe as hee pleases . in this businesse the landlord he is as lord-general , the person is as his horse that he rides , galls , spurres on , and curuetts with as h● pleases : turnes him and rules him any way , by a golden bit , a strong hand , and ticking spurres . the bayliffe is his intelligencer , which if hee was either strapt , or hang'd outright it was no great matter for his newes . the surueyor is his quartermaster , which goes like a beare with a chaine at his side , his two or three of the parishoners , who walke with him , and helpe him to vndoe themselues . the poore of the parish and other places are his chiefe pioneres , who like mouldy worps cast vp e●rth ▪ the parish hee eyther winnes by composition , or famishes by length of time , or batters downe by force of his lawlesse engines : most of the inhabitants are miserably pillaged and vndone , he loues to see the bounds of his boundlesse desires ; hee is like the diuell , for they both compasse the earth about : enclosures make fat beasts , & leane poore people ; there are three annoyancers of his flocke , the scab , thieues , and a long rotte : husband-men hee loues not , fot he maintaines a few sheph●ards with their curres . hee holds those that plough the land cr●ell oppressors , for they wound it hee thinkes too much , & therefore he intends to lay it downe to rest : well , this i say of him , that when hee keepes a good house constantly , surely the world will not last long : there 's many one that prayes for the end of the one , and i wish it may bee so . 4. tenants by lease . there compasse ordinarily is three prentishippes in length , one and twenty yeares . once in halfe a yeare they must bee sure to prepare for payment . new-yeares day must not passe ouer without a presentation of a gift : if the land-lord bee either rich , good , religious , or charitable , hee feasts their bodies ere christmas runne away . if they see the ladies or gentlewomen , or my ladies parrat , babone , or monkey , you may know what their talke is of with wonder when they come home againe : many fill their tenants bodies once , but empty their purses all the yeare long . they take it for no small grace , when the groome , or the vnder-cooke , or some such great officer conuay them to the buttry to drinke , they haue done knights ●eruice , if they haue drunke to the ●ppermost gentlewoman : and it 's a maruaile if they they stand not vp to performe this point of seruice , or else blush a quarter of an houre after ; they ●eeme merry , for most eate simpering : they dare not dislike any meate , nor scarce venter vpon a dish that hath not lost the best face or piece before it come thither , many of them suppe better at home , then they dine here : it 's their owne folly . hee seemes to bee a courtier compleate , that hath the witte or the face to call for beere at the table : their land-lord fetches their charges out of them ere halfe the yeare passe , by getting them to fetch coale , wood , or stone , or other burthens to his house . the land-lord , bayly , and other informers are so cunning , that the tenants shall but liue to keep life and soule together , if through pouerty and hard rents they forfeit not their leases . you may know where they liue ordinarily , for leases runne now with this clause vsually i● them , they must not let or sell away their right to another . well , he that hath a good land-lord , a firme lease , and good ground , prayes for his owne life , and landlords ▪ and wishes hee had had a longer time in his lease . 5. tenants at will. these are continuers onely vpon their maisters pleasure ▪ their owne behauiour , or ability . they are men that will take short warning a quarter of a yeare , they are like poore curats in the countrey that stand at the old parsons liber●m arbitrium . they must study how to please before they speake ; when they are discharged , they are like souldiers casheir'd , both want a place of stay or preferment , as they depart suddenly , so they are sure to pay extremly : they are not vnlike courtiers , for they often change places : their land-lords loue to bee vppon a sure ground with them , for vsually they 'le haue their rents before hand , if they come not to bee censured for inmates they may abide the longer , they must alwaies bring security where they intend to stay : london is one of the freest places for their aboad , without questioning them what they are , for if they pay for their lodging and other charges , they neede not remooue : they are like vnto seruants gone vppon a discharge , and they should reckon their places of abode , no h●ritage : if they be imploy'd in worke , and if they will stay at it , they are then most likely to hold their house the longer : they are a degre aboue a beggar , and one vnder a tenant by lease : many of them will not stay too long in a place , lest they should being ▪ ill , be too wel known : vppon their iournies many prooue true carriers , for they beare their goods , children and some houshold st●ffe : wel , they are tenants at wil , but whither good or bad , you that would know must aske their land-lord or them . i wish that yet they may come to be snailes , haue an house of their owne , ouer their heads . winter 's the worst quarter to them to shift in . 6. countrey schoolemaisters . if they be well gound & bearded , they haue two good apologies ready made ; but they are beholden to the taylor and barber for both : if they can p●ouide for two pottles of wine against the next lectu●e-day , the schoole being voyde , there are great hopes of preferment : if he gets the place , his care next must be for the demeanure of his countenance ; hee lookes ouer his schollers with as great and graue a countenance , ( as the emperour ouer his army : ) he wil not at first be ouer-busie to examine his v●her , for feare hee should prooue as many curats , better schollers then the chiefe master . as he sits in his seate , hee must with a grace turne his muc●atoes vp ; his scepter lyes not farre from him , the rod : he vses marshall law most , and the day of execution ordinarily is the friday : at ●ixe a clocke his army all beginne to march ; at eleauen they keepe rendeuouz , and at fiue or sixe at night , they take vp their quarters : there are many set in authority to teach youth , which neuer had much learning themselues ; therefore if hee cannot teach them , yet his lookes and correction shal affright them : but there are some who deserue the place by their worth , and wisdome , who stayd with their mother the vniuersity , vntill learning , discretion , and iudgement had ripened them , for the well managing of a schoole : these i loue , respect , and wish that they may haue good means eyther here , or somewhere else : these come from the sea of learning , well furnished with rich prizes of knowledge , and excellent qualities , ballasted they are wel with gra●ity and iudgement , well ster'd by rel●gion & a good conscience ; and these abi●ities make them the onely fit men to gouerne and instruct tender age ; he learnes the cradle to 〈◊〉 seueral languages & ●its them for places of publicke note : being thus qualified , 't is pitty hee should eyther want meanes or imployment . 7. country vshers . they are vnder the head-maister , equall with the chiefe schollers , and aboue the lesser boyes : hee is likely to stay two yeares before hee can furnish himselfe with a good cloake : they are like vnto lapwings run away from the vniuersity , their nest , w●th their shels on their heads . metriculation was an hard terme for him to vnderstand : and if he proceeded it was in tenebris : the chancellors seale and lycense for the place , is a great grace to him : at a sermon you shall see him writing , but if the diuision of the text be expressed in latine termes , then hee could not eyther heare , or not vnderstand , and só oftentimes looses the diuision of the text : it 's no small credite for him to sit at the neather end of the table with the ministers ; he seldome speaks there amongst them , vnlesse like a nouice he be first asked , and then hee expresses his weaknesse boldly : he goes very far , if he dare stay to drinke a cup of ale when one houre is past : his discourse ordinarily is of his exployts when he went to schoole : hee hath learn'd enough in the vniuersity , if hee knowes the figures , and can repeate the logicall moods : vsually he makes his sillogismes in baralipton , if hee can make any : hee holds greeke for a heathen language , and therefore neuer intends to learne it : for lati●e , his blacke cloathes are sufficient proofes to the country-fellowes , that he is wel furnisht : for hebrew it would pose him hard to make a difference in writing betwixt hebraeus and ebrius ; in a word , he is but a great schoole boy with a little beard and blackecloathes , and knowes better how to whippe a scholler then learne him : if hee had beene fit for any thing in the vniuersity , hee had not left her so soone : yet i confesse there are some that deserue better preferment then this , yet accept of it ; but its pitty that virtu● and learning are so slightly regarded , and that so rich a iewell should bee no better plac'd . 8. country chaplaines . they must do as marygolds , immitate their master , as these do the sun : they are men of grace before and after dinner and supper ; they are men that seeme desirous of preferment , for they rise before their lord and maister : their habite is neate , cleanly , if not too curious it s wel . in a well gouern'd house , they performe praier twice a day , to be commended for , because it showes and teaches zeale , godlinesse . their sermons are not long , but generally good & pithy ▪ their lords respect and fauour , makes the seruants to respect and loue them ; graue modesty and learning , with an affable carriage , winnes them regard and reuerence : the more priuate their persons be , the mo●e publicke their prayse : their studies generally are their best closets , and their books their best counsellors : such as these deserue to bee made o● ▪ but there are others of the same profession , yet much different in nature , who striue to satisfie and please , euen by smothering , counter●etting , or immitating , their maisters faults , and loue the strong beere cellar , or a wine-tauerne more then their studies : whose ambition is to bee conuersant with the gentle woemen , and now and then to let an oath slippe with a grace ; whose acquaintance and familiarity is most with the butler , and their care to slippe to an ale-house vnseene , with the seruants . their allowance is good if it bee 20. marke , and their dyet . if they bee married they must be more obsequious and industrious to please , if they come ●ingle , it 's a thousand to one but they either bee in loue or married before they goe away : i honour both lord and chaplaine , when they are godly , and religious ; but i dislike , when either the lord will not bee told of his faults , or the chaplaine will not , or dare not : i loue the life when zeale , learning and grauity are the gifts of the preacher . but i dislike it , when by respects conniuency or ignorance with pride keepe the chappell . if they be wise , they will keepe close , till they haue the aduouson of a liuing , the better they are liked of their master , and the more store he hath of liuings , they haue the more hopes of a presentation . it 's a great vertue in their patrone if hee doe not geld it , or lessen it before they handle it . 9. ale-houses . if these houses haue a boxe-bush , or an old post , it is enough to show their profeshion . but if they bee graced with a signe compleat , it 's a signe of good custome : in these houses you shall see the history of iudeth , susan●a , daniel in the lyons den , or diues & laz●rus paint●d vpon the wall ▪ it may bee reckoned a wonder to see , or find the house empty , for either the parson , churchwarde● , or clark , or all ; are doing some church or court-businesse vsually in this place . they thriue best where there are fewest ; it is the host's chiefest pride to bee speaking of such a gentleman , or such a gallant that was here , and will bee againe ere long : hot weather and thunder , and want of company are the host●sses griefe , for then her ale sowres : your drinke vsually is very young , two daies olde : her chiefest wealth is seene , if she can haue one brewing 〈◊〉 another : if ei●her the hostesse , or her d●ughter , or maide will kisse handsomely at parting , it is a good shooing-horne or bird-lime to draw the company thither againe the sooner . shee must bee courteous to all , though not by nature , yet by her profession ; for shee must entertaine all , good and bad ; tag , and rag ; cut , and long-tayle : shee suspects tinkers and poore souldiers most , not that they will not drinke soundly , but that they will not pay lustily . shee must keepe touch with three sorts of men , that is ; the malt-man , the baker , and the iustices clarkes . shee is merry , and halfe made , vpon shroue-tuesday , may-daies , feast-dayes , and morrice dances : a good ring of bells in the parish helpes her to many a tester , she prayes the parson may not be a puritan : a bag-piper , and a puppet-play brings her in birds that are flush , shee defies a wine-tauerne as an vpstart outlandish fellow , and suspects the wine to bee poysoned . her ale , if new , lookes like a misty morning , all thicke ; well , if her ale bee strong , her reckoning right , her house cleane , her fire good , her face faire , and the towne great or rich ; shee shall seldome or neuersit without chirping birds to beare her company , and at the next churching or christning , shee is sure to be ridd of two or three dozen of cakes and ale by gossiping neighbours . 10. apparators . spirituall busines is their profession , but carnall matters are their gaine and reuenewes . the sinnes of the laity holds them vp , ember-weekes , visitations and court-dayes shew their calling and imployment , then shall you see them as quicke as bees in a sommer day : surrogates , the arch-deacon , and the chancellor , they dare not offend : they liue vpon intelligence ; they haue much businesse with the church-wardens and sides-men , they ride well furnish't with citations , and sometime excommunications : they are glad if they can heare of any one that teaches schoole , or read prayers in that diocesse without a speciall licence , they are to peccant wenches , as bad scar-crowes , as bailiffes be to desperate debtors . the curate must reade prayers on wednesdayes and fridayes formaliter , sub paena of a further charge : they are sworne to their office before admitted , but being admitted , oftentimes they dispense with the oath : sometimes they haue eyes , and are tongue-tyed ; sometimes they haue tongues , and are blind : but without fees they will see too much , and speake more ; and fetch men into their courts with a coram nomine . yet though they doe much abuse their office , they make many affraide to sinne , either for feare o● shame , punishment , or charges : whatsoeuer shift a man or woman make for monies , yet they are sure to pay for their faultes here . and if hee bee any thing in age , th●n in the court hee weares a furr'd gowne , and ordinarily cryes peace , peace there , when in his heart he means no such matter . 〈◊〉 are like a company of stragling sheepe , or vnruly goates , for they will neuer agree , or bee vnder one shephard . most commonly when they go to the visitation , they ride on poore iades , and their accoutrements an old saddle , one stirrope , a spur without a rowell , a blacke boxe , and an office seale : if the wench that 's in fault , want monies to pay her fees , they 'le take their penny-worths in flesh : well , their office is none of the best , and yet is it oftentimes too good for the maister . when all wenches prooue honest , they may begge , but as long as venus rules , they will bee sure to finde imployment . 11. constables . there names imply that they should be constant and able for the discharge of their office : they haue the command of foure places of note , the stockes , the cage , the whipping post , and the cucking-stoole : they appoynt & command the watch-men with their rusty bils to walke circuit ; and doe also send hue and cryes af●er male ▪ factors . they are much imployed in foure occasions ; at musters , at pressing foorth of souldiers , at quarter sessions , and assizes : their office many times make them proud and crafty : if they bee angry with a poore man , hee is sure to be prefer'd vpon the next seruice : the ale houses had best hold correspondency with them : they are bug-beares to them that wander without a passe . poore souldiers are now and then helpt to a lodging by their meanes : they 'le visit an ale-house vnder colour of search , but their desire is to get beere of the company , and then if they be but meane men , they master them ; and they answere them , come pay , with this vsuall phrase , yo● ●re not the men wee ▪ 〈◊〉 for ; and demand of the hostesse if shee haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in her h●uing got their de●re , they 〈◊〉 with this comple●ent ▪ 〈◊〉 if 〈◊〉 businesse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , we would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pl●ces vp● 〈◊〉 , it is ▪ 〈◊〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 king ▪ and so 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 of the hone● com●ny , & laughter 〈◊〉 them● . it 's a 〈◊〉 to one if they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ▪ but they will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bills 〈◊〉 sixe● ▪ and 〈◊〉 downe layd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such matter ; a fine tricke to get money by their place . they should seeme to bee either very poore , or couetous , or crafty men ; for they put their charges alw●ies vpon the parish : if an accompt happen to bee among the pari●hioners when such a thing , or such a thing was done ; they 'le answere , in the same yeare , o● there abouts , i was constable , in thinking thereby to set forth their owne credit . i lea●e them , wishing them to bee good in their offic● , it is not long they h●ue to stay in it . 12. currant●es ●r ●eekly newes . these commonly begin with vienna and end wi●h antwerpt : the spanish & french affaires must not be left out : the three names that grace their letters , are the sweds , tillies , or imperialists : ordinarily they haue as many leyes as lines , they vse to lye ( as weather-beaten souldiers ) vpon a booke-bi●ders stall , they are new and old in si●e dayes : they are busie fellows , for they meddle with other mens affaires : no pope , emp●rour , or king , but must bee touched by their pen : nay they vse to interline some great exploit at sea betwixt the hollander and d●nkerker , or else betwixt the hollander and spaniard , at the cape or the straights of magellan , and vsually they conclude with this phrase , the admirall or vice-admirall of our side , gaue a ●road side to the vtter ouer throw of the spaniard , with so many men hurt , such a rich prize taken , such a ship sunke , or fired : being faithfully translated out of the dutch coppy , with the first and second part , like ballads . and these are all conceites ordinarily , which their owne idle braine , or busie fancies , vpon the blockes in paules , or in their chambers inuented : they haue vsed this trade so long , that now euery one can say , it s euen as true as a currantoe , meaning that it 's all false . now swedens and the emperors war in germany , is their store-house , with how 〈◊〉 , hamburgh , leipsich , breame , and the other hans-townes affect the kings maiesties procee-●dings : if a towne be beleagured , or taken , then they neuer take care , but how they may send thei● leyes fast enough , and far enough : well , they are politicke , not to be descried , for they are asham'd to put their names to their books . if they write good newes of our side , it is seldome true ; but if it be bad , it 's alwayes almost too true . i wish them eyther to write not at all , or lesse , or more true ; the best newes is when we heare no newes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a06473-e30 lieutenant coronell goring . notes for div a06473-e1010 the lash . lice . syon col ledg ner● criplegat● . three speeches of the right honorable, sir francis bacon knight, then his majesties sollicitor generall, after lord verulam, viscount saint alban. concerning the post-nati naturalization of the scotch in england union of the lawes of the kingdomes of england and scotland. published by the authors copy, and licensed by authority. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a71317 of text r17387 in the english short title catalog (wing b337). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 100 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a71317 wing b337 estc r17387 99860182 99860182 130509 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a71317) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 130509) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 35:e199[1], 35:e199[2], 35:e199[3]) three speeches of the right honorable, sir francis bacon knight, then his majesties sollicitor generall, after lord verulam, viscount saint alban. concerning the post-nati naturalization of the scotch in england union of the lawes of the kingdomes of england and scotland. published by the authors copy, and licensed by authority. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [2], 58, 57-88 p. printed by richard badger, for samuel broun, and are to be sold at his shop in st. pauls church-yard at the signe of the white lyon and ball, london : 1641. the words "post-nati .. scotland." are bracketed together on title page. annotation on thomason copy: "july 20th". there exist two states of this edition. in state #1: the word "chancecellor" appears on page 1, line 5. in state #2: the word is spelled "chancellor". --cf. gibson, r.w. bacon. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng speeches, addresses, etc., english -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. a71317 r17387 (wing b337). civilwar no three speeches of the right honorable, sir francis bacon knight, then his majesties sollicitor generall, after lord verulam, viscount saint bacon, francis 1641 18657 21 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-03 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2005-03 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three speeches of the right honorable , sir francis bacon knight , then his majesties sollicitor generall , after lord verulam , viscount saint alban . concerning the post-nati naturalization of the scotch in england vnion of the lawes of the kingdomes of england and scotland . published by the authors copy , and licensed by authority . london , printed by richard badger , for samuel broun , and are to be sold at his shop in st. pauls church-yard at the signe of the white lyon and ball . 1641. 15. may . 1641. at a committee appointed by the honourable house of commons in parliament for examination of books , & of the licensing and suppresing of them , it is ordered that these three speeches or treatises be published in print . edward dering . the argument of s r. francis bacon knight , his majesties sollicitor generall , in the case of the post-nati of scotland , in the exchequer chamber , before the lord chancellor and all the iudges of england . may it please your lord-ships , this case your lord-ships doe well perceive to be of exceeding ' great consequence . for whether you doe measure that by place , that reacheth not onely to the realme of england , but to the whole iland of great-brytaine ; or whether you measure that by time , that extendeth not onely to the present time , but much more to future generations , et natinatorum , et qui nascentur ab illis : and therefore as that is to receive at the barre a full and free debate : so i doubt not but that shall receive from your lord-ships a sound and iust resolution according to law and according to truth . for my lords , though he were thought to have said well that said that for his word , rex fortissimus ; yet he was thought to have said better , evenin the opinion ofa king him selfe that said , veritas fortissima et pravalet . and i doe much rejoyce to observe such a concurrence in the whole carriage of this cause , to this end that truth may prevaile . the case no fained , or framed case ; but a true case betweene true partyes . the title handled formerly in some of the kings courts , and free-hold upon it : used indeed by his majesty , in his high wisedome to give an end to this great question , but not raysed : occasio , as the schoole-men say , arrepta non porrecta . the case argued in the kings bench by m. walter with great liberty , and yet with good approbation of the court . the persons assigned to be of counsell on that side , inferiour to none of their quality and degree in learning ; and some of them most conversant and exercised in the question . the iudges in the kings bench have adjourned it to this place , for conference with the rest of their brethren . your lord-ship , my lord chancellor , though you be absolute iudg in the court where you sit , and might have called to you such assistance of iudges as to you had seemed good : yet would not fore-run or leade in this case by any opinion there to be given ; but have chosen rather to come your selfe to this assembly , all tending ( as i sayd ) to this end , whereunto i for my part doe heartily subscribe , ut vincat veritas , that truth may first appeare , and then prevaile . and i doe firmely hold and doubt not but i shall well maintaine , that this is the truth , that calvin the plaintiefe is ipso iure by the law of england a naturall borne subject , to purchase free-hold and to bring reall actions within eugland . in this case i must so consider the time , as i must much more consider the matter . and therefore though it may draw my speach into further length ; yet i dare not handle a case of this nature confusedly , but purpose to observe the ancient and exact forme of pleadings , which is , first , to explaine or induce . then , to confute , or answere objections . and lastly , to prove , or confirme . and first for explanation . the outward question in this case is no more , but whether a child borne in scotland since his majesties happy comming to the crowne of england , be naturalized in england or no ? but the inward question or state of the question evermore beginneth , where that which is confessed on both sides doth leave . it is confest , that if these two realmes of england and scotland were united under one law and one parliament , and thereby incorporated and made as one kingdome , that the post-natus of such an union should be naturalized . it is confessed , that both realmes are united in the person of our soveraigne ; or ( because i will gaine nothing by surreption , in the putting of the question ) that one & the same naturall person , is king of both realmes . it is confessed , that the lawes and parliaments are severall . so then , whether this priviledge and benefit of naturalization be an accessory or dependancy up on that which is one and joint , or upon that which is severall , hath beene and must be the depth of this question . and therefore your lord-ships doe see the state of this question doth evidently lead me by way of inducement to speake of three things . the king , the law , and the priviledge of naturalization . for if you well understand the nature of the two principals , and againe the nature of the accessory ; then shall you discerne , to whether principal the accessory doth properly referre , as a shadow to a body , or iron to an adamant . and there your lord-ships will give me leave in a case of this quality , first to visit and open the foundations and fountaines of reason ; and not to begin with the positions , and eruditions of a municipall law ; for so was that done in the great case of mines ; and so ought that to be done in all cases of like nature . and this doth not at all detract from the sufficiency of our lawes , as incompetent to decide their owne cases ; but rather addeth a dignity unto them when their reason appearing as well as their authority , doth shew them to be as fine moneyes , which are currant not onely by the stampe because they are so received , but by the naturall metall , that is the reason and wisedome of them . and master littleton himselfe in his whole booke doth commend but two things to the professors of the law by the name of his sonnes ; the one the inquiring and searching out the reasons of the law , and the other , the observing of the formes of pleadings . and never was there any case that came in iudgement , that required more that littletons advice should be followed in those two points , then doth the present case in question . and first of the king . it is evident that all other common-wealths ( monarchies onely excepted ) doe snbsist by a law preceedent . for where authority is divided amongst many officers , and they not perpetuall , but annuall or temporary , and not to receive their authority but by election , and certaine persons to have voice onely to that election , and the like : these are busie and curious frames : which of necessity doe presuppose a law precedent written or unwritten to guide and direct them . but in monarchies , especially hereditary , that is when severall families , or ilneages of people doe submit themselves to one line , imperiall or royall , the submission is more naturall and simple , which afterwards by lawes subsequent is perfected and made more formall : but that is grounded upon nature . that this is so , it appeareth notably in two things , the one , the platformes and patternes which are found in nature of monarchies , the original submissions , & their motives and occasions . the platformes are three . the first is that of a father , or chiefe of a family : who governing over his wife by prerogative of sexe , over his children by prerogative of age , and because he is author unto them of being ; and over his servants by prerogative of vertue and providence , for he that is able of body , and improvident of mind , is natura servus ) that is a very modell of a king . so that is the opinion of aristotle , lib. 3. pol. cap. 14 , where he saith : verum autem regnum est , cum penes unum est rerum summa potestas : quod regnum procurationem familia imitatur . and therefore lyeurgus , when one counselled him to dissolve the kingdome and to establish another forme of estate , he answered , sir begin to doe that which you advise first at home in your owne house noting that the chief of a family is as a king ; and that those that can least endure kings abroad ; can be content to be kings at home , & this is the first platforme , which we see is meerely naturall . the second is , that of a shepheard and his flocke ; which zenophon saith , cyrus had ever in his mouth . for shepheards are not owners of the sheepe , but their office is to feede and governe : no more are kings , proprietaries , or owners of the people , for god is sole owner of people . the nations , as the scripture saith , are his inheritance : but the office of kings is to governe , maintaine , and protect people . and that is not without a mystery , that the first king that was instituted by god , david , ( for saul was butan untimely fruit ) was translated from a shepheard , as you have it in the 78. psal. et elegit david servum suum , de gregibus ovium sustulit eum , pascere iacob servum suum israel hereditatem suam . this is the second platforme , a worke likewise of nature . the third platforme is the government of god himselfe over the world , whereof lawfull monarchies , are a shadow . and therefore both amongst the heathen , and amongst the christians the word ( sacred ) hath beene attributed unto kings , because of the conformity of a monarchy , with the divine majesty ; never to a senate or people . and so you finde it twice in the lord cookes reports : once in the second booke , the bishop of winchesters case ; and his first booke . cawdries case , and more anciently in the 10. of h. 7. fo. 18. rex est persona mixta cam sacerdote ; an attribute which the senate of venice , or a canton of swisses , can never challenge . so we see there be presidents , or platformes of monarchies , both in nature and above nature : even from the monarch of heaven and earth ; to the king ( if you will ) in an hive of bees . and therefore other states are the creatures of the law ; and this state onely subsisteth by nature . for the originall submissions , they are foure in number : i will briefly touch them : the first is paternity or patriarchy , which was when a family growing so great as it could not containe it selfe within one habitation , some branches of the descendents were forced to plant themselves into new families , which second families could not by a naturall instinct , and inclination , but beare a reverence and yeeld an obeyseance to the eldest line of the ancient family , from which they were derived . the second is , the admiration of vertue , or gratitude towards merit , which is likewise naturally infused into all men . of this aristotle putteth the case well , when it was the fortun of some one man , either to invent some arts of excellent use towards mans life ; or to congregate people that dwelt scattered , into one place , where they might cohabite with more comfort ; or to guide them from a more barrenland to a more fruitful , or the like : vpon these deserts , and the admiration and recompence of them , people submitted themselves . the third , which was the most usuall of all , was conduct in warre , which even in nature induceth as great an obligation , as paternity . for as men owe their life and being to their parents , in regard of generation : so they owe that also to saviours in the warres , in regard of preservation . and therefore we finde in the 18. chap. of the booke of iudges , verse 22. dixerunt omnes ●iri ad cedeon dominare nostri , tu et filij tui , quoniam servasti nos de manu madian . and so we reade when it was brought to the eares of saul that the people sung in the streets , saul hath kild his thousand , & david his ten thousand of enemies ; he said straightwaies : quid ei superest nisi ipsum regnū ? for whosoever hath the military dependance , wants little of being king . the fourth is an enforced submission , which is conquest , whereof it seemed nymrod was the first president , of whom it is said , ipse caepit potens esse in terra , et erat robustus venator coram domine . and this likewise is upon the same root , which is the saving or gift as it were of life , and being , for the conqueror hath power of life and death over his captives , and therefore where he giveth them themselves , he may reserve upon such a gift , what service and subjection he will . all these foure submissions are evident to be naturall and more ancient than law . to speake therefore of law , which is the second part of that which is to be spoken of , by way of inducement . law no doubt is the great organ by which the soveraigne power doth move , and may be truly compared to the sinewes in a naturall body , as the soveraignty may be compared to the spirits , for if the sinewes be without the spirits , they are dead and without motion , if the spirits move in weake sinewes it causeth trembling : so the lawes with out the kings power , are dead ; the kings power except the lawes be corroborate , will never move constantly , but be full of staggering and trepidation . but towards the king himself , the law doth a double office or operation : the first is to entitle the king , or designe him ; and in that sense bracton saith well . lib. 1. fol. 5. and lib. 3. fol. 107. lex facit quod ipse sit rex , that is it defines his title , as in our law , that the kingdome shall goe to the issue female : that it shall not be departable amongst daughters : that the halfe bloud shall not be respected , and other points differing from the rules of common inheritance . the second is ( that whereof we need not feare to speake in good and happy times , such as these are ) to make the ordinary power of the king more definite or regular , for it was well said by a father , plenitudo potestatis , est pleuitudo tempest at is . and although the king , in his person , be solutus legibus ; yet his acts and grants are limited by law , and we argue them every day . but i demand , do these offices or operations of law evacuate or frustrate the originall submission , which was naturall ? or shall it be said that all allegiance is by law ? no more than it can be said , that potest potest●● patris , the power of the father over the child , is by law : and yet no doubt lawes do diversely define of that also ; the law of some nations having given fathers power to put their children to death ; others , to sell them thrice , others to disinherit them by testament at pleasure , and the like . yet no man will affirm , that the obedience of the child is by law , though lawes in some points doe make it more positive . and even so it is of allegiance of subjects to hereditary monarches , which is corroborate and confirmed by law , but is the worke of the law of nature . and therefore you shall finde the observation true , and almost generall in all states , that their law-givers were long after their first kings , who governed for a time by naturall equity without law ; so was theseus long before salo● in a●h●m : for was e●●iti●● and 〈◊〉 long before lycurgus in sparta . so was romulus long before the decemviri . and even amongst our selves , there were more ancient kings of the saxons ; and yet the lawes ran under the name of edgars lawes . and in the refounding of the kingdome in the person of william the conqueror , when the lawes were in some confusion for a time , a man may truly say , that king edward the first , was the first law-giver , who enacting some laws , and collecting others , brought the law to some perfection . and therefore i will conclude this point with the style which divers acts of parliaments do give unto the king : which terme him very effectually and truly , our naturall sove , raigne liege lord . and as it was said by a principall judge here present when he served in another place , and question was moved by some occasion of the title of bulleins lands : that he would never allow , that queene elizabeth . ( i remember it for the efficacy of the phrase ) should bee a statute queene , but a common law queen : so surely i shall hardly consent , that the king shall be esteemed or called only , our rightfull soveraigne , or our lawfull soveraigne , but our naturall liege soveraigne ; as acts of parliament speake : for as the common law is more worthy than the statute law : so the law of nature is more worthy than them both . having spoken now of the king and the law : it remaineth to speake of the priviledge and benefit of naturalization it selfe , and that according to the rules of the law of england . naturalization is best discerned in the degrees whereby the law doth mount and ascend thereunto . for it seemeth admirable unto mee , to consider with what a measured hand , and with how true poportions our law doth impart and conferre the severall degrees of this benefit : the degrees are foure . the first degree of persons , ( as to this purpose ) ●hat the law takes knowledge of , is an alien enemy : that is such a one as is borne under the obeisance of a prince or state that is in hostility with the king of england . to this person the law giveth no benefit or protection at all , but if hee come into the realme after war proclaimed , or war in fact , he comes at his own perill , hee may be used as an enemy : for the law accounts of him , but ( as the scripture saith ) as of a spye that comes to see the weaknesse of the land . and so it is 2. of ric. the 3 , fo. 2. neverthelesse , this admitteth a distinction . for if he come with safe conduct , otherwise it is . for then he may not be violated , either in person or goods . but yet hee must fetch his justice at the fountaine head , for none of the conduit pipes are open to him , he can have no remedy in any of the kings courts : but he must complain himselfe before the kings privy councell : there he shall have a proceeding summary from houre to houre , the cause shall be determined by naturall equity , and not by rules of law , and the decree of the councell shall be executed by ayde of the chauncery , as is 13. edw. 4. an this is the first degree . the second person , is an alien friend , that is such a one as is borne under the obeisance of such a king or state , as is confederate with the king of england , or at least not in war with him . to this person the law allotteth this benefit , that as the law accounts that the hold it hath over him , is but a tranfitory hold ( for he may be an enemy ) so the law doth indu● him , but with a transitory benefit , that is of moveable goods and personall actions . but for free-hold , or lease , or actions reall , or mixt : he is not inabled , except it be in auter droit and so it is 9 , e. 4 , fo. 7. 19. e. 4 ; fo. 6. 5. ma. and divers other books . the third person is a denizon , using the word properly ; ( for sometime it is confounded with a naturall borne subject . ) this is one , that is but subditus insitivus , or adoptivus , and is never by birth , but only by the kings charter , and by no other meane ; come he never so young into the realme , or stay he never so long . mansion or habitation will not indenise him , no nor swearing obedience to the king in a leete , which doth in-law the subject ; but only ( as i said ) the kings grace and gift . to this person the law giveth an ability and capacity abridged , not in matter but in time . and as there was a time , when hee was not subject : so the law doth not acknowledge him before that time . for if he purchase free-hold after his denization , he may take it ; but if he have purchased any before , he shall not hold it : so if hee have children after , they shall inherit , but if hee have any before , they shall not inherit : so as he is but priviledged à parte post , as the schoole-men say , and not à parte ante . the fourth and last degree , is a naturall borne subject , which is evermore by birth , or by act of parliament ; and he is compleate and entire . for in the law of england , there is nil ultra , there is no more subdivision or more subtile division beyond these : and therein it seemeth to mee that the wisdome of the law ( as i said ) is to be admired both ways , both because it distinguisheth so far , and because it doth not distinguish further . for i know that other lawes do admit more curious distinction of this priviledge ; for the romanes had besides 〈◊〉 civitatis , which answereth to naturalization , ius suffragii . for although a man were naturalized to take lands and inheritance ; yet he was not inabled to have a voyce at passing of laws , or at election of officers . and yet further they have ius petitionis , or ius honorum . for though a man had voyce , yet he was not capable of honour , and office . but these be the devises commonly of popular or free estates , which are jealous whom they take into their number , and are unfit for monarchies : but by the law of england the subject that is naturall borne , hath a capacity or ability to all benefits whatsoever ; i say capacity or ability . but to reduce potentiam in actum , is another case . for an earle of ireland , though he be naturalized in england , yet hath so voyce in parliament of england , except he have either a call by writ , or a creation by patent , but he is capable of either . but upon this quadripartite division of the ability of persons , i doe observe to your lordships three things , being all effectually pertinent to the question in hand . the first is , that if any man conceive that the reasons for the post-nati might serve as well for the ante-nati ; he may by the distribution which wee have made , plainly perceive his error . for the law looketh not back , and therefore cannot by any matter ex post facto , after birth , after the state of the birth ; wherein no doubt the law hath a grave and profound reason , which is this in few words , nemo subito fingitur ; aliud est nasci , aliud fieri : wee indeed more respect and affect thse worthy gentlemen of scotland whose merits and conversations we know : but the law that proceeds upon generall reason and looks upon no mens faces , affecteth and priviledgeth those , which drew their first breath under the obeisance of the king of england . the second point is , that by the former distribution , it appeareth that there be but two conditions by birth , either alien or naturall borne ( nam tertium penitus ignor amus . ) it is manifest then , that if the post . nati of scotland , be not naturall borne , they are alien born and in no better degree at all , than flemmings , french , italians , spanish , germans , and others ; which are all at this time alien friends , by reason his majesty is in peace with all the world . the third point seemeth to mee very worthy the consideration , which is , that in all the distribution of persons , and the degrees of abilities or capacities , the kings act is all in all , without any manner of respect to law or parliament . for it is the king , that makes an alien enemy , by proclaiming a war , wherewith the law , or parliament intermeddles not : so the king only grants safe-conducts , wherewith law and parliament intermeddle not . it is the king likewise that maketh an alien friend , by concluding a peace , wherewith law and parliament intermeddle not . it is the king that makes a denizon , by his charter absolutely of his prerogative and power , wherewith law and parliament intermedle not . and therefore it is strongly to be inferred , that as all these degrees depend wholly upon the kings act , and no wayes upon law or parliament : so the fourth , although it cannot by the kings patent , but by operation of law : yet that the law , in that operation , respecteth onely the kings person , without respect of subjection to law or parliament . and thus much by way of explanation , and inducement : which being all matter in effect confessed , i● the strongest ground-worke to that which is contradicted or controverted . there followeth the confutation of the arguments on the contrary side . that which hath beene materially objected may be reduced to foure heads . the first is , that the priviledge of naturalization , followeth allegeance , and that allegeance followeth the kingdome . the second is drawne from that common ground , cum duo jura concarrunt in una persona , aquum est , ac si essent in duobus ; a rule , the words whereof are taken from the civill law ; but the matter of it is received in all lawes ; being a very line or rule of reason to avoyd confusion . the third consisteth of certaine inconveniencies conceived to ensue of this generall naturalization ipso jure . the fourth is not properly an objection , but a preoccupation of an objection or proofe on our part , by a distinction devised betweene countries devolute by descent , and acquired by conquest . for the first , it is not properly to observe that those which maintaine this new opinion , whereof there is altum silentium in our bookes of law , are not well agree in what forme to utter and expresse that : for some said that allegeance hath respect to the law , some to the crowne , some to the kingdome , some to the body politique of the king , so there is confusion of tongues amongst them , as it commonly commeth to passe in opinions , that have their foundations in subtilty , and imagination of mans wit , and not in the ground of nature . but to leave their words and to come to their proofes , they endeavour to prove this conceipt , by three manner of proofes . first by reason , then by certaine inferences out of statutes , and lastly , by certaine booke-cases mentioning and reciting the formes of pleadings . the reason they bring is this ; that naturalization is an operation of the law of england , and so indeed it is , that may bee the true genus of it . then they adde ( that granted ) that the law of england is of force onely within the kingdome and dominions of england , and cannot operate , but where it is in force . but the law is not in force in scotland , therefore that cannot endure this benefit of naturalization by a birth in scotland . this reason is plausible and sensible , but extreamely erronious . for the law of england , for matters of benefit , or forfeitures in england , operateth over the world . and because it is truely said , that respublica continetur poena , & praemio . i will put a case or two of either . it is plaine that if a subject of england had conspired the death of the king in forraine parts , it was by the common law of england treason . how prove i that ? by the statute of 35. of h. 8. ca. 2. wherein you shall find no words at all of making any new case of treason which was not treason before , but onely of ordaining a forme of triall , ergo it was treason before . and if so , then the law of england workes in forraine parts . so of contempts , if the king send his privy seale to any subject beyond the seas , commanding him to returne , and hee disobey ; no man will doubt , but there is a contempt , and yet the fact enduring the contempt was committed in forraine parts . therefore the law of england , doth extend to acts or matters done in forraine parts . so of reward , priviledge or benefit wee need seeke no other instance ; then the instance in question , for i will put you a case that no man shall deny , where the law of england doth worke and conferre the benefit of naturalization upon a birth neither within the dominions of the kingdome , nor king of england . by the statute of 25. e. 3. which , if you will beleeve hussey , is but a declaration of the common law , all children borne in any parts of the world , if they be of english parents , continuing at that time , as liege subjects to the king , and having done no act to forfeit the benefit of their allegeance are ipso facto naturalized . nay if a man looke narrowly into the law in this point , he shall find a consequence , that may seeme at the first strange , but yet cannot well be avoided ; which is that it divers families of english-men and women plant themselves at middleborough or at roane , or at lysoone , and have issues , and their deseendents doe intermarry , amongst themselves without any intermixture of forraine blood ; such descendents are naturalized to all generations , for every generation is still of liege parents , and therefore naturalized . so as you may have whole tribes , and lineages of english in forraine countries . and therefore it is utterly untrue that the law of england cannot operate , of conferre naturalization , but onely within the bounds of the dominions of england . to come now to their inferences upon statutes . the firstis out of this statute which j last recyted . in which statute it is said , that in foure severall places , there are words ; borne within the allegeance of england ; or againe borne without the allegeance of england , which ( say they ) applies the allegeance to the kingdome , and not to the person of the king . to this the answer is easie : for there is not trope of speech more familiar then to use the place of addition for the person . so we say commonly the lyne of yorke , or the lyne of lancaster , for the lynes of the duke of yorke or the duke of lancaster . so we say the possessions of sommerset or warmick intending the possessions of the dukes of sommerset , or earles of warmick . so we seeearles signe , salisbury , northampton , for the earles of salisbury or northampton . and in the very same manner , the statute speakes , allegeance of england , for allegeance of the king of england . nay more if there had been no variety in the penning of that statute , this collect on had had a little more force , for those words might have beene thought , to have been used of purpose , and in propriety ; but you may find in three other severall places of the same statute , allegeange and obeysance of the king of england , and specially in the materiall and concluding place , that is to say , children whose parents were at the time of their birth , at the faith and obeysance of the king of england , so that is manifest by this indifferent and indifferent use of both phrases , the one proper , the other unproper , that no man can ground any inferēce upon these words without danger of cavillation . the second statute out of which they inferre , is a statute made in 32. of h. 8. ca. touching the policy of strangers trades men within this realme . for the parliament finding , that they did eate the englishmen out of trade , and that they entertained no apprentizes , but of their o vne nation , did prohibite that they should receive any . apprentize , but the kings subjects . in which statute is said , that in 9. severall places , there is to be found this context of words , aliens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the kings obedience ; which is pregnant ( say they ) and doth imply that there bee aliens borne within the kings obedience . touching this inference i have heard it said q●i haeret in litera , baeret in cortice , but this is not worthy the name , of cortex , it is but muscus 〈◊〉 , the mosse of the barke . for it is evident that the statute meant to speake clearely and without equivocation , and to a common understanding . now then there are aliens in common reputation & aliens in precise construction oflaw , the statute then meaning not to comprehend irish-men , or ge●sie-men , or calize-men , for explanation sake , left the word alien might be extended to them in a vulgar acceptance , added those further words , borne out of the kings obedience ? nay , what if we should say , that those words according to the received lawes of speech , are no words of difference or limitation , but of declaration or description of an alien , as if it had beene said with a videlicet , aliens ; that is such as are borne out of the kings obedience : they cannot put us from that construction . but sure i am , if the barke make for them , the pyth makes for us , for the priviledge or liberty which the statute meanes to deny to aliens of entertaining apprentizes is denyed to none , borne within the kings obedience , call them aliens or what you will . and therefore by their reason a post-natus of scotland shall by that statute keepe what stranger apprentizes he will , and so is put in the degree of an english . the third statute out of which inference is made , is the statute of 14. e. 3. ca. solo , which hath been said to be our very case , and i am of that opinion too , but directly the other way , therefore to open the scope and purpose of that statute . after that the title to the crowne of france , was devolute to k. e. 3. & that he had changed his stile , changed his armes , changed his seale , ( as his majestie hath done ) the subject of england ( saith the statute ) conceived a feare that the realme of england might become subject to the realme of france , or to the k. as k. of france . and i will give you the reasons of the double feare , that it should become subject to the realme of france they had this reason of feare : normandy had conquered england ; normandy was feudall of france , therefore because the superiour seignery of france was now united in right with the tenancy of normandy , and that england , in regard of the conquest might be taken as a perquisite to normandy , they had propable reason to feare , that the kingdome of england might be drawne to be subject to the realme of france . the other feare that england might become subject to the k. as k. of france grew no doubt of this fore-sight , that the kings of england might be like to make their mansion and seate of their estate in france , in regard of the climate , wealth , and glory of that kingdome ; and thereby the kingdome of england might be governed by the kings mandates and precepts issuing , as from the king of france . but they will say what soever the occasion was , here you have the difference authorised of subjection to a k. generally , and subjection to a king , as k. of a certaine kingdome , but to this i give an answer three-fold . first , it preffeth not the question ; for doth any man say that a post-natus of scotland is naturalized in england , because he is a subject of the king , as k. of england ? no , but generally , because he is the k. subject . secondly , the scope of this law is to make a distinction between crown , and crown ; but the scope of their argument is to make a difference betweene crowne and person . lastly , this statute ( as i said ) is our very case retorted against them , for this is a direct statute of separation , which presupposeth that the common law had made an union of the crownes in some degree , by vertue of the vnion in the kings person ● if this statute had 〈◊〉 beene made to stop & crosse the course of the common law in that point , as if scotland now should be suitors to the king , that an act might passe to like effect , and upon like feare . and therefore if you will make good your distinction , in this present case ; shew us a statute for that . but i hope you can shew no statute of separation betweene england and scotland . and if any man say , that this was a statute declaratory of the cōmon law , he doth not marke how that is penned : for after a kind of historicall declaration in the preamble , that england was never subject to france , the body of the act is penned thus : the king doth grant and establish , which are words meerly introductive novae legis as if the king gave a charter of franchise , and did invest by a donative , the subjects of england with a new priviledge or exemption , which by the cōmon law they had not . to come now to the booke-cases which they put : which i will couple together because they receive one joynt answere . the first is 42. of e. 3. fo. where the booke saith : exception was taken that the plaintife was borne in scotland at rosse , out of the allegeance of england . the next is 22. h. 6. fo. 38. adrians case , where it is pleaded that a woman was borne at burgis , out of the allegeance of england . the third is 13. eliz. dyer fo. 300 where the case begins thus : doctor story qui notorie dignoscituresse subditus regni angliae . in all these three ( say they ) that is pleaded that the party is subject of the kingdome of england , and not of the king of england . to these bookes i give this answer , that they be not the pleas at large , but the words of the reporter , who speakes compendiously and narrative , and not according to the solemne words of the pleading . if you find a case put , that it is pleaded , a man was seized in fee . simple , you will not inferre upon that , that the words of the pleading were in fe●do simplici ; but sibi & haeredibus suis . but shew mee some president of a pleading at large of natus sub legeantia regni angliae ; for whereas mr. vvalter said that pleadings are variable in this point , he would faine bring it to that ; but there is no such matter : for the pleadings are constant , and uniforme in this point ; they may vary in the word fides , or legeantia , or obedientia , and some other circumstances , but in the forme of regni and regis , they vary not : neither can there , as j am perswaded be any one instance shewed forth to the contrary . see 9. eliz. 4. baggots assize , f. 7. where the pleading at large is entred in the booke ; there you have , alienigena natus extra legeantiam domini regis angliae . see the presidents in the booke of entries , pl. 7. and two other places ; for there be no more , and there you shall find still sub legeantia domini regis , or extra legeantiā domini regis . and therefore the formes of pleading , which are things so reverend , and are indeed towards the reasons of the law , as palma , and pugnus , conteyning the reason of the law , opened or unfolded , or displayed , they makeall for us . and for the very words of reporters in bookes , you must acknowledge and say , ilicet obruimur numera . for you have 22 ass. pl. 25. 27. 〈◊〉 . the pryor of ske●●es case pl. 48. 14. h. 4. f. 19. 3. h. 6. f. 35. 6. h. 8. in my lord dyer , fol. 2. in all these bookes , the very words of the reporters have the allegeance of the king , and not the allegeance of england . and the booke in the 24. of eltz. 3. which is your best booke , although while it is tossed at the bar , you have sometimes the word allegeance of england , yet when it comes to thorpe chiefe iustice to give the rule , he faith ; we will be certified by the role , whether scotland be within the allegeance of the king . nay that further forme of pleading beateth downe your opinion . that it sufficeth not to say , that he is borne out of the allegeance of the king , and stay there , but he must shew in the affirmative under the allegeance of what king , or state he was borne . the reason whereof cannot be because it may appeare , whether he be a friend or an enemy , for that in a reall action is all one : not it cannot be because issue shal be taken thereupon ; for the issue must arise on the other side upon indigena pleaded and traversed . and therefore it can have no other reason , but to apprise the court more certainly , that the countrey of the birth is none of those , that are subject to the king . as for the tryall , that it should be impossible to de tryed ; i hold it not worth the answering ; for the ovenire facias , shall goe either where the naturall birth is laid , although it be but by fiction , or if it be laid according to the truth , it shal be tryed where the action is brought , otherwise you fall upon a maine : rock , that breaketh your argument in pieces , for how should the birth of an irish-man be tryed , or of 2 gersie man ? nay how should the birth of a subject be tryed that is borne of english parents in spain or florence , or any part of the world ? for to all these the like objection of tryall may be made , because they are within no counties , and this receives no answer . and therefore i will now passe on to the second maine argument . it is a rule of the civill law , say they , cum duo jura , &c. when two rights doe meete in one person there is no confusion of them , but they remain still in eye of law distinct , as if they were in severall persons , and they bring examples of one man bishop of two seas , or one person that is rector of two churches . they say this unity in the bishop , or the rector doth not create any privity between the parishioners or dioceseners , more then if there were severall bishops , or severall parsons . this rule i allow ( as was said ) to be a rule not of the civill law onely , but of common reason , but receiveth no forced or coyned , but a true and sound distinction , or limitation , which is , that it evermore faileth and deceiveth in cases , where there is any vigor , or operation of the naturall person ; for generally in coporations the naturall body is but suffulcimentum corporis corporati , it is but as a stock to uphold and beare out the corporate body , but otherwise it is in the case of the crown , as shall be manifestly proved in due place . but to shew that this rule receiveth this distinction , i will put but two cases . the statute of the 21. hen. 8. ordaineth that a marquesse may retaine sixe chaplaines qualified , a lord treasurer of england foure , a privie counsellour three . the lord treasurer paulet was marqueffe of winchester , lord treasurer of england and privie counsellor all at once . question was whether hee should qualifie 13. chaplaines . now by the rule cum duo iura , he should ; but adjudged , he should not . and the reason was because the attendance of chaplaines concerned and respected his naturall person , he had but one soule , though he had three offices . the other case which i will put , is the case of homage , a man doth homage to his lord for a tenancie held of the mannor of dale , there descendeth unto him afterwards a tenancie held of the mannor of sale , which mannor of sale is likewise in the hands of the same lord . now by the rule cum duo jura , he should doe homage againe , two tenancies and two seignories , though but one tenant , and one lord , aequum est ac si esset in duobus . but ruled that he should not doe homageagaine : nay in the case of the king , hee shall not pay a second respect of homage , as upon grave and deliberate consideration it was resolved , 24. h. 8. and vsus scaccarii ; as is there said accordingly . and the reason is no other but because when a man is sworne to his lord , hee cannot be sworne over againe , he hath but one conscience , and the obligation of this oatli , trencheth betweene the naturall person of the tenant , and the naturall person of the lord . and certainly the case of homage and tenure , and of homage liege , which is one case , are things of a neere nature , save that the one is much inferiour to the other , but it is good to behold these great matters of state in cases of lower element , as the eclipse of the sun is used to be in a paile of water . the third maine argument conteyneth certain supposed inconveniences , which may ensue of a generall naturalization ipso jure , of which kind three have bin specially remembred . the first is the losse of profit , to the king upon letters of denization , and purchases of aliens . the second is the concourse of scottishmen into this kingdome , to the infeebling of that realme of scotland in people , and the impoverishing of this realme of england in wealth . the third is , that the reason of this case stayeth not within the compasse of the present case ; for although it were some reason that scottishmen were naturalized being people of the same iland and language , yet the reason which we urge , which is , that they are subject to the same king , may be applyed to persons every way more estranged from us then they are , as if in future time in the kings descendents , there should be a match with spaine , and the dominions of spaine should bee united with the crowne of england by one reason ( say they ) all the vvest-indies should be naturalized ; which are people not onely , alterius soli but alterius caeli . to these conceits of inconvenience , how easie it is to give answer , and how weake they are in themselves , i thinke no man that doth attentively ponder them can doubt ; for how small revenue can arise of such denizations , and how honourable it were for the king to take escheats of his subjects , as if they were forreyners ( for seisure of aliens lands are in regard the king hath no hold or command of their persons , and services ) every one may perceive . and for the confluence of scottishmen , i thinke wee all conceive the spring-tide is past at the kings first comming in . and yet wee see very few families of them , throughout the cities & boroughes of england . and for the naturalizing of the indies , we can readily helpe that , when the case comes ; for we can make an act of parliament of separation if we like not their consort . but these being reasons politique , and not legall ( and we are not now in parliament , but before a judgment seate ) i will not meddle with them , specially since i have one answer which avoids and confounds all their objections in law , which is that the very self-same objections doe hold in countreyes purchased by conquest . for in subjects obtained by conquest , it were more profit to indenizate by the poll , in subjects obteyned by conquest , they may come in too fast . and if king hen. 7. had accepted the offer of christopher columbus , whereby the crowne of england had obteyned the indies by conquest or occupation , all the indies had bin naturalized by the confession of the adverse part . and therfore since it is confessed , that subjects obteyned by conquest are naturalized , & that all these objections are common and indifferent , as well to case of conquest , as case of descent , these objections are in themselves destroyed . and therefore to proceed now to overthrow that distinction of descent and conquest . plato saith well , the strongest of all authorities is , if a man can alledge the authority of his adversaries against him selfe , we doe urge the confession of the other side , that they confessed the irish are naturalized , that they confesse the subjects of the iles of gersie and garnsey , and barwick to be naturalized , and the subjects of calice and tourney when they were english were naturalized , as you may find in the 5. e. in dyer , upon the question put to the judges by sir nicholas bacon lord keeper . to avoid this , they flye to a difference , which is new coyned , and is ( i speake not to the disadvantage of the persons that use it ; for they are driven to it tanquam ad ultimum refugium , but the difference it selfe ) it is i say full of ignorance and error . and therefore to take a view of the supports of this difference , they alledge foure reasons . the first is , that countreyes of conquest , are made parcell of england ; because they are acquired by the armes and treasure of england . to this i answer , that it were a very strange argument , that if i waxe rich upon the mannor of dale , and upon the revenue thereof purchase a close by it , that it should make that parcell of the mannor of dale . but i will set this new learning on ground with a question or case put . for j oppose them that hold this opinion with this question , if the king should conquer any forreigne countrey by an army compounded of english-men and scottish-men , as it is like whensoever warres are , so it will be . i demand whether this countrey conquered shall qe naturalized both in england and scotland , because it was purchased by the joynt armes of both ? and if yea , whether any man will thinke it reasonable , that such subjects bee naturalized in both kingdomes , the one kingdome not being naturalized towards the other ? these are the intricate consequences of conceits . a second reason they alledge , is , that countreyes won by conquest become subject to the lawes of england , which countries patrimoniall are not , and that the law doth draw the allegeance , and allegeance naturalization . but to the major proposition of that argument , touching the dependancy of aliegeance upon law , somewhat hath bin already spoken , and full answer shal be given when we come to it . but in this place it shall suffice to say , that the minor proposition is false , that is , that the lawes of england are not superinduced upon any countrey by conquest ; but that the old lawes remaine untill the king by his proclamation or letters pattents declare other lawes , and then if he will , hee may declare lawes which be utterly repugnant , and differing from the lawes of england . and hereof many antient presidents and records may be shewed ; that the reason why ireland is subject to the lawes of england is not ipso jure upon conquest ; but grew by acharter of k. john , and that extended but to so much as was then in the kings possession , for there arerecords in the time of king . s. 1 and 2 of divers particular grants to sundry subjects of ireland , and their heires , that they might use and observe the lawes of england . the third reason is , that there is a politique necessity of intermixture of people in case of subjection , by conquest to remove alienations of mind , & to securo the stato , which holdeth not in case of descent . here i perceive mr. 〈◊〉 hath read somewhat in matter of state , and so have i likewise , though we may both quickly lose ourselves in cause of this nature . i find by the best opinions , that there bee two meanes to assure and retaine in obedience countreyes conquered , both very differing , almost in extreames the one towards the other . the one is by colonies , and intermixture of people , and transplantation of families , which mr. walter spoke off , and it was indeed the romane manner but this is like an old relique , much reverenced and almost never used . but th'other which is the modern manner , and almost wholly in practice & use , is by garrisons and citadelles , and lists or companies of men of warre , and other like matters of terrour and bridle . to the first of these ( which is little used ) it it true that naturalization doth conduce , but to the latter it is utterly opposite , as putting too great pride , and meanes to do hurt , in those that are meant to be kept short and low . and yet in the very first case of the romane proceeding , naturalization did never follow by conquest , during all the growth , of the romane empire , but was ever conferred by charters , or donations , sometimes to cities , and townes , sometimes to particular persons , & sometimes to nations , untill the time of adrian the emperour , and the law in orbe romano , and that law or constitution is not referred to title of conquest and armes onely , but to all other titles ; as by the donation and testament of kings , by submission and dedition of states , or the like . so as this difference was as strange to them , as to us . and certainly i suppose it will sound strangely in the hearing of forreigne nations , that the law of england should ipso sacto , naturalize subjects of conquest , and should not naturalize subjects , which grow unto the king by descent ; that is , that it should conferre the benefit and priviledge of naturalization upon such , as cannot at the first but beare hatred and rancor to the state of england , and have had their hands in the bloud of the subjects of england , and should deny the like benefit to those that are conjoyned with them by a more amiable meane : and that the law of england , should conferre naturalization upon slaves and vassals ( for people conquered are no better in the beginning ) and should deny it to free-men : i say it will be marvelled at abroad , of what complexion the lawes of england bee made , that breedeth such differences . but there is little danger of such scandals ; for this is a difference , that the law of england never knew . the fourth reason of this difference is , that in case of conquest , the territory united can never be separated againe . but in case of descent , there is a possibility , if his majesties line should faile , the kingdomes may severe againe to their respective heires , as in the case of 8. h. 6. where it is said , that if land descend to a man , from the ancestor , on the part of his father , and a rent issuing out of it , from an ancestor , on the part of the mother , if the party dye without issue , the rent is revived . as to this reason , i know well the continuance of the kings line , is no lesse deare to those , that alleadge the reason , then to us that confute it . so as i doe not blame the passing of the reason ; but it is answered with no great difficulty ; for first the law doth never respect remote and forrein possibilities , as noteably appeared in the great case betweene sir hugh cholmley , and houlford in the exchequer , where one in the remainder , to the end to bridle tenant in tayle from suffering a common recovery , granted his remainder to the king , and because he would be sure to have it out again , without charge or trouble , when his turne was served ; he limitted it to the king , during the life of tenant in tayle . question grew whether this grant of remainder were good , yea or no . and it was said to be frivolous and void , because it could never by any possibility execute ; for tenant in tayle cannot surrender , and if he dyed , the remainder likewise ceased . to which it was answered , that there was a possibility , that it might execute , which was thus ; put case that tenant in tayle should enter into religion having no issue : then the remainder should execute , and the king should hold the land during the naturall life of tenant in tayle , notwithstanding his civill death . but the court una vate exploded this reason , and said , that monasteries were downe , and entries into religion gone ; and they must be up againe ere this could be , and that the law did not respect such remote , and forreine possibilities , & so we may hold this for the like ; for i think we all hope , that neither of those days shall ever come , either for monasteries to be restored , or for the k. line to faile , but the true answer is , that the possibility subsequēt , remote , or not remote doth not alter the operatiō of law for the present . for that should be , as if in case of the rent which you put , you should say , that in regard , that the rent maybe severed , it should be said , to be in esse in the meane time , and should be grantable , which is cleerely otherwise . and so in the principall cafe , if that should be ( which god of his goodnesse forbid ) cessante causa , cessat effectus , the benefit of naturalization for the time to come is dissolved . but that altereth not the operation of the law . rebus sic stantibus . and therefore i conclude , that this difference is but a devise full of weaknesse and ignorance : and that there is one , and the same reason of naturalizing subjects by descent , and subjects by conquest , and that is the union in the person of the king ; and therefore that the 〈◊〉 of scotland is as cleere , as that of ireland , and they that grant the one , cannot deny the other . and so i conclude the second part , touching confutation . to proceed therefore to the prooses of our part , your lordships cannot but know many of them must be already spent , in the answer which we have made to the objections . for corruptio unius , generatio alterius , holdes aswell in arguments , as in nature , the destruction of an objection begets a proofe . but neverthelefse , i will avoid all iteration , least i should seem either to distract your memories , or to abuse your patience ; but will hold my selfe onely to these proofs , which stand substantially of themselves , and are not intermixed with matter of confutation . i will therefore prove unto your lordships , that the post-natus of scotland is by the law of england nat●rall , and ought fo to be adjudged by three courses of proofe . 1. bi●●t upon point of favour of law . 2. secondly , upon reasons and authorities of law . 3. and lastly , upon former presidents & examples . favour of law , what meane j by that ? the law is equall , and favoureth not : it is true , not persons : but things or matters it doth favour . is it not a common principle , that the law favoureth three things , life , liberty , & dower ? and what is the reason of this favour ? this , because our law is grounded upon the law of nature . and these three things doe flow from the law of nature , preservation of life naturall , liberty , which every beast or bird seeketh and affecteth naturally , the society of man and wife , whereof dower is the reward naturall . it is well , doth the law favour liberty so highly , as a man shall infranchise his bondman , when hee thinketh not of it , by granting to him , lands or goods ? and is the reason of it , quia natura omnes homines erant liberi ? and that servitude or villenage , doth crosse and abridge the law of nature ? and doth not the selfe-same reason hold in the present case ; for my lords by the law of nature , all men in the world are naturalized one towards another , they were all made of one lumpe of earth , of one breath of god , they had the same common parents . nay at the first they were , as the scripture sheweth , unius labii , of one language , untill the curse , which curse ( thankes be to god ) our present case is exempted from . it was ciuill and nationall lawes , that brought in these words , and differences of civis and exterus , alien & native and therefore because they tend to abridge the law of nature , the law favoureth not them , but takes them strictly , even as our law hath an excellent rule , that customes of townes & burroughes shall be taken and construed strictly & precisely , because they doe abridge and derogate from the law of the land . so by the same reason all nationall lawes whatsoever , are to be taken strictly and hardly in any point wherein they abridge , and derogate from the law of nature . whereupon i conclude that your lordships cannot judge the law for the other side , except the case be luce clarius . and if it appeare to you but doubtfull , as i thinke no man in his right senses but will yeeld it , to be at least doubtfull , then ought your lordships ( under your correction be it spoken ) to pronounce for us because of the favour of the law . furthermore as the law of england must favour naturalization , as a branch of the law of nature : so it appeares manifestly , that it doth favour it accordingly . for is it not much to make a subject naturalized ? by the law of england , it should suffice , either place or parents , if he be born in england , it is matter no though his parents be spanyards , or what you will . on th'other side , if he be borne of english parents , it skilleth not though he be borne in spaine , or in any other place of the world . in such sort doth the law of england open her lappe to receive in people to be naturalized , which indeed sheweth the wisedome and excellent composition of our law . and that it is the law of a warlike and magnanimous nation , sit for empire . for looke , and you shall find that such kind of estates have been ever liberall in point of naturalization : whereas marchant-like and envious estates have bin otherwise . for the reasons of law joyned with authorities , i doe first observe to your lordships , that our assertion or affirmation is simple and plaine : that it sufficeth to naturalization , that there be one king , and that the party be , natus ad sidem regis , agreeable to the definition of littleton : which is . alien is he which is born out of the allegeance of our lord the king . they of th'other side speak of respects , and quoad and quatenus , and such subtilties and distinctions . to maintaine therefore our assertion , j will use three kindes of proofes . the first is , that allegeance cannot be applyed to the law or kingdome , but to the person of the king , because the allegeance of the subject is more large and spatious , and hath a greater latitude , and comprehension , then the law or the kingdome . and therefore it cannot be a dependency of that , without the which it may of it selfe subsist . the second proofe which i will use , is , that the naturall body of the king hath an operation and influence into his body politique , aswell as his body politique hath upon his body naturall , and therefore that although his body politique of king of england , and his body politique of king of scotland be soverall and distinct : yet neverthelesse , his naturall person , which is one , hath an operation upon both , and createth aprivity betweene them . and the third proofe is the binding text of five severall statutes . for the first of these i shall make it manifest , that the allegeance is of a greater extent , and dimension , then lawes or kingdome , and cannot confist by the lawes meerely , because it began before laws , it continueth after lawes , and it is in vigour where lawes are suspended , and have not their force . that it is more antient then law , appeareth by that which was spoken in the beginning by way of inducement where i did endeavour to demonstrate , that the originall age of kingdomes was governed by naturall equity , that kings were more antient then law-givers , that the first submissions were simple , and upon confidence to the person of kings , and that the allegeance of subjects to hereditary monarchies , can no more be said to consist by lawes , then the obedience of children to parents . that allegeance continueth after lawes , i will onely put the case , which was remembred by two great judges in a great assembly , the one of them now with god , which was : that if a king of . england should be expalsed his kingdome , and some particular subjects should follow him in flight , or exile in forreigne parts , and any of them there should conspire his death , that upon his rocoveryof his kingdome ; such a subject might by the law of england be proceeded with ; for treason committed and perpetrated at what time he had no kingdome , and in place wher ethe law did not bind . that allegeance is in vigour and force , where the power of law hath a cessation appeareth notably in time of warres , for silent leges inter arma . and yet the soveraignty , and imperiall power of the king , is so farre , from being then extinguished , or suspended ; as contrariwsse it is raised , and made more absolute , for then he may proceed by his supreame authority , and martiall law without observing formalities of the lawes of his kingdome . and therefore whosoever speaketh of lawes , and the kings power by lawes , and the subjects obedience , or allegeance to lawes , speake but of one halfe of the crowne . for bracton out of justinian doth truly define , the crowne to consist of lawes and armes , power civill and martiall , with the latter whereof the law doth not intermeddle , so as where it is much spoken that the subjects of england are under one law , and the subjects of scotland are under another law , it is true at edenborough or sterling , or againe in london , or yorke ; but if englishmen and scottishmen meet in an army royall before calice . i hope then they are under one law . so likewise not onely in time of warre , but in time of peregrination : if a king of england travaile , or passe through forraine territories ; yet the allegeance of his subjects followeth him , as appeareth in that not able case which is reported in 〈◊〉 , where one of the traine of k. ed. i. as be past through france from the holy land , imbezelled some silver plate at paris , and jurisdiction was demanded of this crime by the french kings counsell at law . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and demanded likewise by the officers of k. edw. ratione personae , and after much solemnity and contestation and interpleading , it was ruled and determined for king edward , and the party tryed and judged before the knight marshall of the kings house , and hanged after the english law , and execution in st. germaines meadovves : and so much for my first proofe . for my second maine proofe ; that is drawn from the true & legall distinction of the kings severall capacities ; for they that maintaine the contrary opinion , doe in effect destroy the whole force of the kings naturall capacity , as if it were drowned and swallowed up by his politique . and therefore i will first prove to your lordships , that his two capacities are in no sort confounded ; and secondly , that as his capacity politique worketh so upon his naturall person , as it makes it differ from all other the naturall persons of his subjects : so è converso , his naturall body worketh so upon his politique , as the corporation of the crowne utterly differeth from all other corporations within the realme . for the first i will vouch you the very words which i find in that notable case of the dutchie , where the question was , whether the grants of king ed. 6. for dutchy lands should be avoyded in points of nonage . the case , as your lordships know well , is reported by mr. plowden , as the generall resolution of all the judges of england , and the kings learned counsell , ruswell the solicitour , onely except , there i find the said words , comment . fol. 215. there is in the king not a body naturall alone , nor a body politique alone , but a body naturall and politique together , ●●●pus corporatum in corpore naturali , & corpus naturale in corpore corporato . the like i find in the great case of the lord barkeley set downe by the same reporter , comment fol. 234. though there be in the king two bodies , and that those two bodies are conjoyned ; yet are they by no meanes confounded the one by the other . now then to see the mutuall and reciprocall entercourse , as i may terme it , or influence , or communication of qualities that these bodies have one upon the other . the body politique of the crowne indueth the naturall person of the king with these perfections . that the king in law shall never be said to be within age ; that his blood shall never be corrupted ; and that , if he were attainted before , the very assumption of the crown purgeth it . that the k. shall not take but by matter of record , although he take in his naturall capacity , as upon a guift in taile . that his body in law shall be said to be as it were immortall , for there is no death of the king in law , but a demise as it is tearmed ; with many other the like priviledges , and differences from other naturall persons too long to rehearse , the rather because the question laboureth not in that part . but on the contrary part , let us see what oporations the kings naturall person hath upon his crowne and body politique : of which the chiefest and greatest is , that it causeth the crowne to goe by descent , which is a thing strange , and contrary to the course of all corporations , which evermore take in succession , and not by descent , for no man can shew mee in all the corporations of england , of what nature soever , vvhether they consist of one person , or of many : or whether they be temporall or ecclesiasticall , any one takes to him and his heires , but all to him and his successours ; and therefore here you may see what a weake course that is , to put cases of bishops and parsons , and the like , and to apply them to the crowne . for the king takes to him and his heires in the manner of a naturall body , and the word successours is but superfluous , and where that is used that is ever duly placed after the words heires . the king , his heires and successours . againe no man can deny but vxor & filius sunt nomina naturae . a corporation can have no wife ; nor a corporation can have no sonne ; how is it then , that it is treason to compasse the death of the queene , or of the prince . there is no part of the body politique of the crovvne in either of them , but it is entirely in the king . so likewise we find in the case of the lord barkeley , the question was whether the statute of 35. h. 8. for that part which concerned queene katherine pars joynture were a publique act or no , of which the judges ought to take notice , not being pleaded : and judged a publique act. so the like question came before your lordship , my lord chancellour , in serjeant . heales case : whether the statute of 11. of ed. 3 concerning the intayling of the dukedome of cornewall to the prince vvere a publique act or no ; and ruled likewise a publique act. why ? no man can affirme , but these be operations of lavv , proceeding from the dignity of the naturall person of the king : for you shall never find that another corporation vvhatsoever of a bishop or master of a colledge , or major of london , vvorketh any thing in lavv upon the vvife , or sonne of the bishop or the major . and to conclude this point and vvithall to come neere to the case in question , i will shew you where the naturall person of the king hath not onely an operation in the case of his wife and children , but likewise in the case of his subjects , which is the very question in hand : as for example , i put this case , can a scottishman who is a subject to the naturall person of the king , and not to the crowne of england , can a scottishman , i say , be an enemy by the lavv to the subjects of england , or must he not of necessity , if he should invade england , be a rebell , and no enemy not onely as to the king , but as to the subject ? or can any letters of marte or reprisall be granted against a scottishman , that should spoyle an english-mans goods at sea , and certainly this case doth presse exceeding neere the principall case , for it prooveth plainly , that the naturall person of the king , hath such a communication of qualities with his body politique ; as it makes the subjects of either kingdomes stand in another degree of privity one towards the other ; then they did before . and so much for the second proofe . for the five acts of parliament which i spoke of which are concluding to this question ? the first of them is , that concerning the banishment of hugh spencer in the time of king ed. 2. in which act there is contained , the charge , and accusation whereupon his exile proceeded . one article of which charge is set downe in these words . homage and oath of the subject is more by reason of the crowne , then by reason of the person of the king . so that if the king doth not guide himselfe by reason in right of the crowne , his lieges are bound by their oath to the crowne to remoove the king . by which act doth plain'y appeare the perilous consequence of this distinction concerning the person of the king , and the crowne . and yet j doe acknowledge justice , and ingeruously a great difference betweene that assertion and this , which is now maintained : for it is one thing to make things distinct , another thing to make them separable , aliud est distinctio , aliud separatio , and therefore j assure my selfe , that those , that now use and urge that diftinction dee as firmely hold , that the subjection to the kings person , and to the crowne , are inseparable , though distinct , as i doe . and it is true that the poyson of the opinion , & assertion of spencer is like the poyson of a scorpion , more in the taile then in the body : for it is the inference that they make which is , that the king may be deposed or removed , that is , the treason and dislayalty of that opinion : but by you leave the body is never a whit the more wholesome meare , for having such a tayle belonging to it : therefore we see that is locus lubricus , an opinion from which a man may ea●ly slide into an absurdity . but upon this act of parliament , i will onely note one circumstance more , and so leave it , which may adde authority unto it in the opinion of the wisest , and that is , that these spencers , were not ancient nobles or great patriots that were charged and prosecuted by upstarts and favourites : for then that might be said that it was but the action of some flatterers , who use to extoll the power of monarches to be infinite , but it was contrary ; a prosecution of those persons being favourites by the nobility , so as the nobility themselves which seldome doe subscribe to the opinion of an infinite power of monarches . yet even they could not endure , but their blood did rise to heare that opinion : that subjection is owing to the crowne , rather then to the person of the king . the second act of parliament which determined this case , is the act of recognition in the first yeare of his majestie , wherein you shall find , that in two severall places , the one in the preamble , the other in the body of the act , the parliament doth recognize , that these two realmes of england and scotland are under one imperiall crowne . the parliament doth not say under one monarchie or king which mought referre to the person , but under ono imperiall crowne , which cannot be applyed but to the soveraigne power of regiment , comprehending both kingdomes . and the third act of parliament is the act made in the fourth yeare of his majesties raigne for the abolition of hostile lawes , wherein your lordships shall find likewise in two places , that the parliament doth acknowledge , that there is an union of these two kingdomes already begun in his majesties person . so as by the declaration of that act , they have not onely one king , but there is an union in inception in the kingdomes , themselves . these two are judgements in parliament by way of declaration of law , against which no man can speake . and certainly these are righteous and true iudgements to be relyed upon ; not onely for the authority of them , but for the verity of them , for to any that shall well , and deeply weigh the effects of law upon this conjunction , it cannot but appeare , that although partes integrales of the kingdome ( as the philosophers speake ) such as the lawes , the officers , the parliament are not yet commixed ; yet neverthelesse there is but one , and the selfe-same fountaine of soveraigne power depending upon the ancient submission , whereof i spake in the beginning , and in that sense , the crownes and the kingdomes are truly said to be united . and the force of this truth is such , that a grave and learned gent. that defended the contrary opinion , did confesse thus farre : that in ancient times when monarchies ( as he said ) were but heapes of people , without any exact forme of policy , that the naturalization and communication of priviledges did follow the person of the monarch . but otherwise since states were reduced to a more exact forme : so as thus farre we did consent ; but still i differ from him in this , that those more exact formes wrought by time , and custome , and lawes , are neverthelesse still upon the first foundation , and doe serve onely to perfect and corroborate the force and bond of the first submission , and in no sort to disanullor destroy it . and therefore with these two acts doe j likewise couple the act of 14. ed. 3. which hath beene alleadged of the other side . for by collating of that act with this former too , the truth of that we affirme will the more evidently appeare , according unto the rule of reason : opposita juxta se posita magis elucescunt . that act of 14. is an act of separation . these two acts formerly recited are acts tending to union . this act is an act that maketh a new law , it is by the words of grant and establish , these two acts declare the common law , as it is , being by words of recognition and confession . and therefore upon the difference of these lawes you may fubstantially ground this position . that the common-law of england upon the adjunction of any kingdome unto the king of england , doth make some degree of union in the crownes , and kingdomes themselves : except by a speciall act of parliament they be dissevered . lastly , the 5. act of parliament , which i promised is the act made in the 42. of e. 3. cap. ● . 10. which is expresse decision of the point in question . the words are , item , ( upon the petition put into parliament by the commons , ) that infants borne beyond the seas in the seignories of callice , and elsewhere within the lands and seignories that pertain to our soveraign lord the king beyond the seas , bee as able and inheritable of their heritage in england , as other infants borne within the realme of england , it is accorded that the common-law and the statute formerly made be holden . upon this act , j inferre thus much , first that such as the petition mentioneth , were naturalized , the practice shewes ; then , if so , it must be either by common-law , or statute ; for so the words report , not by statute ; for there is no other statute , but 25. of e. 3. and that extends to the case of birth out of the kings obedience , where the parents are english , ergo it was by the common-law , for that onely remaines . and so by the declarations of this statute at the common-law . all infants borne within the lands and seignories ( for i give you the very words againe ) that pertaine to our soveraigne lord the king , it is not said , as are the dominions of england , are as able and inheritable of their heritage in england , as other infants borne within the realme of england : what can be more plaine ? and so i leave statutes , and goe to presidents ; for though the one doe bind more , yet the other sometimes doth satisfie more . for presidents in the producing & using of that kind of proofe , of all others it behoveth them to be faithfully vouched ; for the suppressing or keeping back of a circumstance may change the case , and therefore j am determined to urge only such presidents , as are without all colour or scruple of exception , or objection , even of those objections which i have , to my thinking fully answered & confuted . this is now , by the providence of god the fourth time that the line , and kings of england have had dominions & seignories united unto them , as patrimonies , and by descent of bloud ; foure unions i say there have bin inclusive with this last . the first was of normandy in the person of william commonly called the conqueror . the 2d . was of gascoyne , and guienne , and anjou in the person of k. hen. the 2d . in his person i say , though by severall titles . the 3. was of the crowne of france , in the person of k. edw. the third . and the 4th . of the kingdome of scotland in his majesty . of these i will set aside such , as by any cavillation can be excepted unto . first , j will set aside normādy , because it will be said , that the difference of countryes accruing by conquest , from countryes annexed by descent in matter of communication of priviledges holdeth both wayes , as well of the part of the conquering kingdome , as the conquered . and therfore that although normandy was not conquest of england , yet england was a conquest of normandy , and so a communication of priviledges between them . againe , set aside france , for that it will be said , that although the king had a title in bloud , and by descent , yet that title was executed and recovered by armes : so as it is a mixt title of conquest & descent , and therefore the president not so cleare . there remaines then gascoyne & anjou , and that president , likewise i will reduce and abridge to a time to avoid all question . for it will bee said of them also , that after they were lost and recovered in ore gladii , that the antient title of bloud was extinct & that the king was in upon his new title by conquest , & mr. walter had found a book case , in 13. of h. 6. abridged by mr. fitz-herbert , in title of protection , placito 56. where a protection was cast , ●uia profecturus in gasconiam with the earlo of huntingdon , and challenged because it was not a voyage royall , & the justices thereupon required the sight of the cōmission , which was brought before them , & purported power to pardon felouies , & treason , power to coyn money , & power to conquer them that resist , wherby m. walter finding the word conquest , collected that the kings title at that time was reputed to bee by conquest , wherein i may not omit to give obiter that answer , which law and truth provideth , namely that when any king obreyneth by warre a countrey , whereunto he hath right by birth , that hee is ever in upon his antient right , not upon his purchase by conquest ; and the reason is , that there is as well a judgement and recovery by warre and armes , as by law and course of justice ; for war is a tribunall seat , wherein god giveth the judgment , & the tryall is by battaile , or duell , as in the case of tryall of private right , and then it followes , that whosoever commeth in by eviction , comes in his remitter : so as there will bee no difference in countreyes whereof the right commeth by descent , whether the possession be obtained peaceably or by war , but yet neverthelesse , because i will utterly take away all manner of evasion , & subterfuge , i will yet set apart that part of time in and during , the which , the subjects of gascoyne & guyenne might bee thought to be subdued by a reconquest . and therefore i will not meddle with the prior of shellies case , though it be an excellent case ; because it was in that time , 27. of e. 3. neither will i meddle with any cases , records , or presidents , in the time of king h. 5. or king h. 6. for the same reason , but will hold my selfe to a portion of time , from the first uniting of these provinces in the time of king h. 2. untill the time of k. iohn . at what time those provinces were lost , and from that time againe unto the 17. yeere of the reigne of k. edw. 2. at what time the statute of proerogativa rogis was made , which altered the law in the point in hand . that both in these times , the subjects of gascoyn and guyenne , and anjou , were naturalized for inheritance in england by the lawes of england . i shall manifestly prove , and the proofe proceeds , as to the former time ( which is our case ) in a very high degree , a minore ad majus , and as we say , a multo fortiore for if this priviledge of naturalization remained unto them when the countreyes were lost , and became subjects in possession to another king : much more did they enjoy it , as long as they continued under the kings subjection . therefore to open the state of this point . after these provinces were through the perturbations of the state in the infortunate time ofk. iohn lost , and severed , the principall persons which did adhere unto the french were attainted of treason , and their efcheats here in england taken and seized . but the people that could not resist the tempest , when their heads and leaders were revolted , continued inheritable to their possessions in england , and reciprocally the people of england inherited and succeeded to their possessions in gascoyne , and were both accounted , ad fidem utriusque regis , untill the statute of proerogativa regis , wherein the wisdome and justice of the law of england is highly to be commended . for of this law , there are two grounds of reason , the one of equity , the other of policy . that of equity was because the common people were in no fault , but as the scripture saith in a like case , quid fecerunt oves iftoe ? it was the cowardise and disloyalty of their governours that deserved punishmēt , butwhat had these sheep done , and therefore to have punish't them , and deprived them of their lands & fortunes had bin unjust . that of policy was , because if the law had forthwith upon the losse of the countreyes by an accident of time pronounced the people for aliens , it had been a kind of cession of their right , and a diselaymer in them , and so a greater difficulty to recover them . and therefore we see the statute , which altered the law in this point , was made in the time of a weake king , that , as it seemed , despaired ever to recover his right , and therefore thought better to have a little present profit by escheats , then the continuance of his claime , and the countenance of his right by the admitting of them to enjoy their inheritances , as they did before . the state therefore of this point , being thus opened , it resteth to prove our assertion that they were naturalized ; for the clearing whereof , i shall need but to reade the authorities , they be so direct and pregnant . the first is the very text of the statute of praerogativa regis . rex habebit escaetas de terris normannorum cujuscunque feodi fuerint , salvo servitio , quod pertinet ad capitales dominos feodi illius , & hoc similiter intelligendum est , si aliqua haereditus descendat alicui nato in partibus transmarinis , & cujus antecefsores fuerunt ad fidem regis franciae , ut tempore regis iohannis , & non ad fidem regis angliae , sicut contigit de baronia monumetae , &c. by which statute it appeares plainly that before the time of king iohn , there was no colour of any escheare , because they were the kings subjects in possession , as scotland now is , but onely it determines the law , from that time forward . this statute if it had in it any obscurity , it is taken away by two lights , the one placed before it , and th'other placed after it , both authors of great credit the 〈◊〉 for antient , th'other for late times . the former is 〈◊〉 in his cap. de exception 〈…〉 , lib. 5. fol. 427. and his words are these , est etiam & alia exceptie quae tenenti competitex persona petentis propter defectum nationis , quae dilatoria est , & nonperimit actionem , ut si qnis alienigena qui fuerit ad fidem regis franciae , & actionem instituat versus aliquem qui fuerit ad fidem regis angliae , tali nonrespondeatur saltem donec terrae fuerint communes . by these words it appeareth , that after the losse of the provinces beyond the seas , the naturalization of the subjects of those provinces was in no sort extinguished , but onely was in suspence during time of warre and no longer ; for he saith plainly , that the exception which we call plea to the person of alien , was not peremptory but onely dilatory , that is to say , during the time of war , and untill there were peace concluded , which hee tearmes by these words , donec terrae fuerint communes , which though the phrase seeme somewhat obscure is expounded by bracton himselfe in his fourth booke , fol. 297. to be of peace made and concluded whereby the inhabitants of england , and those provinces might enjoy the profits and fruits of their lands in either place communiter , that is respectively , or as well the one as th'other : so as it is cleere , they were no aliens in right , but onely interrupted and debarred of suites in the kings courts in time of warre . the authority after the statute , is , that of master stamfords , the best expositor of a statute that hath bin in our law , a man of reverend judgment , & excellent order in his writings , his words are in his expositiō upon the branch of that statute which we read before . by this branch it should appeare , that at this time men of normandy , gascoyne , guienne , anjou , and brittaine were inheritable within this realme , aswell as english-men , because that they were sometimes subjects to the kings of england and under their dominion , untill k. johns time , as is aforesaid , & yet after his time , those men ( saving such whose lands were taken away for treason ) were still inheritable within this realme , till the making of this statute , and in the time of peace betweene the two kings of england , and france , they were answerable within this realme , if they had brought any action for their lands and tenements . so as by these three authorities , every one so plainly pursuing th'other , we conclude that the subjects of gascoyne , guienne , anjou , and the rest from their first union by descent , untill the making of the statute , of praerogativa regis , were inheritable in england , and to be answered in the kings courts in all actions , except it were in time of warre . nay more ( which is de abundante ) that when the provinces were lost , and disannexed , and that the king was but king de jure over them , and not de facto : yet neverthelesse , the priviledge of naturalization continued . there resteth yet one objection , rather plausible to a popular understanding , then any waies forcible in law , or learning , which is a difference taken between the kingdome of scotland , and these dutchies , for that the one is a kingdome , and th'other was not so , and therefore that those provinces being of an inferiour nature , did acknowledge our lawes , and seales , and parliament which the kingdome of scotland doth not . this difference was well given over by mr. walter , for it is plaine , that a kingdome and absolute dukedome , or any other soveraigne estate doe differ honore , and not potestate ; for divers dutchies , and countries that are now , were sometimes kingdomes ; and divers kingdomes that are now , were sometimes dutchies , or of other inferiour style , wherein we neede not travaile abroad since we have in our owne state so notorious an instance of the countrey of ireland , whereof king h. 8. of late time was the first that writ himselfe king the former style being l. of ireland and no more , and yet kings had the same authority before , that they have had since and the same nation the same marks of a soveraigne state , as their parliaments , their armes , their coynes , as they now have , so as this is too superficiall an allegation labour upon . and if any doe conceive , that gascoyne and guyenne were governed by the lawes of england . first , that cannot be in reason , for it is a true ground , that wheresoever any princes title unto any countrey is by law , he can never change the lawes , for that they create his title : and therefore no doubt those dutchies retained their owne lawes , which if they did , then they could not be subject to the lawes of england and next againe the fact or practize was otherwise , as appeareth by all consent of story and record : for those dutchies continued governed by the civill law , their tryalls by witresses and not by jurie , their lands testamentary , and the like . now for the colours , that some have endeavoured to give , that they should have beene subordinate to the government of england , they were partly weake , and partly such as make strongly against them , for as to that , that writs of habeas corpus under the great seale of england have gone to gascoyne , it is no manner of proofe , for that the kings writs which are mendatory and not writs of ordinary justice may goe to his subjects into any forraine parts whatsoever , and under what seale it pleaseth him to use ; and as to that , that some acts of parliament have beene cited , wherein the parliaments of england have taken upon them to order matters of gascoyne , if those statutes be well looked into , nothing doth more plainly convince the contrary , for they intermeddle with nothing but that that concerneth either the english subjects personally , or the territories of england locally , and never the subjects of gascoyne , for looke upon the statute of 27. of ed. 3. ca. 5. there it is said , that there shall be no fore-stasting of wines , but by whom ? onely by english merchants , not a word of the subjects of gascoyne , and yet no doubt they mighr be offenders in the same kind . so in the sixt chapter it is said , that all marchants , gascoyoes may safely bring wines into what part it shall please them , here now are the persons of gascoynes , but then the place whether● into the realme of england , and in the 7. chap. that erects the ports of burdeaux and bayonne , for the staple townes of wine , the statute ordaines that if any , but who ? english marchant or his servants shall buy or bargaine other where , his body shall be arrested by the steward of gascoyne , or the constable of burdeaux : true , for the officers of england could not catch him in gascoyne , but what shall become of him , shall he be proceeded with within gascoyne ? no , but he shall be sent over into england into the tower of london . and this doth notably disclose the reason of that custome , which some have sought to wrest the other way , that custome , i say , whereof a forme doth yet remaine , that in every parliament the king doth appoint certaine committees in the upper-house to receive the petitions of normandy , guyenne and the rest , which as by the former statute doth appeare could not be for the ordering of the governments there , but for the liberties , and good usage of the subjects of those parts , when they came hither , or via versa , for the restraining of the abuses and misdemeanors of our subjects when they went thither . wherefore i am now at an end . for us to speake of the mischiefes , i hold it not fit for this place , left we should seeme to bend the lawes to policy and not to take them in their true and naturall sense . it is enough that every man knowes , that it is true of these two kingdomes , which a good father said of the churches of christ : si inseparabiles insuperabiles . some things i may have forgot , and some things perhaps i may forget willingly ; for i will not presse any opinion or declaration of late time which may prejudice the liberty of this debate , but ex dictis , & ex non dictis , upon the whole matter i prove judgement for the plaintiffe . a journey to england with some account of the manners and customs of that nation. written at the command of a nobleman in france. made english. evelyn, john, 1620-1706. 1700 approx. 46 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38791 wing e3490a estc r219623 99831079 99831079 35541 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38791) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 35541) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2048:30) a journey to england with some account of the manners and customs of that nation. written at the command of a nobleman in france. made english. evelyn, john, 1620-1706. [8], 35, [1] p. printed, and sold by a. baldwin, near the oxford-arms-inn in warwick-lane, london : 1700. with a half title. gathered in 4's. includes a table of contents. reproduction of the original in the christ church college library, oxford. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -description and travel -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a journey to england , &c. a journey to england . with some account of the manners and customs of that nation . written at the command of a nobleman in france . made english . london : printed , and sold by a. baldwin , near the oxford-arms-inn in warwick-lane . 1700. to the reader . when i first chanced upon this severe piece , and read it in the language it was sent me , i was so much concern'd for the honour of our country , that it was my resolution to suppress the publication of our shame , as conceiving it an act of great inhumanity ; but upon second , and more impartial thoughts , i have been tempted to make it speak english , and give it liberty , not to reproach , but to instruct our nation , remembring what the wise-man hath said , open rebuke is better than secret love. prov. 27. 5. the truth is , i cannot say but the particulars , are most of them , very home ; and which we may no way evade , without acknowledging , at least , that the gentleman ( whoever he were ) made notable use of his time , but best of all , by setting upon an effectual redress of what is amiss . and though i doubt not , but one might easily retort in as many instances , upon defects as great ( if not greater ) of that nation ; ( for he that finds fault , had need be perfect ) yet were it then fittest to do it , and to revenge this charitable office , when we shall have first reformed our selves . farewel . contents . ale aud ale-houses pag. 14 beauty of the ladies 3 bowling-greens 33 balls 27 bunglers at raillery 28 confidence of the inn-keepers 4 cough ( the generality of it 14 description of the country 3 — of london 5 — of the presbyterians 7 — of the independents , anabaptists , quakers , &c. 12 dancing masters , their insolence 28 hide park 29 horses , dogs , &c. 33 ill manners of people at london . 5 lords surley 24 ladies go to taverns 16 — want confidence 21 — have familiar ways with them 23 — have no standard for dressing 22 old women wear colour'd clothes p. 22 pleading at westminster 31 quarelling 18 spring-garden 29 taverns 15 with-drawing-rooms ( don 't know how to use them 34 younger brothers rob on the high-ways . 20 end of the contents . a journey to england , &c. my lord , you command me to give you a minute account of what i observed , and how i passed that little time which i lately spent in england ; a country , whose character you so greatly desire to be informed of , in a conjuncture ( as you rightly deduce ) of strange vicissitude , and indeed they are a people of all the world most fond of alterations ; and to whom , my lord , should i more readily submit ? first , encourag'd to make this excursion by your lordship , who had formerly beheld , and so much admir'd the splendor and magnificence of this court , and kingdom in its greatest acme and lustre . but , my lord , i cannot imagine , that you should esteem me either of years , or capacity to inform you , whose judgment is so mature , and correspondence so universal , as that there is nothing which can escape your cognizance , not only in that island , but in all the vvorld besides . but since you oblige me not to dip into the transactions of state , the effects of providence , time , and other notices of a superiour orb ; and in which you cannot be instructed by so weak an instrument as your servant ; and demand only the little remarks of my hasty , and desultory peregrination ; though i cannot pretend to improve your lordship's knowledge , yet i may hope to give it diversion , and an essay of my obedience . it must be avowed that england is a sweet , and fertil country . terra potens armis , atque ubere gleba . that the fields , the hills , and the vallies are perpetually clad with a glorious , and agreeable verdure ; that her provisions are plentiful ; her staples important ; and her interest very considerable ; not omitting the most beautiful ladies , i had almost said , of the vvorld , but for a just respect due to the illustrious circles of our court , where the beauties of conversation , so far transcend the tinctures of lillies and roses . but these , my lord , are not the memoirs which you demand ; i will therefore hasten to my post . after a short passage from calais , we came on shore at dover , where the people of the town entertain'd us with such suspicious and forbidding countenances , whispering , and stiff postures , that i should never have believed so great a difference in the addresses of two nations , could have been produced by so short a trajection , and in a port continually accustom'd to the faces of strangers , had not the contrary humours of our contiguous neighbours , the spaniards , made it possible , in so many pleasant instances . but i was amazed , when we had taken post , and scarce out of the village , at the acclamations of the boys , running after , and affrighting our horses , hooting , and crying out , french dogs , french dogs , a monsieur , monsieur ! by a particular expression of welcome , which other people would interpret derision ; but in this triumph ( though somewhat late e'er we set out of dover ) we attain'd as far as rochester the first night , where , how new a thing it appeared to me , to see my confident host set him down cheek by joul by me , belching , and puffing tobacco in my face , you may easily imagine , till i afterwards found it to be the usual stile of this country ; and that the gentlemen , who lodge at their inns , entertain themselves in their company , and are much pleas'd with their impertinences : arriv'd at the metropolis of civility , london , we put our selves in coach , with some persons of quality , who came to conduct us to our lodging ; but neither was this passage without honours done to us , the kennel dirt , and roots being favours which were frequently cast at us by the children , and apprentices without reproof ; civilities , that in paris , a gentleman as seldom meets withal , as with the contests of car-men , who in this town domineer in the streets , o'er-throw the hell-carts ( for so they name the coaches ) cursing , and reviling at the nobles : you would imagine yourself amongst a legion of devils , and in the suburb of hell. i have greatly wondered at the remisness of the magistrate , and the temper of the gentlemen , and that the citizens , who subsist only upon them , should permit so great a disorder , rather joining in the affronts , than at all chastizing the inhumanity . but , these are the natural effects of parity , popular libertinism , and insulary manners . i find , as you told me , my lord , london to be a town so nobly scituated , and upon such a river , as europe certainly shews not one more useful and agreeable ; their fountains , which are the pride and grace of our streets , and plentifully supplyed in this city , are here immur'd , to secure the waters from , i know not what , impurities : but certainly , it do's greatly detract from the beauty of the carfours , and intercepts the view . amongst the piece of modern architecture , i have never observ'd above two , which were remarkable in this vast , city . the church of st. paul's , and the banqueting-house at white-hall , of which i remember to have heard your lordship speak : but you would be amaz'd at the genius of these people , that not much above forty years ago should suffer this goodly and venerable fabrick , to be built about and converted into raskally ware-houses , and so sordidly obscur'd and defac'd , that an argument of great avarice , malice , meanness , and deformity of mind , cannot possibly be expressed : nothing here of ornament , nothing of magnificence , ( only a heavy piece of architecture ; ) no publick and honourable works , such as render our paris , and other cities of france , renowned , and visited by all the world ; emulating even italy herself , for her palaces , uniform and conspicuous structures : i assure your lordship , that england is the sole spot in all the world , where among christians their churches have been made jakes , and stables , markets and tipling-houses ; and where there were more need of scorpions , than thongs , to drive out the publicans and money-changers : in sum , where these excellent uses , are pretended to be the marks of piety and reformation . i had sometimes the curiosity to visit the several worships of these equivocal christians , and enthusiasts : but i extreamly wondred to find those whom they call presbyterians , and that would imitate us of the religion in france and geneva , to have their discipline so confused and different . in this remark , my lord , to be somewhat more particular , you will not be displeas'd ; because it was a thing you so much recommended to my especial notice . form , they observe none ; they pray and read without method , and indeed , without reverence or devotion ; i have beheld a whole congregation sit on their — with their hats on , at the reading of the psalms , and yet bare-headed when they sing them , in divers places they read not the scriptures at all ; but up into the pulpit , where they make an insipid , tedious and immethodical prayer , in phrases , and a tone so affected and mysterious , that they give it the name of canting , a term by which they do usually express the gibbrish of beggars and vagabonds ; after which , there follows the sermon , consisting ( like their prayers ) of speculative and abstracted notions , and things , which , nor the people , nor themselves , well understand : but these they extend to an extraordinary length , and pharisaical repetitions ; 'till almost they sleep ; i am sure , 'till their auditors do . the minister uses no habit of distinction , or gravity , but steps up in querpo ; and when he lays by his cloak ( as i have observed some of them ) he has the action rather of a thrasher , than a divine ; this they call taking pains , and indeed it is so , to those that hear them : but thus they have now encouraged every pert mechanick to invade , affront and out-preach them ; and having cancel'd all manner of decency , prostituted both their persons and function to usurpation , penury and derision . you may well imagine by the manners of the people , and their prodigious opinions , that there is no catechisms , nor sacraments duly administred : the religion of england is preaching , and sitting still on sundays . how they baptize i know not , because the congregation is dismissed , and they agree in no form ; and for the other sacraments , no man gives , or receives alike : such of their churches as i have frequented , were damned up with pues , every three or four of the inhabitants , sitting in narrow pounds or pulpits , by themselves ; for they are all turn'd preachers now , in short , there is nothing more unlike to our reformed churches in france and i think in all europe beside ; the apprehension of popery , or fondness to their own imaginations , having carry'd them so far to the other extream , that they have now lost all moderation , and decorum ; and i have been herein , my lord , the more industrious to inform my self of each particular ; because it seems yet to be as publick as the religion of the state. some of their own party , i have heard deplore this confusion , but certainly , they themselves gave the first occasion to these monstrous liberties , by a rigid , and uncharitable discipline ; primarily ( it seems ) introduced by the scots , and so refined upon by these , as there are few or none that will submit to the tyranny ; but every one takes his own course , and has protection for it . some well natur'd abused men i have met withal among them ; but , if i mistake not , for the greater ingredient , ambitious , ignorant , overweening , sower , and uncharitable , ne quid asperius , combining with the interest of the times , and , who to render themselves powerful , have in compliances with the spirital pride of the mechanicks and corporations , conniv'd at those many , and prodigious schisms and heresies which are now spawn'd under themin such numbers , as give terrour to the state. i omit to tell your lordship that few take notice of the lord's-prayer ; it is esteemed a kind of weakness to use it , but the creed and the decalogue are not once heard of in their congregations ; this is milk for babes , and these are all giants . they do frequently solemnize their late national deliverances , and some days of christian bloodshed , with all possible exactness . but they think it gross idolatry to join with the whole christian church of all professions under heaven , in the anniversaries of our b. saviours incarnation , passion , resurrection , and descent of the holy ghost , spiritual , eternal , and never to be forgotten mercies . would your lordship believe that this madness should advance so far , as to disturb the french-church there , which you know , does in all places observe those signal deliverances and blessings , both by preaching , prayer , sacraments and exhortations , apposite to to the occasion ; what think you will be the issue of this goodly reformation ? i could tell you more of the mysterious classis ; their ridiculous , insidiary , and presumptuous questions ; their unheard of animosities against their brethern of the church of england , suffering themselves to be rather torn in sunder by the sectaries , demotrius and the crafts-men , whilst they contend about trifles and meer shadows . concerning the independents , all i can learn is ; they are a refined , and apostate sort of presbyters ; or , rather such as renounces all ordination , as who having preached promiscuously to the people , and cunningly ensnared a select number of rich , and ignorant proselytes , separate themselves into conventicles , which they name congregations . there is nothing does more resemble this sect , than our rom. missionaries sent out in partibus insidelium ; for they take all other christians to be heathens . these are those great pretenders to the spirit , into whose party , does the vilest person living , no sooner ascribe himself , but he is , ipso facto , bubt a saint , hallow'd , and dear to god. these , are the confidents , who can design the minute , the place , and the means of their conversion : a schism full of spiritual disdain , incharity , and high imposture : but every alteration of state , destroying the interest of the versatile contrivers , they are as ready to transmigrate into the next more thriving fraternity , as the souls of pythagoras into beasts , and may then perhaps , assume some other title , this is a sad , but serious truth , and not a little menaces the common christianity , unless timely prevented . but , sir , i will not longer tire your patience with these monsters ( the subject of every contemptuous pamphlet ) nor with the madness of the anabaptists , quakers , ) ( which are increased to a prodigious number ) fifth monarchy-men , and a cento of unheard of heresies besides , which , at present , deform the once renowned church of england ; and approach so little the pretended reformation , , which we in france have been made to believe they are arrived to . but i have dwelt too long on this remark , i return to the town , where they arc pestred with hackney-coaches , and insolent car-men , shops , and taverns , noise , and such a cloud of of sea-coals , that if there be a resemblance of hell upon earth , it is in this vulcans in a foggy day : this pestilent smoak so fatally seizes on the lungs of the inhabitants , that the cough , and the consumption spare no man. i have been in a spacious church , where i could not hear the minister for the peoples barking . there is within this city , and in all the towns of england ( which i have passed through ) so prodigious a number of houses where they sell a certain drink called ale , that i think a good half of the inhabitants may be denominated ale-house-keepers , these are a meaner sort of cabarets : but what is most deplorable , where some gentlemen sit ( especially in the country ) and spend much of their time ; drinking of a muddy kind of beverage , and tobacco , which has , universally besotted the nation , and at which ( i hear ) they have consumed many noble estates . as for other taverns , london is compos'd of them , where they drink spanish and red-wines , and other sophisticated liquors to that fury and intemperance , as has often amaz'd me to consider it : but thus some mean fellow , the drawer , arrives to an estate , some of them having built fair houses , and purchased those gentlemen out of their possessions , who have ruined themselves by that base and dishonourable nice of ebriety : and that nothing may be wanting to the height of luxury and impiety of this abomination , they have translated the organs out of the churches , to set them up in taverns , and even a worse sort of tipling-houses , chanting their dithyrambicks , and bestial bacchanalias , to the tune of those instruments , which were wont to assist them , in the celebration of god's praises , and regulate the voices of the worst singers in the world , which are the english in their churches at present ; i cannot but commend the reformed in holland , who still retain their organs in the churches , and make use of them at the psalms , without any opinion of superstition ; and i once remember to have heard the famous diodati wish they might be introduc'd even at geneva . a great error undoubtedly in those who sit at the helm , to permit this scandal ; to suffer so many of these taverns and occasions of intemperance , such leaches , and vipers ; to gratifie so sordid and base a sort of people with the spoils of honest , and well natur'd men. your lordship , will not believe me that the ladies of greatest quality , suffer themselves to be treated in one of these taverns , where a curtesan in other cities would scarcely vouchsafe to be entertained : but you will be more astonish'd when i shall assure you , that they drink their crowned cups , and roundly , strain healths through their smocks , dance after the fiddle , kiss freely , and term it an honourable treat . but all this my experience , particular address , and habitudes with the greatest of that nation has assur'd me , that it is not the pass time , only of the inferiour and meretricious sort ; since i find it a chief suppletory at all their entertainments , to drink excessively , and that in their own houses , before the ladies , and the lacques : it is the afternoons diversion ; whether for want of better to employ the time , or affection to the drink , i know not : but i have found some persons of quality , who one could not safely visit after dinner , without resolving to undergo this drink ordel , and endure the question : it is esteem'd a piece of wit , to make a man drunk , for which some swilling insiped client , or congiarie , is a frequent and constant adjutant , your lordship may hence well imagine , how heavy , dull , and insignificant the conversation is ; loud , querillous , and impertinent . i shall relate a story that once happened in my presence , at a gentleman's house in the country , where there was much company and feasting . i chanced to come at dinner-time , and after the cloth was taken away ( as the manner is ) they fell to their laudable exercise : but i unacquainted then with their custom , was lead up into a with-drawing-room , where i had the permission ( with a noble person who introduced me ) to sit and converse with the ladies , who were thither retired ; the gentleman of the house leaving us in the mean time , to entertain his friends below : but you may imagine how strangely i was astonished ; to see within an hour after , one of the company that had dined there , entering into the room all bloody , and disorder'd , to fetch a sword which lay in one of the windows , and three or four of his companions , whom the fumes of the wine had inspirited , pursuing , and dragging him by the hair , till in this confusion , one of their spurs engaged into a carpet , upon which stood a a very fair looking-glass , and two noble pieces of porselain , drew all to the ground , broke the glass , and the vasas in pieces ; and all this on such an instant , that the gentleman and my self , had much ado to rescue the affrighted ladies from suffering in the tumult ; but at last we prevailed , and brought them to terms , the quarrel concerning an health only , which one of them would have shifted . i don't remember , my lord , ever to have known ( or very rarely ) a health drank in france , no not the king 's ; and if we say a vostre sante monsieur , it neither expects pledge , or ceremony . 't is here so the custom to drink to every one at the table , that by the time a gentleman has done his duty to the whole company , he is ready to fall asleep , whereas with us , we salute the whole table with a single glass only . but , my lord , was not this , imagine you ; an admirable scene and very extraordinary ? i confess , the lady of the house being much out of countenance at what had happened , profered to excuse this disorder , and i was as ready to receive it , till several encounters confirmed me , that they were but too frequent , and that there was a sort of perfect : debauchees , who stile themselves hectors , that in their mad and unheard of revils , pierce their veins to quaff their own blood , which some of them have drank to that excess , that they died of the intemperance ; these are a professed atheistical order of bravo's compos'd for the most of cadets , who spending beyond their pensions , to supply their extravagances , practise now and then the high-way , where they sometimes borrow , that which they often repay at the gibbet ; an ignominious trade , unheard of amongst our gallant nobles ; however fortune reduce them . but i know not whether i might not here match these valiant hero's with an avowed society of ladies , and some of them not of the meanest for birth ( i even blush to recount it of that fair sex , ) who boast of making all advantages at play , and are become so dextrous at it , that seldom they make a sitting , without design and booty ; for there is here , my lord , no such thing as courtship , after the decent mode of our circles ; for either being mingled in a room , the gentlemen separate from the conversation of the ladies , to drink , as before i related ; or else to whisper with one another at some carner , or bay-window , abandoning the ladies to gossip by themselves , which is a custom so strange to a gallant of our nation , as nothing appears more barbarous and undecent ; and this in effect : must needs be the reason , that these beautiful creatures want assurance , address , and the charming discourse of our damoisels , which are faculties so shining , and agreeable in their sex with us in france : and in truth even the gentlemen themselves , are greatly defective as to this particular , ill courtiers , unpliant , morose , and of vulgar address ; generally , not so polished , free , and serene , as is universally found , even amongst the most inferiour of our nation . i am not ignorant that they impute it to a certain levity m us ; but it is a mistake in them , and that because they so hardly reform it , without some ridiculous affectation , as is conspicuous in their several modes and dresses , which they vary ten times for our once ; every one affecting something particular ; as having no standard at court , which should give laws , and countenance the fashion . the women are much affected with gaudry , there being nothing more frequent than to see an ancient lady wear colours , a thing which neither young , nor old of either sex do with us , save in the country , and the camp ; but widows at no time . and yet reprove they us for these exorbitances ; but i have often disputed the case : either we do ill , or well ; if ill , why then do they ape us ? if well , why do they reproach us ? the truth is , they have no moderation , and are neither so lucky , nor frugal as our ladies are in these sumptuary expences ; and whereof the magistrates takes so little cognisance , that it is not an easie matter to distingnish the lady from the chamber-maid ; servants being suffered in this brave country , to go clad like their mistresses , a thing neither decent , nor permitted in france , where they may wear neither lace , nor silk . i may not forget to acquaint your lordship , that though the ladies , and the gentlemen are so shie of one another , yet when once they grow acquainted , it passes into expressions , and compellations extreamly new to our usages , and the stile of our country : do but imagine how it would become our ladies , to call monsieur n — jack n. what more frequent than this ? tom. p — was here to day ; i went yesterday to the * cours with will. r — henry m — treated me at such a travern ; these are the particular idioms , and graceful confidences now in use ; introduced i conceive at first by some camerades one with another ; but it is mean and rude , and such as our lacques , would almost disdain in paris ; where i have often observed two chimny-sweepers , accost one another , in better forms , and civiller addresses . but to be confident and civil , is not a thing so easily understood , and , seems a peculiar talent of our nation . however the ladies are not more obliging and familiar , than the lords are difficult and inaccessable ; for though by reason of my birth , and quality , my recommendations and addresses , i found some tolerable reception amongst them ; yet i observ'd , that they kept at such a surly distance with the gentlemen , even of family , that methought i never beheld a ruder conversation ; especially , when comparing their parts , and educations , i found them generally so much inferiour , as if a lord were indeed other than a gentleman ; or a gentleman 's not fit companion for a king : but this must needs be the result of an ill , and haughty institution , and for that most of these great persons are in their minority , and the age wherein they should be furnished with the noblest impressions , taught only to converse with their servants , some sycophants , and under the regiment of a pedant , which imprints that scornfulness and folly , and fits them with no better forms when they should produce themselves , and give testimony to others , as well of their superiority in virtue , as in birth , and dignity . but this is , my lord , a particular , which i have heard you often complain of , and which we do frequently take notice of , at their coming abroad into our country ; where for want of address , and fit persons to introduce them , they seldom return more refined than they came , else they could not but have observ'd , that there is nothing which makes the distinction of nobles in france , but the title , and that his majesty himself does them the honours , which here they usurp upon their equals ; but , my lord , they are sufficiently punished for it in england : where , to me they appear so degenerate , for want of this humility and free conversation ; by which , and their other vices , they grow now so much despised , that the gentlemen need seek no revenge : for though ( as i told you ) the gentlemen are most of them very intemperate , yet the proverb goes , as drunk as a lord. but , my lord , as there is no rule so general , but it does admit of exceptions , so should i give my own experience , as well as your lordships the contradiction , to make the censure universal ; there being even amongst these , some few , and in particular my l. p. my l. m. my l. d. &c. whom i esteem to be very noble , and accomplished persons , as who have learned ( by the good fortune of a better education ) how to value the conversations of worthy men , and who indeed , do sufficiently verefie all those attributes which are due to their qualities , and therefore whom this paragraph does no ways concern . nor should i be less severe and unjust , totally to exclude even some of the ladies from the advantages of this period , whose perfections and virtues , claim an equal right to all that i have here spoken , out of a due resentment of their merits and excelllencies . it was frequently , during the last winter , that i was carried to their balls , as where indeed , i expected to see what should appear the most of gallant , and splendid amongst the ladies , nor really did my expectations deceive me ; for there was a confluence of very great beauties , to which the glistering of their jewels ( which upon this occasion they want not ) could add nothing save their weight ; the various habits being so particular , as if by some strange inchantment , they had encountered , and come out of several nations : but i was astonish'd to see , when they were ready to move , that a dancing-master , had the boldness to take forth the greatest ladies , and they again the dancing-master , who performed the most part of the ball , whilst the gentlemen , that were present , were the least concerned , and stood looking on ; so as it appeared to me more like the farce of a comedy , than a ball of the nobles , and in truth , their measures , when any of them were taken out , made me some what asham'd to lead a lady who did me the honour , for fear ( though my skill is very vulgar in that exercise ) they should have taken me for a dancing-master , as who had happily imploy'd my youth so ill , as to have some advantage of the rest in that faculty . this favour is particular to the dancing-masters in this country ; and reason good ; for they have such ample salaries , as maintains both their prodigality , and an insolence , that were insupportable in france , where these trifling fellows do better know themselves , are worse payed , and less presumptuous . nay , so remiss are the ladies , of their respect in this instance , that they not only entertain all this ; but permit themselves likewise to be invited , and often honour these impertinent fantasticks , by receiving the ball at their petty schools . when this ceremony was ended , some of the gallants fell to other recreations , and as far as i understood , were offering at that innocent , yet salt , and pleasant diversion , which in france is called rallery ; but so far were they from maintaining it within the decencies , and laws , which both in that , and our characters we observe that in a little time , they fell so upon personal abusing one another , that there was much ado to preserve the peace , and as i heard , it was the next day , the product of a quarrel , and a duel . i did frequently in the spring , accompany my lord n. into a field , near the town , which they call hide-park ; the place not unplesant , and which they use , as our course ; but not with that order , equipage , and splendor ; there being an assembly of such wretched jades , and hackney-coaches , as quite takes away the resemblance . the next place to be remembred is the spring-garden , so called , and in order to the park , as our thuilleries is to the course , the inclosure not disagreeable , for the solemness of the grove , the warbling of the birds ; but the company walk in it at such a rate , as you would think all the ladies were so many atalanta's , contending with their wooers ; and my lord , there was no appearance , that i should prove the hippomenes , who could with very much ado , keep pace with them : but as fast as they run ; they stay there so long , as if they wanted not time to finish the race ; for it is usual here to find some of the young company till midnight ; and the thickets of the garden seem to be contrived to all advantages of gallantry , after they have been refreshed with the collation , which is here seldom omitted , at a certain cabaret in the middle of this paradise ; where the forbidden fruits are certain trifling tarts , neats-tongues , salacious-meats , and bad rhenish ; for which the gallants pay sauce , as indeed they do at all such houses throughout england ; for they think it is a piece of frugality beneath them , to bargain , or accompt , for what they eat in any place , however unreasonably imposed upon ; but thus , those mean fellows are ( as i told your lordship ) inriched ; begger , and insult over the gentlemen . i am assur'd that this particular host . has purchased , within few years , 5000 livers of annual rent ; and well he may ? at the rates these prodigials pay , whereas , in france , a gentleman esteems it no diminution to manage even these expences with reason . but , my lord , it is now late , and time to quit this garden , and to tell you , that i think there is not a more illustrious sight in the world , than to meet the divinities of our court , marching up the long walk in the thuilleries , where the pace is so stay'd and grave , the encounters so regular and decent ; and where those who feed their eyes with their beauties , and their ears with the charming accent of their discourse , and voices , need not those refreshments of the other senses , finding them all to be so taken up with these . i was curious before my return , and when i had conquer'd some difficulties of the language , and customs , to visit their judicatures , where , besides , that few of their gownmen , are to be compared to those of the robe in our palais for elocution , and the talent of well speaking ; so neither do they at all exceed them , in the forms and colours of their pleading ; but ( as before i spake of their rallery ) supply the defects of the cause , with flat , insipid , and grosly abusing one another ; a thing to trifling , and misbecoming the gravity of courts ( where the lawyers take liberty to jest mens estates away , and yet avow their avarice ) that i have much admired at the temper of the judges , and their remissness in reforming it : there was a young person , whom at my being there , was very much cried up for his abilities , and in whom i did not observe that usual intemperance , which i but now reproved ; and certainly , it springs either for want of those abilities , which the municipal laws of this nation ( consisting most of them in customs like our normandy , whose ancient dialect their books yet retain ) are so little apt to furnish ; or the defect of those advantages , which the more pollished sciences afford us , without which , it is impossible to be good orators , and to maintain their discourses without diversion , to that vile nency . but , what is infinitely agreeable in this country , are the bowling-greens , and the races , which are really such pleasures abroad , as we have nothing approaching them in france , and which i was extreamly delighted in ; but the verdure of the country , and delicious downs , are what gives them this preheminence , and indeed , they are to be valued , and do in m● esteem , very much commute for the loss of that glorious planet , which ripens our vines in france . the horses , and the dogs , their incomparable parks , of fallow-deer , and laws of chase , i extreamly approve of ; but upon other occasions , all englishmen ride so fast upon the road , that you would swear there were some enemy in the ariere ; and all the coaches in london seem to drive for mid-wives . but what did much more afflict me , is their ceremony at table , where every man is obliged to sit till all have done eating , however , their appetites differ , and to see the formality of the voider , which our with-drawing-rooms in france are made to prevent , and might so here , if they knew the use of them , to be , that every man may rise when he has din'd , without the least indecency , and leave the servers to their office. i have now but a word to add , and 〈◊〉 is the tediousness of visits , which they ma●● here so long , that it is a very tyra●●y , to sit to so little purpose : if the persons be ladies , that are strangers , it is to look upon each other , as if they had never seen any of their own kind before , and hand here indeed the virtue of their sex is eminent . for they are as silent and fixt as statues ; or if they do talk , it is with censure , and sufficient confidence : so difficult it is , to entertain with a grace , or to observe a mediocrity . in sum , my lord , i found so many particulars , worthy of reproof in all those remarks , which i have been able to make , that to render you a veritable account of england , as it is at present , i must pronounce , with the poet. difficile est satyram non scribere . and shall defer what i have further to add till the return of my lord ambassador . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38791-e630 description of the country . beauty of the ladies rudeness of the english . confidence of the inn-keepers . the ill manners of the commonalty at london . description of london . description of the prebyterians . descripti of the independents , auabaptists , quakers , &c. of the cough . of their ale. of their taverns . women at taverns , and drink healths . of the hard drinking at private houses . of the quarelling among the english . younger brothers rob on the high-way . the ladies want address , and confidence . have no standard for dressing . old women in coloured clothes . * a place near paris like hide-park . english women have familiar ways with them . some of the lords surley . whence the proverb , as drunk as a lord. their balls . the insolence of the dancing masters . the english bunglers at a r●●ll●ry . of hide park . of spring-garden . where they plead as at westminster . of the pleading amongst the lawyers . of the bowling-greens & races . of the horses , & dogs , parks , &c. they don't know the use of with-drawing-rooms . woman sometimes silent . nevves from hell brought by the diuells carrier. tho: dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. 1606 approx. 90 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20072 stc 6514 estc s105254 99840983 99840983 5533 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20072) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 5533) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 922:11) nevves from hell brought by the diuells carrier. tho: dekker. dekker, thomas, ca. 1572-1632. [62] p. printed by r. b[lower, s. stafford, and valentine simmes] for vv. ferebrand, and are to be sold at his shop in popes head alley, neere vnto the royall exchaunge, london : 1606. "blower pr[inted]. at least quire a; stafford b-e; simmes h"--stc. signatures: a-h⁴ (-a1). running title reads: the deuils answere to pierce pennylesse. with dedication to sir john hamden. variant: a3 is a cancel, with dedication to john sturman. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy 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for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -social life and customs. 2002-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevvs from hell ; brought by the diuells carrier . et me mihi perfide prodis ? tho : dekker . london printed by r. b. for vv. ferebrand , and are to be sold at his shop in popes head alley , neere vnto the royal exchaunge . 1606 , to the very worthy gentleman , sir iohn hamden knight . sir , the begetting of bookes , is as common as the begetting of children : onely heerein they differ , that bookes speake so soone as they come into the world , and giue the best wordes they cā to al men , yet are they driuen to seek abroad for a father . that hard fortune followes al & fals into , vpō this of mine . it gladly coms to you vpō that errand , and if you vouchsafe to receiue it louingly , i shall account my selfe and it , very happie . theise paper-monsters are sure to beset vppon , by many terrible encounters ; they had neede therefore to get armour of proofe that may not shrinke for a bullet ; the strongest shieldes that i know for such fights , are good patrons ; from whom writers claime such antient priuiledges , that how-soeuer they finde entertainment , they make bold to take acquaintance of them ( though neuer so meerely strangers ) without blushing : wherein they are like to courtiers , that inuite thēselus , vnbidden ) to other mens tables & that 's a most gentleman-like , quality and yet holde it a disgrace , if they receiue not a complementall welcome . custome making that shew handsomly , which ( if the curious hande of formality , should apparell ) would appeare vile fashion thereforeis the best painter , for what pictures soeuer she draws , are workman-ly done : presuming vpon whose warrant , i send vnto you the discouery of a strange country , if it were of both indyes , my loue could bestow it vpon you . accept it therefore , and if hereafter i may be a voyager to any happyer coast , the fruits of ( that as now of this ) shall be most affectionately consecrated to you . from him that wishes he could be a deseruer of you . tho. dekker to the reader . to come to the presse is more dangerous , then to bee prest to death , for the payne of those tortures , last but a few minutes , but he that lyes vpon the rack in print , hath his flesh torne off by the teeth of enuy , and calumny , euen when he meanes no body any hurt in his graue . i think therefore t were better to make ten challenges at all manner of weapons , then to play a schollers prize , vpon a book-sellers stall , for the one draws but bloud : by the other a man is drawne & quartred , take heed of criticks . they bite ( like fish ) at any thing , especially at bookes . but the diuell being let loose amongst them , i hope they will not exercise their coniurations vpon him : yf they doe , they are damb'd . in despight of brontes and steropes , that forge arrowes of ignorance and contempt , to shoote at learning , i haue hamerd out this engine , that has beaten open the infernall gates , and discouerd that great tobaconist the prince of smoake & darknes , don pluto . a supplicatiō was sent to him long since by a poore fellow one pierce pennylesse . but the diuel being ful of busines , could neuer til now haue leasure to answere it : mary now ( since christmas ) he has drawne out some spare howres , & shot 2. arrowes at one mark , in 2. seuerall bowes : and of two contrary flights : wherein hee proues himselfe , a damb'd lying cretan , because hee 's found in two tales , about one matter . but it may be , the first answere , that hee sent by the post was in the morning , ( fot he striues to speake soberly , grauely , and like a puritane ) the other ( sure ) in the afternoone , for hee talkes more madly : but so farre from those fantasticall taxations &c. which the gentleman that drew that forenoones piece , ( whom i know not ) seemes aloofe off ( like a spy ) to discouer , that euen in the most triuiall and merriest applications , there are seria locis , how soeuer it bee , sithence wee both haue had to doe with the deuill , and that hee 's now [ by our meanes ) brought to the barre , let him plead for himselfe : yshis answers be good , t is strange , because no goodnes can come from him , yfbad , and like thee not , thou hast the amends in thyne owne hands : neuer rayle at him : for the diuell ( like a drunkard ) cares for no body . farewell . the deuill let loose , with his answere to pierce pennylesse . great wagers were layd in the world , that when the supplication was sent , it would not be receyued ; or if receyued , it would not be read ouer ; or if read ouer , it would not be answered : for mammon being the god of no beggers , but burgomasters and rich cormorants , was woorse thought of than he deserued : euery man that did but passe through pauls church-yard , and had but a glaunce at the title of the petition , would haue betted ten to fiue , that the deuill would hardly ( like a lawyer in a busy terme ) be spoken with , because his clyent had not a penny to pay sees , but sued in forma pauperis . had it bene a challenge , it is cleare he would haue answered it : for hee was the first that kept a fence-schoole , when cayn was aliue , and taught him the embrocado , by which he kild his brother : since which time hee hath made ten thousand free schollers as cunning as cayn . at sword and buckler , little dauy was no bodie to him , and as for rapier and dagger , the germane may be his iourneyman . mary the question is , in which of the play-houses he would haue performed his prize , if it had grown to blowes , and whether the money beeing gathered , he would haue cozende the fencers , or the fencers him , because hell being vnder euerie one of their stages , the players ( if they had owed him a spight ) might with a false trappe doore haue slipt him downe , and there kept him , as a laughing stocke to al their yawning spectators . or had his infernallship bene arrested to any action howe great so euer , all the lawe in westminster-hall could not haue kept him from appearing to it ( for the diuell scornes to be non-suited ) he would haue answered to that too : but the mischiefe would haue bene , where should he haue got any that would haue pleaded for him ? who could haue endured to see such a damnable client euerie morning in his chamber ? what waterman ( for double his fare ) would haue landed him at the temple , but rather haue strucke in at white-fryers , and left him there ashore with a poxe to him ? tush : there was no such matter , the streame hee was to venter into , was not so daungerous , this coyner of light angels knew well enough how the exchaunge went , he had but bare wordes lent vnto him , and to pay bare words againe ( thogh with some interest ) it could be no losse . hee resolued therefore to aunswere his humble orater : but being himselfe not brought vp to learning ( for the diuell ean neyther write not reade ) yet he has bene at all the vniuersities in christendome , and throwne heresies ( like bones for dogges to gnaw vpon ) amongst the doctors themselues : but hauing no skill but in his owne horne-booke , it troubled his minde where he should get a pen-man fit for his tooth to scribble for him , all the scriueners i th towne he had at his becke , but they were so set a worke with making bondes betweene vsurers and vnthriftie heires , betweene marchants and tradesmen ( that to coozen and vndoe others , turne banke-rowtes themselues , and defeate creditors ) and with drawing close conueyances betweene landlords and bawdes , that now sit no longer vpon the skirtes of the cittie , but iett vp and downe , euen in the cloake of the cittie , and giue more rent for a house , then the proudest london occupier of them all , that don lucifer was loth to take them from their nouerints , because in the ende he knew they were but his factors , and that he should be a part-owner in their lading himselfe ; lawyers clarkes were so durtied vp to the hammes with trudging vp and downe to get pelfe , and with fishing for gudgeons , and so wrung poore ignorant clients purses , with exacting vnreasonable fees , that the paymaster of perdition would by no meanes take them from their wide lines , and bursten-bellied straddling ffs , but stroking them vnder the chinnes , cald them his white boyes , and told them he would empty the inke-pot of some others . whither then marches monsieur malesico ? mary to all the writing schoolemasters of the town . he tooke them by the fists and lik'd their handes exceedingly ( for some of them had ten or twelue seuerall hands & could counterfeit any thing ) but perceiuing by the copies of their countenances , that for al their good letters , they writ abominable bad english , and that the world would thinke the diuell a dunce , if there came false orthographie from him ( though there be no truth in his budget ) away hee gallops from those tell-tales ( the schoolemasters ) damning himselfe to the pit of hell , if pierce pennylesse should euer get a good word at his handes . i hearing this , and fearing that the poore suppliant should lose his longing , and bee sent away with si nihil attuleris , resolued ( euen out of my loue to pierce pennylesse , because he hath beene alwayes a companion to schollers , ) to doe that for nothing , which a number would not for any money . i fell to my tooles ( pen , inke , and paper ) roundly , but the head warden of the horners ( signior beco diauolo ) after hee had cast vp what lay in his stomacke , suspecting that i came rather as a spie to betray him , then as a spirit to runne of his errands , and that i was more likely to haue him to barber surgeons hall , there to anatomize him , then to a barbers shop to trimme him neately , would by no meanes haue the answere goe forwarde : notwithstanding , hauing examined him vpon interrogatories , and thereby sifting him to the very bran . i swore by hellicon , ( which he could neuer abide ) that because t is out a fashion to bring a diuell vpon the stage , he should ( spite of his spitting fire and brimstone ) be a diuell in print . inraged at which , he flung away in a fury , and leapt into barathrum , whilst i mustred all my wits about me , to fight against this captaine of the damned crew , and discouer his stratagems . wonder is the daughter of ignorance , none but fooles therfore will maruell , how i and this grand sophy of the whore of babylon came to bee so familiar together , or how wee met , or how i knew where to finde him , or what charmes i carried about mee whil'st i talkt with him , or where ( if one had occasion to vse his diuellship ) a porter might fetch him with a wet finger . tush , these are silly inquisitions ; his acquaintance is more cheape , then a common fidlers ; his lodging is more known then an english bawdes , a midwiues or a phisicions ; and his walkes , more open to all nations , then those vpon the exchaunge , where at every step a man is put in minde of babell , there is such a confusion of languages . for in the terme time , my caualiero cornuto runnes sweatingvp and downe betweene temple-barre , and westminster hall , in the habite of a knight errant , a swearing knight , or a knight of the poste : all the vacation you may eyther meete him at dicing ordinaries , like a captayne ; at cocke-pits , like a young countrey gentleman ; or else , at a bowling ally in a flat cap , like a shop keeper : euerie market day you may take him in cheape-side , poorely attirde like an ingrosser , and in the afternoones , in the twopeny roomes of a play-house , like a puny , seated cheeke by iowle with a punke : in the heate of summer he commonly turnes intelligencer , and carries tales betweene the archduke and the graue : in the depth of winter , he sits tippling with the flemmings in their townes of garison . hauing therefore ( as chamber-maides vse to do sor their ladies faces ouernight ) made readie my cullors , the pencell being in my hand , my carde lined , my needle ( that capers ouer two and thirtie pointes of the compas ) toucht to the quicke , east , west , north , and south , the foure trumpetters of the worlde , that neuer blow themselues out of breath , like foure dropsie dutch captaynes standing centinells in their quarters , i will ingeniously and boldely giue you the map of a country , that iyes lower then the 17. valleyes of belgia , yea lower then the cole-pits of newcastle , is farre more darke , farre more dreadfull , and fuller of knauerie , then the colliers of those fire-workes are . the name of this straunge countrie is hell ; in discouery of which , the qualitie of the kingdome , the condition of the prince , the estate of the people , the traffique thither ( marie no transportation of goods from thence ) shal be painted to the life . it is an empire , that iyes vnder the torrid zone , and by that meanes is hotter at christmas , then t is in spaine or fraunce ( which are counted plaguy hotte countries ) at midsummer , or in england when the dogge daies bite sorest : for to say truth ( because ti 's sinne to belie the diuell ) the vniuersall region is built altogether vpon stoues and hotte-houses , you cannot set foote into it , but you haue a fieri facias seru'de vpon you : for like the glasse-house furnace in blacke-friers , the bonefiers that are kept there , neuer goe out ; insomuch that all the inhabitants are almost broylde like carbonadoes with the sweating sicknes , but the best is ( or rather the worst ) none of them die on 't . and such daungerous hot shottes are all the women there , that whosoeuer meddles with any of them is sure to be burnt : it stands farther off then the indies : yet to see the wonderfull power of nauigation , if you haue but aside winde , you may sayle sooner thither , than a maried man can vpon s. lukes day to cuckolds hauen , from s. katherines , which vpon sound experience , and by the opinion of many good marriners , may be done in lesse than halfe an hower . if you trauell by land to it , the wayes are delicate , euen , spatious , and very faire , but toward the end very fowle : the pathes are beaten more bare , than the liuings of church-men . you neuer turne , when you are trauelling thither , but keepe altogether on the left hand , so that you cannot lose your selfe , vnlesse you desperately do it of purpose . the miles are not halfe so long as those betweene colchester and ipswich in england , nor a quarter so durtie in the wrath of winter , as your french miles are at the fall of the leafe . some say , it is an iland , embrac'de about with certaine riuers , called the waters of sorrow : others proue by infallible demonstration , that t is a continent , but so little beholden to heauen , that the sunne neuer comes amongst them . how so euer it be , this is certaine , that t is exceeding rich , for all vsurers both iewes and christians , after they haue made away their soules for money here , meete with them there againe : you haue of all trades , of all professions , of all states some there : you haue popes there , aswel as here , lords there , as well as here , knights there aswel as here , aldermen there , aswel as here , ladies there , aswel as here , lawyers there , aswell as here , soldiers march there by millions , soe doe cittizens , soe doe farmers , very fewe poets can be suffred to liue there , the colonell of coniurers driues them out of his circle , because hee feares they 'le write libells against him : yet some pittifull fellowes ( that haue faces like fire-drakes , but wittes colde as whetstones , and more blunt ) not poets indeede , but ballad-makers , rub out there , and write infernals : marrie players swarme there as they do here , whose occupation being smelt out , by the cacodaemon , or head officer of the countrie , to bee lucratiue , he purposes to make vp a company , and to be chiefe sharer himselfe , de quibus suo loco , of whose doings you shall heare more by the next carrier : but here 's the mischiefe , you may find the way thither , though you were blinder then superstition , you may bee set a-shore there , for lesse then a scullers fare : any vintners boy , that has bene cup-bearer to one of the 7. deadly sinnes but halfe his yeres , any marchant of maiden heads , that brings cōmodities out of virginia , can direct you thither : but neyther they nor the weather-beatenst cosmographicall starre-catcher of em all , can take his oath , that it lyes iust vnder such an horizon , whereby many are brought into a fooles paradice , by gladly beleeuing that either there 's no such place at all , or else , that t is built by inchauntment , and standes vpon fayrie ground , by reason such pinching and nipping is knowne to bee there , and that how well fauourd soeuer wee depart hence , we are turnd to changelings , if we tarry there but a minute . these territories , notwithstanding of tartarie , will i vndermine and blow vp to the view of all eies , the black & dismal shores of this phlegetonticke ocean , shall be in ken , as plainely as the white ( now vnmaydend brests of our owne iland : ) china , peru and cartagena , were neuer so ●ifled : the winning of cales , was nothing to the ransacking of this troy that 's all on fire : the very bowels of these infernall antipodes , shall bee ript vp , and pulld out , before that great dego of diuels his owne face : nay , since my flag of defiance is hung forth , i will yeelde to no truce , but with such tamburlaine-like furie march against this great turke , and his legions , that don belzebub shal be ready to damme himselfe , and be horne-mad : for with the coniuring of my pen , al hell shall breake loose . assist me therefore , thou genius of that ven . trous , but iealous musicion of thrace ( euridices husband ) who being besotted on his wife ( of which sin none but cuckolds should bee guilty ) went aliue ( with his fiddle at 's back , ) to see if he could baile her out of that adamantyne prison ; the fees he was to pay for her , were iigs and country daunces : he payd thē : the forfeits , if he put on yellow stockings & lookt back vpon her , was her euerlasting lying there , without baile or maynprize : the louing coxcōb could not choose but looke back , and so lost her , ( perhaps hee did it , because hee would be rid of her . ) the morall of which is , that if a man leaue his owne busines , and haue an eye to his wiues dooings , shee le giue him the slip , though she runne to the diuell for her labor , such a iourney ( sweet orpheus ) am i to vndertake , but ioue forbid my occasion should be like thine ; for if the marshall himselfe should rake hell for wenches , he could not find worse , ( no nor so bad ) there , as are here vpō earth . it were pity any womā should be damn'd , for she would haue tricks ( once in a moone ) to put the diuell forth of his wits . thou ( most cleare throated singing man , ) with thy harpe ( to the twinckling of which , inferior spirits skipt like goats ouer the welch mountaines ) hadst priuiledge , because thou wert a fiddler , to be sawey , and to passe and repasse through euery roome , and into euery nook of the diuels wine-celler : inspire mee therfore with thy cunning that caried thee thither , and thy courage that brought thee from thence , teach me which way thou went'st in , and how thou scapt'st out , guide me in true fingering , that i may strike those tunes which thou plaid'st ( euery dinner and supper ) before that emperor of low germanie , and the brabbling states vnder him : lucifer himselfe daunced a lancashire horne-pipe , whilst thou wert there . if i can but harp vpon thy string , hee shall now for my pleasure tickle vp the spanish pauin . i will call vpon no midwiues to help mee in those throws , which ( after my braines are fallen in labour ) i must suffer , ( yet midwiues may be had vp at all howres ) nor vpon any coniurer , ( yet coniurers , thou knowst , are fellow and fellow-like with monsieur malediction , as puncks are , who raize him likewise vp continually in their circaean circles ) or as brokers are , who day and night study the black art : no , no ( thou m r of thy musicall company ) i sue to none , but to thee , because of thy prick-song : for poetry ( like honesty and olde souldiers ) goes vpon lame feete , vnlesse there bee musicke in her . and thou , into whose soule ( if euer there were a pithagorean metempsuchosis ) the raptures of that fierie and inconfinable italian spirit were bounteously and boundlesly infused , thou sometimes secretary to pierce pennylesse , and master of his requests , ingenious , ingenuous , fluent , facetious , t. nash : from whose aboundant pen , hony flow'd to thy friends , and mortall aconite to thy enemies : thou that madest the doctor a flat dunce , and beat'st him at two sundry tall weapons , poetrie , and oratorie : sharpest satyre , luculent poet , elegant orator , get leaue for thy ghost , to come frō her abiding , and to dwell with me a while , till she hath carows'd to me in her owne wōted ful measures of wit , that my plump braynes may swell , and burst into bitter inuectiues against the lieftennant of limbo , if hee casheere pierce pennylesse with dead pay . but the best is , facilis descensus auerni , we may quickly haue a ring through his nose if he do : it s but slipping down a hil , & you shal fal into the deuils lap presētly . and that 's the reason ( because his sinfulnes is so double-diligent , as to be at your elbow with a call , wherein he giues good examples to drawers , if they had grace to follow his steps ) that you swalow down that newes first , which should be eaten last : for you see at the beginning , the diuell is ready to open his mouth for an answere , before his howre is come to be set to the barre . since therfore , a tale of the whole voyage would make any liquorish mouth'd newes-monger lick his lips after it , no mans teeth shall water any longer , hee shal haue it ; for a very briefe cronicle shal be gathered , of al the memorable occurrents , that presented thēselues to the view of our wandring knight in his iourney , the second part of erra paters almanacke , whose shooes , platoes cap was not worthy to wipe , shal come forth , & without lying ( as you calender-mongers vse to doe , ) tell what weather wee had all the way he went , to a drop of raine : wee will not lose him , frō the first minute of his iumping a shipboard , to the last of his leaping a shore , and arriuall at tamor chams court ( his good lord and master ) the diuell . the post therfore hauing put vp his packet , blows his horne , and gallops all the way , like a citizen , so soone as euer hee 's on horseback , downe to billins-gate , for he meant when the tide seru'd to angle for souls & some other fresh fish in that goodly fish-pond the thames , as he passed ouer it , in grauesend barge : that was the water coach he would ride in , there he knew he should meete with some voluntaries that would venture along with him : in this passage through the citty , what a number of lord mayors , aldermens , and rich commoners sonnes and heyres kept a hallowing out at tauerne-windowes to our knight , and wafted him to their gascoigne shores with their hats only , ( for they had mol ted away all their fethers ) to haue him strike sayle & come vp to them : he vaild , and did so : their phantastick salutations being complemented , with much intreatie ( because he stood vpon thornes ) hee was aduaunc'd ( in regard of his knighthood ) to the vpper end of the boord : you must take out your writing tables , and note by the way , that euery roome of the house was a cage full of such wild fowle , et crimine ab vno disce omnes , cut vp one , cut vp all , they were birds all of a beake , not a woodcocks difference among twenty dozen of them ; euery man had before him abale of dice , by his side a brace of punks , and in his fist a nest of bowles . it was spring-tide sure , for all were full to the brimmes , with french beeing turn'd into english ( for they swum vp and downe the riuer of burdeux ) signified thus much , that dicing , drinking , and drabbing , ( like the three seditious iewes in ierusalem ) were the ciuil plagues , that very vnciuily destroyed the sonnes ( but not the sinnes ) of the cittie . the bloud of the grape comming vp into their cheeks , it was hard to iudge , whether they blushed to see themselues in such a pickle , or lookt red with anger one at another : but the troth is , their faces would take any dye but a blush-colour , and they were not made of the right mettle of courage to bee angry , but their wits , ( like wheeles in brunswick clocks ) being all wound vp , so far as they could stretch , were all going , but not one going truly . for some curst their birth , some their bringing vp , some rayled vpon their owne nation , others vpon strangers . at the last , one of these acolasti playing at doublets with his pue-fellow ( which they might well doe , being almost driuen to their shirts ) and hearing vpon what theame the rest sung ex tempore , out draws his ponyard , and stabbing the tables , as if he meant to haue murder'd the thirty men , swore he could find in his heart to go presently ( hauing drunke vpsie dutch ) and pisse euen vpon the curmudgion his fathers graue : for , sayes he , no man has more vndone me , than he that has done most for me i le stand too 't , it 's better to be the son of a cobler , then of a common councill man : if a coblers sonne and heyre runne out at heeles , the whoreson patch may mend himselfe ; but wee whose friends leaue vs wel , are like howre glasses turn'd vp , though we be neuer so full , we neuer leaue running , till wee haue emptied our selues , to make vp the mouths of slaues , that for gaine are content to lye vnder vs , like spaniels , fawning , and receiue what fals from our superfluity . who breeds this disease , in our bones ? whores ? no , alack let 's doe them right , 't is not their fault , but our mothers , our cockering mothers , who for their labour make vs to be cald cockneys , or to hit it home indeede , those golden asses our fathers . it is the olde man , it is adam , that layes a curse vpon his posterity : as for my dad , t is well knowne , hee had ships reeling at sea , ( the vnlading of which giues mee my load now , and makes mee stagger on land ) hee had ploughs to teare vp deare yeeres out of the guts of the earth i' th countrey , and yeomens sonnes , north countrey-men , fellowes ( that might haue beene yeomen of the guard for feeding , ) great boyes with beards , whom hee tooke to bee prentizes , ( mary neuer any of them had the grace to be free , ) and those lads ( like sarieants ) tore out mens throats for him to get money in the citty : hee was richer then midas , but more wretched then an alchumist : so couetous that in gardning time , because he would not be at the cost-of a loade of earth , he parde not his nayles for seauen yeeres together , to the intent the durt that hee filcht vnder them , should serue for that purpose : so that they hung ouer his fingers , like soe many shooing-hornes : doe but imagine how farre euer any man ventred into hell for money , and my father went a foote farder by the standard , and why did he this , thinke you ? he was so sparing , that hee would not spend so much time as went to the making vp of another childe , so that all was for mee , hee cozend yong gentlemen of their land , onely for me , had acres morgadgde to him by wise-acres for three hundred poundes , payd in hobby horses , dogges , bells , and lutestrings , which if they had bine sold by the drum , or at an outrop , with the cry , of no man better ? would neuer haue yelded 50. li. & this he did only for me , he built a pharos or rather a block-house beyond the galows at wapping , to which the black fleet of cole carriers that came from newcastle , strook saile , were brought a bed , and discharg'd their great bellies there , like whores in hugger mugger , at the common price with twelue pence in a chaulderouer and aboue , thereby to make the common wealth blow her nayles till they ak'de for cold , vnlesse she gaue money to sit by his fire , onely for me : the poore curst him with bel , booke & candle , till he lookt blacker with their execration , then if hee had bene blasted , but hee carde not what doggs barkt at him , so long as they bit not mee : his houskeeping was worse then an irish kernes , a rat could not cōmit a rape vpō the paring of a moldy cheese , but he died for 't , onely for my sake , the leane iade hungarian would not lay out a penny pot of sack for himself , though he had eaten stincking fresh herring able to poyson a dogge , onely for mee , because his sonne and heire should drinke eggs and muskadine , when hee lay rotting . to conclude , he made no conscience , to runne quick to the diuell of an errand , so i had sent him . might not my father haue beene begg'd ( thinke you ) better then a number of scuruy things that are begd ? i am perswaded , fooles would be a rich monopolie , if a wise man had em in hand : would they had begun with him , i le be sworne , he was a fat one : for had he fild my pockets with siluer , and the least corner of my coxcomb with wit how to saue that siluer , i might haue bene cald vpon by this , whereas now i am ready to giue vp my cloake : had he sett me to grammer schoole , as i set my self to dauncing schoole , in stead of treading carontoes , and making fidlers fat with rumps of capons , i had by this time read homilyes , and fedde vpon tithe-pigges of my owne vicaridge , whereas now , i am ready to get into the prodigals seruice , and eate iones nuts , that 's to say , acorns with swine : but men that are wisest for officers , are commonly arrand woodcoks , for fathers : hee that prouides liuing for his child , and robs him of learning , turnes him into a beetle , that flyes from perfumes and sweet odours , to feede on a cow-sheard ; all such rich mens darlings are eyther christened by some left-handed priest , or else borne vnder a threepenny planet , and then thei 'le neuer be worth a groat , though they were left landlords of the indies . i confesse , when all my golden veynes were shrunke vp , and the bottome of my patrimony came within 200. pound of vnraueling , i could for al that haue bene dub'd : but whē i saw how mine vncle playd at chesse , i had no stomack to be knighted . why , sayes the post ? mary quoth he , because when i prepar'd to fight a battayle on the chesse-board , a knight was alwayes better then a pawne : but the vsurer myne vnckle made it playne , that a good pawne now was better then a knight . at this the whole chorus summos mouere cachinnos , laught til they grind agen , and cal'd for a fresh gallon , all of them falling on their knees , and drawing out siluer and guilt rapyers ( the onely monuments that were left of hundreds and thousands in pecuniis numeratis , swore they would drinke vp these in deepe healthes , to their howling fathers , so they might be sure the pledging should choake them , because they brought them into the inne of the world , but left them not enough to pay their ryotous reckonings , at their going out . the knight was glad he should carry such welcome newes with him , as these , to the clouen-footed synagogue , and tickled with immoderate ioy , to see the world run vpon such rotten wheeles . wherevpon , pleading the necessity of his departure , he began first to run ouer his alphabet of congees , & then with a french basilez , slipt out of their company . but they knowing to what cape he was bound , hung vpon him , like so many beggers on an almoner , importing , and coniuring him , by the loue he did owe to knight-hood , and armes , and by his oath , to take vp downe-cast ladies whom they had there in their companies , and whom they were bound in nature and humanity , to relieue : that hee would signifie to their fathers , how course the thred of life fell out to be now towards the fagge end : that therefore , if any of them had ( inth ' dayes of his abomination , and idolatry to money ) bound the spirit of gold , by any charmes , in caues or in iron fetters vnder the ground , they should for their own soules quiet ( which questionlesse else would whyne vp and downe ) if not for the good of their children , release it , to set vp their decay'd estates . or if there had beene no such coniuring in their life times , that they would take vp mony of the diuel , ( though they forfeyted their bonds ) & lay by it for euer , or els get leaue with a keeper , to try how much they might be trusted for among their olde customers vpon earth , though within two dayes after , they proued banke-rupts by proclamation . the post-master of hell plainely told them , that if any so seditious a fellow as gold , were cast into prison : their fathers would neuer giue their consent to haue him ransom'd : because ther 's more greedines among them below , then can be in the hye-land coūtryes aboue : so that if all the lordships in europ were offerd in morgage for a quarter their value , not so much as 13. pence halfe peny can be had from thence , though a man would hang himselfe for it : and as for their fathers walking abroad with keepers , alas , they lie there vpon such heauy executions , that they cannot get out for their soules . he counsels them therefore to draw arrowes out of another quiuer , for that these markes stand out of their reach , the ground of which counsell , they all vow to trauerse : some of them resoluing to cast out liquorish baites , to catch old , ( but fleshly ) wealthy widdowes , the fire of which sophisticated loue , they make account shal not go out , so lōg as any drops of gold can be distil'd frō them : others sweare to liue and dye in a man of warre , though such kind of theeuerie bee more stale then sea-beefe : the rest , that haue not the hearts to shed bloud , hauing reasonable stocks of wit , meane to imploy em in the sinnes of the suburbes , though the pox lyes there as deaths legyer : for since man is the clocke of time , they 'le all be tymes sextens , and set the diall to what howres they list . our vant'currer applauded the lots which they drew for themselues , and offred to pay some of the tauerne items : but they protesting hee should not spend a baw-bee , as hee was true knight consedere duces , they sate downe to their wine , and he hasted to the water . by this time is hee landed at graues-end , ( for they whom the deuil driues , feele no lead at their heeles ) what stuffe came along with him in the bargc , was so base in the weauing , that 't is too bad to bee set out for sale : it was onely luggadge , therefore throw it ouer boord . from thence hoysting vp sayle into the maine , hee struck in among the dunkerks , where he encountred such a number of all nations with the dregs of all kingdomes vices dropping vpon them , and so like the black gentleman , his master , that hee had almost thought himselfe at home , so neere doe those that lye in garrison there , resemble the desperuatoes that fill vp plutoes muster-booke : but his head beating on a thousand anuiles , the scolding of the cannon drew him speedily from thence : so that creeping vp along by the ranke flemmish shores ( like an euesdropper ) to whisper out what the brabbling was , hee only set downe a note for his memory , that the states sucking poyson out of the sweet flower of peace , but keeping their coffers sound and healthfull by the bitter pils of warre , made their countrey a pointing stock to other nations , and a miserable anatomie to themselues . the next place hee cal'd in at , was france , where the gentlemen , to make apes of englishmen , whom they tooke dayly practising all the foolish tricks of fashions after their monsieur-ships , with yards in stead of leading staues , mustred all the french taylors together , who , by reason they had thin haire , wore thimbles on their heads in stead of harnesse caps , euery man being armed with his sheeres and pressing iron , which he calls there his goose ( many of thē being in france : ) al the crosse caperers being plac'd in strong rankes , and an excellent oration cut out and sticht together , perswading them to sweat out their very braines , in deuising new french cuts , new french collors , new french codpeeces , and new french panes in honour of saint dennys , onely to make the giddy-pated englishman consume his reuenues in wearing the like cloathes , which on his back at the least can shew but like cast sutes being the second edition , whilst the poore frēch peasant iets vp and downe , ( like a pantaloun ) in the olde thread-bare cloake of the englishman , so that wee buy fashions of them to fether our pride , and they borrow rags from vs to couer their beggery . the spaniard was so busy in touching heauen with a launce , that our knight of the burning shield , could not get him at so much leysure , as to eat a dish of pilchers with him . the gulfe of venice he purposes shal therefore swallow a few howres of his obseruation , where hee no sooner sets footing on shore , but he encoūters with lust , so ciuilly suted , as if it had bin a marchants wife : whoremongers there , may vtter their cōmodities as lawfully , as costermongers here , they are a company as free , and haue as large priuiledges for what they doe , as any of the twelue companyes in london . in other countreys lechery is but a chamber-mayd : here , a great lady : shee 's a retaylor and has warrant to sel soules , and other smal wares , vnder the seale of the cittie : sinne heere keepes open market : damnation has a price set vpon it , and dares goe to lawe for her owne : for a curtizans action of the case , will hold aswell as a vsurers plea of debt , for ten 'i th hundred . if bridewell stood in venice , a golden key ( more easily then an yron picklocke ) would open all the doores of it : for lechery heere lyes night and day with one of prides daughters ( liberty , ) and so sarre is the infection of this pestilence spred , that euery boy there has much harlot in his eyes : religion goes all in changeable silkes , and weares as many maskes as she do's colours : churches stand like rocks , to which very few approach , for feare of suffring ship-wrack . the seuen deadly sinnes , are there in as great authority , as the seuen electors in germany , and women in greater then both : in so much as drunkennes , which was once the dutchmans head-ake , is now become the englishmans : so ielozy , that at first was whipt out of hell , because shee tormented euen diuels , lies now euery howre in the venecians bosome : euery noble man growes there like a beech tree , for a number of beasts couch vnder his shade : euery gentleman aspires rather to bee counted great then good , weighing out good words by pounds , and good deeds by drams : their promises are eeues , their performances hollidayes , for they worke hard vpon the one , and are idle on the other : three things there are dog-cheap , learning , poore mens sweat , and othes : farmers in that country are petty tyrants , and landlords , tyrāts ouer those farmers , epicures grow as fat there , as in england , for you shall haue a slaue eat more at a meale , then ten of the guard , and drink more in two dayes , then all maningtree do's at a whitsun ale . our rankrider of the stygiā bordērs , seeing how wel these pupils profited vnder their italian schole-master , and that all countreys liu'd obedient to the luciferan lawes , resolu'd to change post-hors no more , but to conclude his perigrinatiō , hauing seene fashions , and gotten table-talke enough by his trauell . in a fewe minutes therefore is he come to the banck-side of acheron , where you are not bayted by whole kennels of yelping watermen , as you are at westminster-bridge , and ready to be torne in peeces to haue two pence rowed out of your purse : no , ship wrights there could hardly liue , there 's but one boat , & in that one , charon is the onely ferri-mā , so that if a cales knight should bawle his hart out , he cānot get a paire of oares there , to do him grace with ( i plyed your worship first ) but must be glad to goe with a sculler : by which meanes , though the fare be smal ( for the watermans wages was at first but a half penny , then it came to a peny , 't is now mended , and is growne to three halfe pence , for all things wax deare in hell , as well as vpon earth , by reason 't is so populous ) yet the gaines of it are greater in a quarter , then ten westerne barges get in a yeere : dotchet ferry comes nothing neere it . it is for al the world , like graues-end barge : and the passengers priuiledged alike , for ther 's no regard of age , of sex , of beauty , of riches , of valor , of learning , of greatnes , or of birth : he that comes in first , sits no better then the lost . will summers giues not richard the third the cushions , the duke of guize and the duke of shore-ditch haue not the bredth of a bench between them , iane shore and a goldsmiths wife are no better one then another . kings & clownes , souldiers & cowards , church-men and sextons , aldermen , and coblers , are all one to charon : for his naulum , lucke ( the old recorders foole ) shall haue as much mat , as sir lancelot of the lake : he knows , though they had an oare in euery mans boat in the world , yet in his they cannot challenge so much as a stretcher : and therfore ( though hee sayles continually with wind and tide , ) he makes the prowdest of them all , to stay his leasure . it was a comedy , to see what a crowding ( as if it beene at a new play ) there was vpon the acherontique strond , so that the post was fayne to tarry his turne , because hee could not get neere enough the shore : he purpos'd therefore patiently to walke vp and downe , till the coast was cleere , and to note the cödition of all the passengers . amongst whom there were courtyers , that brought with em whole trunks of apparell , which they had bought , and large pattents for monopolyes , which they had beg'd : lawyers loaden with leases , and with purchased lordships , cleargy men , so pursy and so windlesse with bearing three or foure church liuings , that they could scarce speake : m●rchants laden with baggs of gold , for which they had robd their princes custome : schollers with aristotle and ramus in cloake-bags , ( as if they ment to pull downe the diuell ) in disputation , being the subtillest logician , but full of sophistry : captayns , some in guilt armor ( vnbattred , ) some in buffe ierkins , plated o're with massy siluer lace , ( rayzd out of the ashes of dead pay , ) and banckrupt citizens , in swarmes like porters sweating basely vnder the burdens of that , for which other men had sweat honestly before . all which ( like burgers in a netherland towne taken by freebooters ) were compelled to throw downe bag and baggage , before they could haue pasport to bee shipt into the flemmish hoy of hell : for if euery man should bee sufferd to carry with him out of the world that which hee tooke most delight in , it were inough to drowne him , and to cast away the vessell hee goes in : charon therefore strips them of all , and leaues them more bare then irish beggers : and glad they were ( for all their howling to see themselues so fleec'd ) that for their siluer they could haue wastage ouer . in therefore they thrung , some wading vp to the knees , and those were youngmen : they were loth to make too much hast , swearing they came thither before their time : some , vp to the middles , and those were women , they seeing young men goe before them , were asham'd not to vēture farder than they : others waded vp to the chin , & the old men , they seeing their gold taken from them , were desperate , and would haue drown'd themselues : but that charon slipping his oare vnder their bellies , tost them out of the water , into his wherry . the boat is made of nothing but the wormeaten ribs of coffins , nayl'd together , with the splinters of fleshlesse shin-bones , dig'd out of graues , beeing broken in pieces . the sculls that hee rowes with , are made of sextons spades , which had bene hung vp at the end of some great plague , the bench he sits vpon , a ranke of dead mens sculls . the worst of them hauing bene an emperor , as great as charlemaine : and a huge heap of their beards seruing for his cushion : the mast of the boat is an arme of an yew tree , whose boughs ( in stead of rosemary ) had wont to be worn at buryals : the sayle , two patcht winding sheets , wherein a broker and an vsurer had bin laid for their linnen , will last longest , because it comes cōmōly out of lauender & is seldom worn . the waterman himselfe is an old grisly-fac'd fellow : a beard filthyer then a bakers mawkin that hee sweeps his ouen , which hung full of knotted elf-locks , and serues him for a swabber in sowle weather to clense his hulke : a payre of eyes staring so wide ( by beeing bleard with the wind ) as if the liddes were lifted vp with gags to keepe them open : more salt rewmatick water runnes out of them , than would pickle all the herrings that shall come out of yarmouth : a payre of hands so hard and scal'd ouer with durt , that passengers thinke hee weares gantlets , and more stinkingly musty are they than the fists of night-men , or the fingers of bribery , which are neuer cleane : his breath belches out nothing but rotten damps , which lye so thick and foggie , on the face of the waters , that his fare is halfe choakt , ere they can get to land : the sea-cole furnaces of ten brew-howses , make not such a smoke , nor the tallow pans of fifteene chaundlers ( when they melt , ) send out such a smell : hee 's dreadfull in looks , and currish in language , yet as kind as a courtyer where he takes . hee sits in all stormes bare-headed , for if he had a cap , he would not put it of to a pope : a gowne girt to him ( made all of wolues skins ) tanned ( figuring his greedynes ) but worne out so long , that it has almost worn away his elbows : hee 's thick of hearing to them that sue to him , but to those against whose wils hee 's sent for , a fiddler heares not the creeking of a window sooner . as touching the riuer , looke how moore-ditch shews , when the water is three quarters dreyn'd out , and by reason the stomake of it is ouer-laden , is ready to fal to casting so does that , it stinks almost worse , is almost as poysonous , altogether so muddy , altogether so black : in tast very bitter , yet to those that know how to distill these deadly waters , ) very wholsome . charon , hauing discharged his fraight , the packetcaryer ( that all this while wayted on the other side , ) cride a boate , a boat : his voyce was knowne by the tune , and ( weary though he were ) ouer to him comes our fery-man . to whō ( so soon as euer he was set ) charon complaines what a bawling there has bin , with what fares he has bene posted , and how much tugging ( his boat being so thwackt ) he has split one of his oares , and broken his bid-hooke , so that hee can row but lazily , till it bee mended . and were it not that the soule payes excessiue rent for dwelling in the body , he sweares ( by the stygian lake , ) he would not let em passe thus for a trifle , but raize his price : why may not he do it as wel as punks and tradesmen ? herevpon he brags what a nomber of gallant felows and goodly wenches went lately ouer with him , whose names he has in his book and could giuehim , but that they earnestly entreated not to haue their names spred any farder ( for their heires sakes ) because most of them were too great in some mens books already . the onely wonder ( sayes charon ) that these passengers driue me into , is , to see how strangely the world is altred since pluto and proserpine were maried : for whereas in the olde time , men had wont to come into his boate all slasht , ( some with one arme , some with neuer a leg , and others with heads like calues cleft to their shoulders , and the mouths of their very wounds gaping so wide , as if they were crying a boat , a boat , ) now contrariwise , his fares are none , but those that are poysoned by their wiues for lust , or by their heires for liuing , or burnt by whores , or reeling into hell out of tauerns : or if they happen to come bleeding , their greatest glory is a stab , vpon the giuing of a lye . so that if the three destinies spin no finer threads thēn these , men must eyther , ( like aesculapius ) be made immortall for meere pitty sake , and be sent vp to iupiter , or else the land of blackamoores must be made bigger : for the great lord of tartary will shortly haue no roome for all his retayners , which would be a great dishonour to him , considering hee 's now the onely housekeeper . by this tyme , charon looking before him ( as watermen vse to doe ) that 's to say , behind him , spied he was hard at shoare : wherevpon seeing he had such dooings ( that if it held still ) hee must needs take a seruant ( and so make a payre of oares for pluto ) hee offered great wages to the knight passant , to bee his iourneyman : but he beeing only for the diuels land seruice , told him hee could not giue ouer his seruice , but assuring him , he would enforme his mr. ( the king of erebus ) of al that was spoken , he payd the boat hyre fitting his knighthood , leapt ashore and so parted . the wayes are so playne , & our trauayler on foot so familyar with them , that hee came sooner to the court gates of auernus , then his fellow ( the wherry-man ) could fasten his hooke on the other side of acheron : the porter ( though he knew him wel inough and fawnd vpon him , ) would not let him passe , till he had his due : for euery officer there is as greedy of his fees , as they are heere . you mistake , if you imagine that plutoes porter is like one of those big fellows that stand like cyants at lords gates ) hauing bellies bumbasted with ale in lambs-wool , and with sacks : and cheeks strutting out ( like two footebals ) being blowen vp with powder beefe & brewis : yet hee 's as surly as those key-turners are , but lookes as little more scuruily : no , no , this doorekeeper wayts not to take money of those that passe in , to behold the infernall tragedyes , neyther has hee a lodge to dyne & sup in , but only a kennell , and executes his bawling office meerely for victuals : his name is cerberus , but the howsehold call him more properly , the black dog of hell : hee has three heads , but no hayre vpon them , ( the place is too hot to keep hayre on ) for in stead of hayr they are al curl'd ouerwith snakes , which reach frō the crowns of his 3. heads alongst the ridge of his back to his very taile , & that 's wreathed like a dragōs : twenty couple of hounds make not such a damnable noyse , when they howle , as he does whē he barks : his property is to wag his tayle , when any comes for entrance to the gate , & to lick their hands , but vpon the least offer to scape out , he leaps at their throats ; sure hee 's a mad dog , for wheresoeuer he bites , it rankles to the death . his eyes are euer watching , his eares euer listning , his pawes euer catching , his mouths are gaping : insomuch , that day & night , he lyes howling to bee sent to paris garden , rather then to bee vs'de , so like a curre as he is . the post , to stop his throat , threw him a sop , and whyl'st hee was deuouring of that , he passed through the gates . no sooner was he entred , but hee met with thousands of miserable soules , pyneond and dragd in chaines to the barre , where they were to receiue their triall , with bitter lamentations bewayling ( al the way as they went ) and with lowd execratiōs cursing the bodyes with whom they somtimes frollickly kept company , for leading them to those impietyes , for which they must now ( euen to their vtter vndoing ) deerely answere : it was quarter sessions in hell , and though the post-master had bin at many of their arraignments , & knew the horror of the executions , yet the very sight of the prisoners struck him now into an astonishable amazement . on not withstanding hee goes , with intent to deliuer the supplication , but so busy was the behomoth ( the prince of the deuils ) and such a presse was within the court , and about the barre , that by no thrusting or shouldring , could hee get accesse ; the best time for him must be , to watch his rising , at the adiourning of the sessions , and therefore he skrews himselfe by all the insynuating arte he can , into the thickest of the crow'd , & within reach of the clarke of the peaces voyce , to heare all their inditements . the iudges are set , ( beeing three in number ) seuere in looke , sharp in iustice , shrill in voyce , vnsubiect passion : the prisoners are soules , that haue cōmitted treason against their creation : they are cald to the barre , their number infinit , their crimes numberlesse : the iury that must passe vpon them , are their sins , who are impanel'd out of the seueral countryes , and are sworne to finde whose conscience is the witnes , who vpon the booke of their liues , where all their deeds are written , giues in dangerous euidence against them , the furies ( who stand at the elbowe of their conscience ) are there readie with stripes to make them confesse , for either they are the beadels of hell that whip soules in lucifers bridewell , or else his executioners to put them to worse torments : the inditements are of seueral qualities , according to the seuerall offences ; some are arraigned for ambition in the court ; some for corruptiō in the church ; some for crueltie in the camp ; some for hollow-hartednes in the citie ; some for eating men aliue in the country , euery particular soule has a particular sinne , at his heeles to condemne him , so that to pleade not guiltie , were folly : to begge for mercy , madnesse : for if any should do the one , he can put himselfe vpon none but the diuel & his angels : and they ( to make quicke worke ) giue him his pasport . if do the other , the hands of ten kings vnder their great seales wil not be taken for his pardō . for though conscience comes to this court , poore in attire , diseased in his flesh , wretched in his face , heauy in his gate , and hoarse in his voice , yet carries he such stings within him , to torture himselfe , if hee speak not truth , that euery word is a iudges sentēce , and when he has spoken , the accused is suffred neyther to pleade for him selfe , nor to fee any lawier , to argue for him . in what a lamentable condition therefore stands the vnhappie prisoner , his inditement is impleadable , his euidence irrefutable , the fact impardonable , the iudge impenitrable , the iudgment formidable : the tortures insufferable , the manner of them invtterable : he must endure a death without dying , torments ending with worse beginnings , by his shrikes others shall be affrighted , himself afflicted , by thousands pointed at , by not one amongst millions pittied , hee shall see no good that may helpe him , what he most does loue , shal be taken from him , and what he most doth loathe , shal be powred into his bosom . adde herevnto the saide cogitation of that dismall place , to which he is condemned , the remembrance of which , is almost as dolorous , as the punishments there to be endured . in what colours shall i laie downe the true shape of it ? assist me inuention . suppose that being gloriously attired , deliciously feasted , attended on maiestically , musicke charming thine eare , beauty thine eye ; & that in the very height of all worldly pompe that thought can aspire to , thou shouldest be tombled downe , from some high goodly pinnacle , ( builded for thy pleasure ) into the bottome of a lake , whose depth is immeasurable , and circuit incomprehensible : and that being there , thou shouldest in a moment be ringed about , with all the murtherers that euer haue beene since the first foundation of the world , with all the atheists , all the church-robbers , all the incestuous rauishers , and all the polluted villaines , that euer suckt damnation from the brests of black impietie , that the place it selfe is gloomie , hideous , and in accessible , pestilent by damps , and rotten vapors , haunted with spirits , and pitcht all ouer , with cloudes of darknesse , so clammy and palpable , that the eye of the moone is too dull to pierce through them , and the fires of the sun too weake to dissolue them , then that a sulphurous stench must stil strike vp into thy nosthrils , adders & toades be still crawling on thy bosome , mandrakes and night rauens still shriking in thine eare , snakes euer sucking at thy breath , and which way soeuer thou turnest , a fire flashing in thine eyes , yet yeelding no more light than what with a glimse may shewe others how thou art tormēted , or else shew vnto thee the tortures of others , and yet the flames to bee so deuouring in the burning , that should they but glow vpon mountaines , of iron , they were able to melt them like mountains of snow . and last of all , that all these horrors are not wouen together , to last for yeeres , but for ages of worlds , yea for worlds of ages ; into what gulf of desperate calamitie , wold not the poorest begger now throw himself headlong , rather then to tast the least dram of this bitternes , if imagination can giue being to a more miserable place than this described ? such a one , or worse than such a one , is that , into which the guiltie soules are led captiue , after they haue their condemnation . and what tongue is able to relate the grones and vlulations of a wretch so distressed , a hundred pennes of steele wold be worne blunt in the description , and yet leaue it vnfinished . let vs therfore sithence the infernal sessiōs are reiourned , & the court breaking vp , seek out his knightship who hauing waited all this while for the diuel , hath by this time deliuered to his pawes , the supplication for poore pierce pennyles , and so , masuolio his secretarie is reading it to him , but before he was vp to the middle of it , the worke master of witches , snatched away the paper , and thrust it into his bosome in great choller , railing at his letter carrier , & threatning to haue him lasht by the furies , for his loytring so long , or cauterizde with hotte irons for a fugitiue . but mephostophiles discoursing from point , to point , what paines he had taken in the suruey of euery country , and how he had spent his time there , serieant sathan gaue him his blessing , and told him that during his absence ) both pierce pennyles and the poet that writ for him , haue bene landed by charon , of whom he willed to enquire within what part of their dominion , they haue taken vp their lodging , his purpose is , to answere euery word , by word of mouth , yet because he knowes , that at the returne of his post ship , and walking vpon the exchange of the world , ( which hee charges him to hasten for the good of the stygian kingdom that altogether stands vpon quicke traffique ) they will flutter about him , crying , what newes , what newes ? what squibs , or rather what peeces of ordinance doth the m. gunner of gehenna discharge against so sawcie a suitor , that by the artillerie of his secretaries penne , hath shaken the walls of his kingdome , and made so wide a breach , that any syr giles may looke into his , and his officers doings : to stoppe their mouthes with some thing , stoppe them with this : that touching the enlargement of gold , ( which is the first branch of the petition ) so it is that plutus his kinsman ( being the onely setter vp of tempting idols ) was borne a cripple , but had his eye-sight as faire as the day , for hee could see the faces and fashions of all men in the world , in a twinkling . at which time , for all he went vpon crutches , he made shift to walke abroad with many of his friends , marrie they were none but good men . a poet , or a philosopher , might then haue sooner had his company , than a iustice of peace : vertue at that time , went in good cloathes , and vice fed vpon beggerie . almes baskets , honestie and plaine dealing , had all the trades in their owne hands , so that vnthrifts , cheaters , and the rest of their faction , ( though it were the greater ) were borne downe , for not an angell durst be seene to drinke in a tauerne with them : whereupon they were all in danger to be famisht . which enormitie , iupiter wisely looking into , and seeing plutus dispersing his gifts amongst none but his honest brethren , strucke him ( either in anger or enuie ) starke blinde , so that euer since he hath plaide the good fellow , for now euery gull may leade him vp and downe like guy , to make sports in any drunken assembly , now hee regards not who thrusts his hands into his pockets , nor what money they take out , nor how it is spent , a foole shall haue his heart now , assoone as a phisition : and an asse that cannot spell , goe laden away with double duckets from his indian store-house , when ibis homere , that hath laine sick seuenteen yeers together of the vniuer-sitie plague , ( watching and want ) onely in hope at the last to finde some cure , shall not for an hundred waight of good lattine , receiue a two-penny waight in siluer , his ignorance ( arising from his blindnesse ) is the only cause of this comedie of errors : so that vntil some quack-saluer or other ( either by the helpe of tower hill water , or any other , either phisical or chirurgicall meanes ) can pick out that pin and a web , which is stuck into both his eyes ( and that will very hardly be ) it is irreuocably set downe , in the adamantine booke of fate , that gold shall be a perpetuall slaue to slaues , a drudge to fooles , a foole to make woodcocks merry , whilst wisemen mourne : or if at any time he chance to breake prison , and flie for refuge into the chamber of a courtier , to a meere hawking countrie gentleman , to an aldermans heire , to a yong student at the lawe , or to any tradesmans eldest sonne , that rides forth to cast vp his fathers reckonings in fortified tauerns , such mighty search shall be made for him , such hue and cry after him , and such misrule kept , vntil he be smeltout , that poore golde must bee glad to get out of their companie , castles cannot protect him , but he must be apprehended , and suffer for it . now as touching the seauen leaued tree , of the deadly sinnes , ( which peirce-pennilesse would haue hewen downe , ) his request is vnreasonable , for that growes so rancke in euery mans garden , and the flowers of it worne so much in euery womans bosome , that till the last general autumnian quarter of the dreadful yeare , whē whole kingdoms ( like seare and saplesse leaues ) must be shaken in peeces by the consuming breath of fire , and all the fruits of the earth be raked together , by the spirit of stormes , and burnt in one heape like stubble , till then , it is impossible to cleere the oaken forehead of it , or to loppe off any of the branches . and let this satisfie itching newes-hunters , for so much of mine answere to the poore fellows supplication , as i meane to haue publisht to the world : what more i haue to vtter , shall be in his eare , because he was more busie in his prating then a barber , with thee my seruant , about my houshold affaires , & therfore it is to be doubted he lurkes within our cimerian prouinces , but as an intelligencer , which if it be proued , he shal buy it with his soule ; dispatch therefore ( my faithfull incarnate diuel ) proclaime these things to the next region aboue vs. go & deliuer my most-most hartie cōdemnations to all those that steale subiects hearts from their soueraignes , say to althose , they shal haue my letters of mart for their piracie : factious gnyziards , that lay traines of seditiō to blow vp the cōmō-wealth , i hug thē as my children , to all those churchmen that bind thēselues together in schismes , like būdles of thorns , onely to pricke the sides of religion , till her heart bleede : i will giue them newe orders ; to all those that strip orphanes out of their portions , they shall bee mine ingles : to all those that vntile their neighbours houses , that whilst stormes are beating thē out , they themselues may enter in , bestow vpon such officers of mine , a thousand condemnations from their maister , tho they be sitting at king arthurs round table : when thou doest thy message , they shal haue tenements of me for nothing in hel . in briefe , tell all the brokers in long-lane , houns-ditch , or else wher , which all the rest of their colleagned suburbians , that deale vpon ouerworne commodities , and whose soules are to vs impawned , that they lye safe enough , and that no cheater shal hook them out of our hands , bid them sweat and sweare in their vocation ( as they do hourely ) if thou being a knight of the post , canst not helpe them to oathes , that may make thē get the diuel & al , they haue a sound card on their sides , for i my selfe will abi in malam , goe and mind thy businesse . his warrant being thus signde , the messenger departs , but before he could get to the vttermost ferrie , he met with an old , leane , meagre fellow , whose eies was sunke so deepe into his head , as if they had bene set in backward , his haire was thinner than his cheekes , and his cheekes so much worne awav , that when he spake his tongue smoakt , & that was burnt blacke , with his hot and valiant breath , was seene to moue too and fro so plainly , that a wise man might haue taken it for the snuffe of a candle in a muscouie lanthorne , the barbar surgiōs had begde the body of a man at a sessions to make an anatomie , and that anatomie this wretched creature begged of them to make him a body , charon had but newly landed him : yet it seemde he stood in pittifull feare , for his eyes were no bigger then pinnes heads , with blubbring and howling , and keeping a coile to haue some body shew him the nearest way to hell , which he doubted hee had lost , the other puts him into a path , that would directly bring him thither , but before he bid him farewell , our blacke knight inquired of him what he was : who answered , that he was somtimes one that liued vpon the lecherie of mettalls , for he could make one hundred pound be great with child , and be deliuered with another in a very short time , his mony ( like pigions ) laide euery month , he had bene in vpright tearmes , an vsurer : and vnderstanding that he fell into the hands of the hell post , he offered him after a pennie a mile , betweene that and the townes end he was going too , so he would be his guide . which mony , when the watermen came to rifle him , he swallowed down , and rakte for it afterwards , because he knewe not what neede he should haue , the waies being damnable : but the goer of the diuels errands , told him , if he would allow him pursiuāts fees , he durst not earne them , he would do him any knights seruice , but to play the good angels part , & guide him , he must pardon him . doctor diues requests him ( in a whining accent ) to tell him if ther were any rich men in hel , & if by any base drudgery which the diuel shal put him too , & which heel willingly moile in , he should scrape any muck together , whether he may set vp his trade in hell , & whether there be any brokers there , that with picking strawes out of poore thatcht houses to build neastes where his twelue pences should ingender , might get feathers to his backe , and their owne too . to all which questions , the vaut curier answers briefly , that hee shall meet a number there , who once went in black veluet coats , and welted gownes , but of brokers , there 's a longer lane of them in hell , than there is in london . marry for opening shop , & to keepe a bawdy house for lady pecunia , hoc si fata negant , if the bailiffe of barathrū deny that priuiledge to those that haue serued twice seuen yeeres in the freedom , there 's no reason a forrainer should taste the fauour . this newes tho it went coldly down , yet as those that are troubled with the tooth-ache , enquire of others what the paine is , that haue had them drawne out , and think by that means they lessen their owne ; so it is some ease to sir timothy , thirtie per centum , to harken out the worst that others haue endured , hee desires therfore to know how far it is from the earth to hell ; and being told that hell is iust so many miles frō earth , as earth is frō heauē , he stands in a browne study , wondring ( sithence the length of the iournies were both alike to him , how it should happē , that he tooke rather the one path then the other . but then cursing himself that euer he fell in loue with mony , and that ( which is contrary to nature ) he euer made a crackt french crowne , beget an english angell , he roarde out , & swore , that his gold sure wold damb him . for saies he , my greedinesse to feede mine eye with that , made me starue my belly , and vndo those for sixe pence , that were readie to starue . and into such an apoplexy of soule , fell i into with the lust of mony , that i had no sense of any other happinesse : so that whilst in my closet i sat numbring my bags , the last houre of my life was told out , before i could tell the first heap of gold . birdlime is the sweat of the oake tree , the dung of the blackbird falling on that tree , turnes into that slimie snare , and in that snare , is the bird her selfe taken . so fares it mee , mony is but the excrement of the earth , in which couetous wretches ( like swine ) rooting continually , eate thorow the earth so long , till at length they eate themselues into hell . i see therefore , that as harts , being the most cowardly and hartlesse creatures , haue also the largest hornes , so we that are drudges to heapes of drosse , haue base and leane consciences , but the largest damnation . there appeared to timotheus , an athenian , demorij vmbra , and that gaue him a net to catch cities in , yet for all that he died a begger . sure it was vmbra daemonis that taught me the rule of interest : for in getting that , i haue lost the principall , ( my soule ) . but i pray you tell mee , sayes my setter vp of scriueners , must i be stript thus out of all ? shall my fox furde gownes be lockt vp from me ? must i not haue so much as a shirt vpon me ? heer 's worse pilling & polling thē amongst my countrymen the vsurers , not a rag of linnen about me , to hide my nakednesse . no , sayes the light horse-man of lymbo , no linnen is worne here , because none can be wouen strong enough to hold , neither doe any such good huswiues come hither as to make cloath ; onely the destinies are allowed to spin , but their yarne serues to make smocks for proserpina . you are now as you must euer be , you shall neede no cloathes , the aire is so extreame hot ; besides , there be no tailors suffred to liue here , because ( they as well as plaiers ) haue a hell of their owne , ) ( vnder their shopboard ) and there lye their tottered soules , patcht out with nothing but ragges . this careere being ended , our lansquenight of lowe-germanie , was readie to put spurres to his horse , and take leaue , because hee sawe what disease hung vpon him , and that his companion was hard at his heeles , and was loth to proceed in his iourney . but he , qui nummos admiratur , the pawn groper , clingde about his knees like a horsleech , and coniurde him , as euer he pittied a wretch eaten to the bare bones , by the sacred hunger of gold , that he would either bestow vpon him , a short table ( such a one as is tide to the taile of most almanacks ) chalking out the hye-waies , be they neuer so durtie , and measuring the length of al the miles between town , and towne , to the breadth of a haire , or if this geographicall request tooke vp too much conceald land to haue it granted , that yet ( at last ) hee would tell him , whether he were to passe ouer any more riuers , and what the name of this filthy puddle was , ouer which hee was lately brought by a dogged waterman , because sithence he must runne into the diuels mouth , hee would runne the neerest way , least hee wearied himselfe . of this last request , the lacquy of this great leuiathan , promisde he should be maister , but he would not bring him to a miles end by land , ( they were too many to meddle with ) . you shall vnderstand therefore ( saies our wild irish footeman ) that this first water ( which is now cast behind you ) is acheron , it is the water of trouble , & works like a sea in a tempest ( for indeede this first is the worst ) it hath a thousand creekes , a thousand windings , and turnings , it vehemently boyles at the bottome ( like a caldron of molten leade , ) when on the top it is smoother then a still streame : and vpon great reason is it calde the riuer of molestation , for when the soule of man is vpon the point of departing from the shores of life , and to be shipt away into another world , she is vext with a conscience , and an auxious remembrance of all the parts that euer she plaide on the vnruly stage of the world : she repeats not by roate , but by hart , the iniuries done to others , and indignities wrought against her selfe : she turnes ouer a large volume of accounts , and findes that shee s runne out in pride , in lustes , in riots , in blasphemies , in irreligion , in wallowing through so many enormous and detestable crimes , that to looke back vpon them , ( being so infinite ) and vpon her owne face ( being so fowle ) the very thought makes her desperate : she neuer spake , or delighted to heare spoken , any bawdy language , but it now rings in her eare , neuer lusted after luxurious meats , but their taste is now vpon her tongue , neuer sed the sight with any licentious obiect , but now they come all into her eye , euerie wicked thought before , is now to her a dagger , euery wicked word a death , euery wicked act a damnation : if she scape falling into this ocaean , she is miraculously saued from a ship wracke , hee must needs be a churlish but a cunning waterman , that steeres in a tempest so dangerous : this first riuer is a bitter water in taste , and vnsauoury in sent , but whosoeuer drinks downe but halfe a draught of his remembred former follies , oh it cannot chuse but be amarulentum poculum , gall is hony to it , acheron like is a thick water , and how can it otherwise choose , being stirred with so many thousands fighting perturbations . hauing passed ouer this first riuer ( as now you are ) you shall presently haue your waie stopt with another , it s a little cut by land thither , but a tedious and dangerous voyage by water . lies there a boate readie ( quoth my rich iew of malta ) to take me in so soone as i call ? no , saies the other , you must waite your marriners leisure , the same wrangling fellow that was your first man , is your last man : marrie you shall lie at euery hauens mouth for a winde , till belzebubs hale you ▪ for acheron , ( after many circumgirations ) falles into the stigian lake ( your second riuer carries that name ) it is the water of loathsomnesse , and runnes with a swifter current then the former : for when the soule sees deathes barge tarrying for her , she begins to be sorrie for her ante-acted euils , and then shee s sailing ouer acheron , but when shee drawes the curtaine , and lookes narrowly vpon the pictures , which her owne hand drew , and findes them to be vglie , shee abhorres her owne workemanship , and makes haste to hoiste vp more sayles , and to be transported swiftly ouer the stigian torrent , whose waters are so reuerend , that the gods haue no other oath to sweare by . the third riuer is cocitus , somewhat clearer then both the other , and is the water of repentance , being an armie of stix , many haue here bene cast away , and frozen to death , when the riuer hath waxen cold , ( as oftentimes it doth ) neither are all sorts of soules suffred to saile vpon it , for to some ( as if the water had sense and could not brooke an vnworthy burden ) it swells vp into tempests & drowns them , to others more loue cannot appeare in dolphins to men , then in that does smoothnes . besides these , there are phlegeton and pyriphlegeton , that fall in with cocytus ( burning riuers ) in which ( tho they be dreadfull to looke vpon ) are no vtter danger : if the ferryman wast you safely , ouer the waters of repentance , otherwise these hot lyquors will scalde you . but what a traitor am i to the vndiscouered kingdomes , thus to bring to light their dearest treasury ; sworne am i to the imperiall state infernall , and what dishonour would it bee to my knighthood , to be found forsworne ? seale vp your lips therefore i charge you , and drinke downe a full bowle of lethoean water , which shall wash out of you the remembrance of any thing i haue spoken : be proude , thou grandchild of mammon , that i haue spent these minutes vpon thee , for neuer shal any breathing mortall man , with tortures wring out of me so much againe . there lyes your way : farewel . in such a strange language was this vltimum vale sent forth , that mounsieur mony-monger stood onely staring and yawning vpon him , but could speak no more : yet at the last ( coniuring vp his best spirits ) he onely in a dumb shewe ( with pittifull action , like a plaier , when hee s out of his part ) made signes to haue a letter deliuered by the carrier of condemnation , to his sonne , ( a yong reueller , prickt down to stand in the mercers books for next christmas , ) which in a dumbe shewe likewise being receiued , they both turnde backe the vsurer , looking as hungrily , as if he had kist the post . at the banck end , when plutoes pursiuant came to take water , mercury ( that runnes of all the errands betweene the gods ) hauing bene of a message from ceres , to her daughter proserpine , ( the queene of lower affrica ) finding charon ydle in his boate , because ( as if it had bene out of terme time ) no fares was stirring , fell to cast vp old reckonings , betweene himselfe , and the weather-beaten sculler , for certaine trifling money laid out about charons businesse . so that the knight slipping in like a constable to parta fraie , was requested to be as arbitrator . the first item that stoode in his bill , was , for nayles to mend your wherrie , when twoo dutch men comming druncke from the rennish wine-house , splitte three of the boordes with their club fists , thinking they had called for a reckoning : iiij . pence . those butter boxes ( sayes charon ) owe me a peny vpon the foot of that accompt : for i could distill out of them but onely three poore droppes of siluer for the voyage , and all my losse at sea . what 's next ? item , laid out for pitch to trim your boat about the middle of the last plague , because she might goe tight and yare , and do her labour cleanly , xj . pence . i am ouer-reckoned that odde penny , quoth charon , & i le neuer yeeld to pay it , but vi & armis , that 's to say , by law . i disburst it ( by my caducens sayes the herald : ) nay , sayes charon if thou wilt defile thy conscience with a penny-worth of pitch , touch it still : on . item , for glew and whip-coard to mend your broken oare , iij. pence . that 's reasonable ; yet i haue caried some in my wherry that haue had more whip-cord giuen them for nothing : on . item laid out for iuniper to perfume the boat , when certaine french men were to go by water : j. ob . i , a pox on them , who got by that ? on . item lent to a companie of country players , being nine in number , one sharer , & the rest iornymen , that with strowling were brought to deaths door , xiij . d. ob . vpon their stocke of apparell , to pay for their boat hire , because they would trie if they could be suffred to play in the diuels name , which stocke afterwards came into your hands , & you dealt vpon it : xiij . d. ob . they had his hand to a warrant ( quoth charon ) but their ragges serued to make me swabbers , because they neuer fetcht it againe , so that belike he proued a good lord , & master to them , and they made new . perge mentiri . tickle the next minkin . item , when a cobler of poetrie called a play-patcher , was condemned with his cat to be duckt three times in the cucking-stole of pyriphlegeton ( being one of the scalding riuers ) til they both dropt again , because he scolded against his betters , and those whom he liued vpon , laid out at that time for straw , to haue caried pusse away if she had kittend , to avoid any catterwalling in hell. j pennie . mew , they were not both worth a pennie : on . item , for needle and threed to darne vp aboue two and fiftie holes in your failes , and to a botcher for halfe a dayes worke about it : vij . pence . that botcher i preferd to be lucifers tailer , because he workes with a hot needle and burnt threed , and that seuen pence he gaue me for my good will , why should not i take bribes as well as others , i will clip that money , and melt it . not for my bill ( sayes the herald of the gods ) for it went out of my purse , the tayler may pay it backe againe , it is but stealing so much the more , or cutting out 5. quarters to a garment , nay , mercurie , you shall filch for vs both , for all the gods know you are a notable pick-pocket , as the knight of the post here can take his oath , but what is your summa totalis , ( quoth charon , ) summa totalis , answers the other commes to three shillings and a pennie . the sculler told him , hee was now out of cash , it was a hard time , he doubts there is some secrete bridge made ouer to hell , and that they steale thither in coaches , for euery iustices wife , and the wife of euerie citizen must be iolted now . but howsoeuer the market goes , beare with mee , ( quoth charon ) till there come another plague , or til you heare of such another battell as was at newport , or till the dunkirks catch a hoy of hollenders , and tumble them ouer-boord , or till there be more ciuill warres in france , or if parris garden would but fall downe againe , i should not onely wipe off this olde score , but hope to make me a new boat . mercury seeing no remedy ( tho he knew well inough he was not without mony ) tooke his wings , & away went he to olympus . the posts iorny lay nothing nere that path , but inquiring whether one peerce pennilesse came not ouer in his ferry : and vnderstanding , because hee could not pay his fare , he was faine to goe a great way about to elizium , thither in an irish gallop is our swearing knight gone . scarce was he out of kenne , but on the other side of the riuer stoode a companie crying out lustily , a boat , hey , a boat , hey , and who should they bee but a gallant troope of english spirits ( all mangled ) looking like so manie olde romans , that for ouercomming death in their manly resolutions , were sent away out of the field , crowned with the military honour of armes . the formost of them was a personage of so composed a presence , that nature and fortune had done him wrong , if they had not made him a souldier . in his countenance , there was a kinde of indignation , fighting with a kinde of exalted ioy , which by his very gesture were apparantly descipherable , for he was jo cond , that his soule went out of him in so glorious a triumph ; but disdainfully angry , that she wrought her enlargement through no more daungers : yet were there bleeding witnesses inow on his breast , which testified , he did not yeelde till he was conquered , and was not conquered , till there was left nothing of a man in him to be ouercome . for besides those mortui & muti testes , which spake most for him , when he himselfe was past speaking , ( though their mouths were stopped with scarres ) he made shift to lay downe an ouer-plus of life , ( when the debt was discharged at one mortall payment before ) onely to shew in what abiect account he held deaths tyranny . charon glowting vpon him , demanded who he was , but hee skorning to be his owne chronicle , and not suffering any of the rest to execute the office , they all leaped into the ferry . amongst whom , one that sate out of his hearing , but within the reach of the waterman ( to shorten the way ) discoursed all , thus : england ( quoth he ) gaue him breath , kent education , he was neuer ouer-maistered , but by his owne affections : against whom , whensoeuer he got the victorie , there was a whole man in him : he was of the sword , and knew better how to end quarrells , then to beginne them ; yet was more apt to begin , then others ( better bearded ) were to answer , with which ( some that were euer bound to the peace ) vpbraided him as a blemish . his country barring him ( for want of action ) of that which he was borne to inherit , ( fame ) hee went in quest of it into the low countries , where ( by his deare earnings ) hee bequeathed that to those of his name , with nothing , but his name seemed to deprive him of in england . ost-end being besieged , he lost one of his eyes , whilst he looked ouer the walls , which first storme did rather driue him on to more dangerous aduentures , though to the hazard euen of a shipwracke , ( than like a fearefull merchant ) to runne his fortunes and reputation on ground , for the boysterous threatnings of euery idle billow . so that his resolution set vpon this rest , to leaue all the remainer of his bodie to that country , which had taken from him one of the best iewells of his life , since it had a peece of him , he would not so dishonour the place , as to carry away the rest broken . into the field therefore comes he , the fates putting both his eyes into one , ( of purpose ) because hee should looke vpon none but his enemies : where , a battaile being to be fought , the desert aduanced him to aduance the colours ; by which dignitie , he became one of the fairest markes , which was then to be shot at : and where a great part of that daies glorie was to be wonne ; for the regent that followed his ensigne , ( by being hardly set to ) giuing ground , and the enemies ambition , thirsting after his colours , threw at all , in hope to winne them . but the destinies ( who fought on their side ) mistooke themselues , and in stead of striking the colours out of his hand , smote him : in so much , that hee was twice shot , and twice runne through the bodie , yet would not surrender his hold for all those breaches , but stripping the prize for which they stroue , off from the staffe that held it vp , and wrapping his dying bodie in it , drew out his weapon , with which before his colours could be called his winding sheete , hee threw himselfe into the thickest of daunger , where after hee had slaine a horse-man , and two others most valiantly , hee came off ( halfe dead , halfe aliue ) brauely , deliuering vp his spirit in the armes of none but his friends and fellow souldiers . so that ( as if fortune had beene iealous of her owne wauering ) death ( at her intreatie ) tooke him away , in the noone-tide of a happinesse , least any blacke euenings ouercasting , should spoile it with alteration . hee was married to the honour of a fielde in the morning , and died in the armes of it the same day , before it was spoyled of the mayden-head : so that it went away chaste and vnbleamishable . to conclude , ( father sculler ) because i see wee are vppon landing , here is as much as i can speake in his praise : he died auncient in the verie middest of his youth . charon humde and cried well ; and hauing rid his boat of them , directed them to those happie places which were allotted out to none but martialists . in this interim sir digoneis worshippe ( our wandring knight , ) is walking with the monilesse orator in one of the elizian gardens , to whom hee relates ( aeerbatim ) his masters answer and resolution , which he receiues ( considering he was now where he would be ) with as few wordes as he was woont to carrie pence in his purse . the post hath as little to say to him , & there for casting a slight eie ( because he durst do no other , for that place is not for him ) vpon all the elizian courtiers , ( like a disdainfull phantasticke frenchman , when he comes into a strange countrie as though hee trauailed rather to bee seene than to obserue , ) vp he gettes vppon one of the diuels hackneyes , and away hee rides about his other worldly businesse , about which , whilest hee is sweating , let mee carrie you vppe into those insulae fortunatae , which are imbraced about with waters sweete , redolent , and cristoline , the teares of the vine are not so precious , the nectar of the gods nothing so sweete and delicious . if you walke into the groaues , you shall see all sortes of birdes melodiously singing , shepheardes swaines deftly pyping , and virgins the trees euer flourishing , the fruits euer growing , the flowers euer springing : for the very benches whereon they sit , are buds of violets , the buddes whereon they lie , bankes of muske roses , their pillowes are hearts-ease , their sheetes , the silken leaues of willow : vpon which , lest my intranced soule lie too long , and forget herselfe , let me heere ( like one started out of a golden dreame ) be so delighted with these treasures , which i found in my sleepe , that for a while i stand amazed , and speake nothing . iam desine tibia versas . finis . the honestie of this age· proouing by good circumstance that the world was neuer honest till now. by barnabee rych gentleman, seruant to the kings most excellent maiestie. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. 1614 approx. 107 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10703 stc 20986 estc s115916 99851133 99851133 16391 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10703) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16391) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1115:5) the honestie of this age· proouing by good circumstance that the world was neuer honest till now. by barnabee rych gentleman, seruant to the kings most excellent maiestie. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. [6], 49, [1] p. 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reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the honestie of this age . proouing by good circumstance that the world was neuer honest till now . by barnabee rych gentleman , seruant to the kings most excellent maiestie . malui me diuitem esse , quam vocari . printed at london for t. a. 1614. to the right honorable syr thomas middleton knight , l. maior of the honorable cittie of london . most honorable lord , to auoid idlenes , i haue with domitian endeuoured to catch flies , i haue taken in hand a text , that will rather induce hatred , then winne loue , i haue spoken against those abhominations , that are not lesse odible in the sight of the powers of heauen , then monstrous to bee tollerated heere vpon the face of the earth : i haue grasped at greater matters , then ( some will say ) is fitting to behandled by a souldiers penne . the adulterer will not indure it , the drunkard wil be angry with it , the blasphemer will sweare at it , the bribe-taker will despite it , the papist will malice it , to conclude most honorable ) there is no guiltie conscience that will willingly entertaine it . remayning then in some doubtfulnes of mind , to whom i might bequeath it , that would eyther grace or giue countenance vnto it , i was prompted by report of your lordships worthinesse that now in the course of your gouernement in this honorable cittie of london , you haue set vp those lights for the suppressing of seuerall sorts of sinnes , that as they haue already aduanced your applause , amongst those that bee of the best approoued honesty , so they will remaine for euer in record to your perpetuall prayse . let not therefore my boldnes , seeme presumptuous , that being altogether vnknowne to your lordship , haue yet presumed to shelter my lines vnder your honorable name , and thus in affiance of your honorable acceptance , i rest to doe your lordshippe any other kinde of seruice . your lordships to commaund barnabe rych to all those readers that are well disposed . gentlemen , there are but fewe in these dayes , that are willing to heare their faultes : but they are fewer by a great number that are willing to amend them , find faults , could neuer yet get grace , for adulation is crept so closely into our bosomes , that smoothing flatterie is more dearely esteemed , then reprehending veritie . i confesse my selfe to be ill beholding to mine owne tongue , that could neuer flatter , lispe , nor lye : nature hath made the carriage of my words to bee something harsh and dull , yet when they seeme to be most slow , perhaps sometimes they be most sure : i speake plainely , & i meane honestly : and although my wordes bee not imbroydered with high morality , i care not : for i leaue that to schollers , maisters of art and methode . if my lynes be plaine and true , they so much the more resemble their sier , and for children to bee like their parentes , besides the midwife will giue it a blessing , so it is a signe they be legitimate : defectes i know they cannot want , that in their procreation were bred and borne before their time , for as i conueyued of them in an instant , so i was deliuered againe in a moment : and these abortiue brates that are thus hastely brought into the world , though they seldome prooue to haue any great vigor or strength , yet i hope these will proue to be of as honest and plaine dealing as their father . i make no doubt but they will please as many as i desire to content , and those are good men , and vertuous women : for the rest that are gauled , if i rubbe them vnawares , it is but chance-medly , and then i hope i shall obtaine a pardon of course , protesting aforehand that i haue not aymed at any one particularly that hath not a guiltie conscience to accuse himselfe : if any man will thinke them to be too bitter , let him vse it as an apothecaries pill , that the more bitter , the better purging . to the muses . pierian sisters , types of true renowne , the radyant lights of art and sacred skill : i come not to implore a lawrell crowne , wherewith to decke my rude vntutred quill . nor doe i seeke to climbe parnassus hill . in briefe the world of folly i vpbrayde , yet dare not presse , faire dames to craue your aide . i smooth no sinne , i sing no pleasing song , i cloake no vice , i seeke to bleare no eyes , i would be loath to doe minerua wrong : to forge vntruths , or decke my lynes with lyes , i cannot fable , flatter , nor disguise . yet mounted now on tymes discerning stage , i stand to note the follies of our age. finis . the honestie of this age . when philip that was the father of the great alexander , was leuying an armie for the warres which hee intended against the athenians , and that through all the partes of macedonia , the countrey was filled with the noyse of shrill sounding trumpets , and of ratling drums : and that the people in like maner , as busily bestirred themselues to helpe and set forward the souldiers , that were then making readie to follow the captaines . euery man being thus in action about this great preparation , in the midst of all this busines , diogenes beganne to rolle and rumble his tubb , still tossing and tumbling it from place to place , in that vnaccustomed manner that some that did behold him , demanded of him his meaning in the matter : why ( said diogenes ) do you not see this strange alteratiō , that euery man is doing of somewhat now on the sodaine and why should not i be as busie as the best ? i cannot be idle and although i can do nothing else , yet i will rumble my tubb amongst them , if it be but to hold them company . i would apply this president in mine owne excuse , that nowe in this quicke sprited age , when so many excellent wittes , are indeuouring by their pennes to set vpp lightes , and to giue the world new eyes to see into deformitie , why should not i that can doe little ? yet apply my selfe to doe something , if it be but with diogenes to rumble my tubb : yet i know i shall offend , for the world is so luld a sleepe in pleasures lap , that they cannot indure any rumbling noyse , that should awaken them out of that sweete sleepe of securitie , hee that would please the time must learne to sing lullaby to folly : & there is no musicke so delightfull as the smoothing vp of sinne . how many worthy preachers be there in these daies that haue with heraclitus bewayled the iniquitie of the time , and that haue thundered forth the iudgements of god , which the holy scriptures haue threatned to fall vpon impenitent sinners , but what doe lamentations auayle ? they doe but make a rumbling like diogenes tubb , the sound is no sooner past , but it is as quickly forgotten : let them weepe therefore that list with heraclitus , i will make my selfe a little merrie with democritus , i will laugh at the follies of the world , let the world laugh as fast againe at me , i looke for no better : and not onely to be mocked at , but likewise to be wounded and tortured with lying and slaunderous tongues . the blaspheming wretch , that is ready to make the heauens to tremble with whole vollies of oathes that hee will thunder forth , but for the wagging of a straw , will bitterly sweare and protest against me . the licentious whooremaster , that in hunting after harlots , consumes himselfe both in body and soule , will censure me . the beastly drunkard , more loathsome then a swine , when he hath so ouercharged his stomacke , that hee can no longer holde ( together with his draffe ) will vomit out my reproches . the finicall foole , that by his nice and queint atyre may well be resembled to the sea mermayd seeming halfe a man and halfe a harlot , will not forbeare to mocke & deride me . the bribing officer , will bitterly curse me . the tradesman and shopkeeper , that doe buy and sell vanities , will grudge and murmure at me . the country swayne , that will sweate more on sun-dayes dancing about a may poole , then hee will doe all the weeke after at his worke , will haue a cast at me . the infamous harlot , that prostitutes her selfe to euerie vicious lecher , will pronounce mee an open enemie to woman kinde . olde mother b. the bawd will shut her doores against me . now what will become of me that shall be thus beset with such a graceles company , let me beseech your prayers , you that be wise and iudicious , you that bee endued with wisedome and knowledge , let me yet finde fauour in your eyes , i rather desire my confirmation from those fewer in number , whose names are enrolled in the book of life , then from the multitude , treading those steppes that doe assuredly lead to a second death . and you good & gracious women , whom the holy scriptures doe auow to be more precious then pearle , let mee intreat your fauourable aspect . you damoseles and yong gentle-women , that are no lesse adorned with modestie then garnished with beautie , i haue euer regarded you with a reuerent estimation . you marryed wiues , that are ornified with honestie , wisedome and vertue , i doe acknowledge you to be the glory of your husbands . the whole sexe of woman kinde in generall , aswell olde as young , that haue not tainted their owne credites with ouer much immodest boldnesse , i doe honour them , and i doe prostitute my selfe for euer to doe them humble seruice . i haue heard speaking of the golden age of the worlde , and some will say it is long sithens past , yet some others doe thinke , that the true golden age ( indeed ) was neuer till now , when gold and gifts doe compasse all things : but if i might giue my censure , i would call this , the honest age of the world , i confesse that in former ages the worlde hath beene simple and plaine dealing , but neuer honest till now . till now that bribery , vsury , forgery , periury , and such other like impieties , are honest mens professions , & that those indeuours that in times past were accounted abhominable , are now made vsuall trades for honest men to liue by . till now that rich-men be faultlesse , and must not be reprehended in their drunkennesse , in their blasphemies , in their adulteries , they must not be blamed , nor howe soeuer they oppresse and extort , the poore must not complaine . and who dares take exceptions , but to a meane magistrate that is crept into an office , perhaps by corruption , no , it is dangerous to looke into his abhominations : but hee is sure to perish that will but open his lippes to speake against his ill . and what a dangerous matter would it bee to call such a lawyer , a pick-purse , that will take vpon him the defence of a matter , that in his owne conscience , he knoweth to be vniust , and yet will send his clyent home foure times a yeare , with an empty purse . and he that robbes the realme of corne , and of all other commodities , transporting it beyond the seas , is hee not an honest trading marchant , and what is he that dares call him theefe : and how many tradesmen and shop-keepers are there that to vent their counterfeite stuffe , will not sticke both to lye , to sweare , and to vse many other colusions whereby to deceiue , yet who dares tell him that he is but a common cosiner . no , it is more safetie for a man to commit sinne then to reproue sinne , and what an easie matter is it nowe for a man to be honest , ouer it hath beene in times past , when every vsurer , euery briber , euery extortioner , euery picker , euery robber , euery adulterer , and euery common drunkard is an honest man. and he that will otherwise depraue them , there is law for him , he must stand to the mercy of twelue men , a iury shall passe vppon him , and hee shall be conuict in an action of slander . i am halfe ashamed to speake of the honest men that be in this age , and mee thinkes when i haue to doe with some of them , i should borrow his manners , that hauing to tell a sober tale to a iustice of peace , would still begin his speeches with sir reuerence of your worships honesty . the fellow had learned good manners , and we may well put a sir reuerence when wee doe speake of honesty nowe a dayes , for euery rich man is an honest man , there is no contradiction to that , and this makes a number of them to gather wealth they care not howe , by the vndoing of their poore neighbours because they woulde be honest . in former ages , he that was rich in knowledge was called a wise man , but now there is no man wise , but he that hath wit to gather wealth , and it is a hard matter in this age , for a man to rayse himselfe by honest principles , yet we doe all seeke to climbe , but not by iacobs ladder , & we are still desirous to mount , but not by the chariot of elyas . vertue hath but a few that doe fauour her , but they bee fewer by a great many in number that are desirous to follow her . but is not this an honest age , when ougly vice doth beare the name of seemly vertue , when drunkennes is called good fellowship , murther reputed for manhoode , lechery , is called honest loue , impudency , good audacitie , pride they say is decency , and wretched misery , they call good husbandry , hypocrisie , they call sinceritie , and flattery , doth beare the name of eloquence , truth , and veritie , and that which our predecessors would call flat knauery , passeth now by the name of wit and policy . then fie vppon honestie , that is thus poluted by men , i hope yet amongst women , wee shall finde it more pure and vndefiled . in former ages , there were many imperfections attributed to women , that are now accounted no defectes at all , neyther are they thought to bee any scandals to their reputations . moses seemeth in a sort , to scoffe at some foolish nicities , that were vsed amongst women in his time deut. 28. and the prophet esay agayne reprehendeth the wanton gestures that were vsed by the daughters of sion in his daies at their haughtinesse of minde , at their stretched out neckes , at their wandering eyes , at their walking , and their mincing as they passe through the streets : then he setteth downe ( as it were ) by innumeration so many vanities , as for breuities sake i will here omit to speake of esay 3. as salomon pronounceth the prayses of those women that be good , so hee marketh out a number of capitall offences whereby we might know the ill . and the ancient romans banished out of their cittie , all women that were found to be dishonest of their tongues : yet tollerating with those others that were well knowne to be dishonest of their bodies : thinking the first , to bee more pernicious then the last , because the infirmity of the one proceeded but from the frailtie of the flesh , but the wickednesse of the other from an vngracious and a wicked minde : but now , the bitternesse of a tongue , the pride of a haughtie heart , the shamelesnesse of a face , the immodesty of a mind , the impudency of looks , the rowling of wanton eyes , the lewdnes of manners , the lightnesse of behauiour , the loosenesse of life , nor all the rest of those notes that salomon hath left vnto vs ( the true markes of a wicked woman ) all this is nothing , nor these imputations are no blemish to a womans credit . is shee not to be charged with the abuse of her bodie , it is well , shee is honest , what care we for the deformities of the minde . will you see now , a womans honestie is pent vp in a litle roome , it is still confined , but from her girdle downewards . is not this a happie age for women , menne haue manie faults whereby to taynt their credites , there is no imperfection in a woman , but that of her bodie , and who is able to proue that , one payre of eyes will not serue , 2. paire of eyes will not be beleeued , there must be 3. witnesses at the least , to testifie the matter . how shall we be now able to iudge of a harlot , especially if shee be rich , and hath abilitie to bring her accuser to the comissaries court : wee must not condemne her by outward show , by her new compounded fashions , by her paynting , by her poudering , by her perfuming , by her ryoting , by her roysting , by her reuelling , by her companie keeping , it is not enough to say she was lockt vppe with a gentleman all night in a chamber , or that she had beene seene in a strangers bedde : her proctor will make you to vnderstand a litle latine , if you be not able to proue rem in re , you haue slandered her , you must not beleeue your owne eyes in such a case , but you must cry her mercy . this is it that doth make harlots so scant , as they be now in england , not a strumpet to be found , if a man would seeke from one end of the towne to another . a general corruption hath ouergrowne the vertues of this latter times , and the world is become a brothell house of sinne : it is enough for vs now if we seeke but for the resemblance of vertue , for the soueraigntie of the thing it selfe , we neuer trouble our selues about it . both men and women that are the very slaues of sin , will yet stand vpon their credites and reputations , and somtimes putting on the visard of vertue , will seeme to march vnder the ensigne of honestie . whether will you tend your steppes , which way will you turne your eyes , or to whom will you lend your listing eares but you shall meete with vice , looke vpon vanitie , and heare those speeches , that doe not onely tend to folly , but sometimes to ribauldry , other whiles to blasphemy , & many times to the great dishonor of god. will you walke the streetes , there you shall meete with sir lawrence lack-land , in a cloake lined through with veluet , and besides his dublet , his hose , his rapier , his dagger , not so much but the spurs that hang ouer his heeles , but they shall be beguilded . will you nowe crosse the way a little on the other side , there you shall meete with sir henry haue little , so trickt vppe in the spicke and span new fashion , that you would sooner take him to be proteus the god of shapes , or some other like celestiall power , then a vaine terestiall foole. your eares againe , shall bee so incumbred with the rumbling & rowling of coaches , and with the clamours of such as doe follow them , that are still crying out o good my lady bestow your charitable almes vpon the lame , the blind , the sicke the diseased , goood my lady one peny , one halfepeny , for the tender mercy of god we beseech it : but let them call and cry till their tongues do ake , my lady hath neyther eyes to see , nor eares to heare , shee holdeth on her way , perhaps to the tyre makers shoppe , where shee shaketh out her crownes to bestowe vpon some new fashioned atire , that if we may say , there be deformitie in art , vppon such artificall deformed periwigs , that they were fitter to furnish theater , or for her that in a stage play , should represent some hagge of hell , then to bee vsed by a christian woman , or to be worne by any such as doth account her selfe to be a daughter in the heauenly ierusalem . i am ashamed nowe to aske you to goe into any of these drinking houses , where you should as well see the beastly behauiour of drunkardes , as likewise heare such swearing and blaspheming as you would thinke the whole house to bee dedicated to loathsome sinne , and that hell and damnation were both together there alreadie resident . will you now goe visit the shop keepers , that are so busie with their what lack you sir , or what is it you would haue bought : & let vs take a good suruey , what the cōmodities be that they would thus set forth to sale , and we shall find that as diogenes passing through a fayre cryed out , o how many things are here to be vented that nature hath no neede of , so wee may likewise say , o howe many gaudy trifles are here to bee solde , that are good for nothing , but to maintaine pride and vanitie . if sometimes wee happen to hyt vppon such necessaries , as are ( indeede ) behouefull for the vse of man , let the buyer yet looke to himselfe , that he be not ouerreached by deceit and subtiltie . shall we yet make a steppe to westminster hall , a little to ouer-look the lawyers . my skill is vnable to render due reuerence to the honorable iudges , according to their worthinesse , but especially at this instant as the benches are nowe supplyed , neyther would i eclips the honest reputation of a number of learned lawyers , that are to be held in a reuerent regard , and that are to be honoured and esteemed , yet amongst these there bee a number of others , that doe multiplie sutes and drawe on quarrelles betweene friend and friend , betweene brother & brother , and sometimes betweene the father and the sonne , and amongst these although there bee some , that can make good shift to send their clients home with penilesse purses , yet there be other some againe , that at the end of the tearme doe complaine themselues that their gettings haue not bin enough to defray their expences , and doe therefore thinke that men are become to be more wise in these dayes , then they haue beene in former ages , and had rather put vppe a wrong , then fee a lawyer : but i doe not thinke there is any such wisedome in this age , when there are so many wrangling spirits , that are so ready to commence suites , but for a neighbours goose , that shall but happen to looke ouer a hedge : now what conceipt i haue in the matter , i will partly make manifest , by this insuing circumstance . as the worthy gentlemen that haue beene lords maiors , of the honourable cittie of london , haue beene generally renowned for their wisedome in gouernment , so they haue beene no lesse famed for their hospitality and good house-keeping , during the time of their mairolties . amongst the rest there was one , who long sithens being readie to set himselfe downe to his dinner , with his company that were about him , there thronged in on the sodaine a great company of strangers , in that vnreuerent manner , as had not formerly beene accustomed , whereupon one of the officers comming to the l. maior , sayd vnto him , if it please your lordship here be too few stooles , thou lyest knaue ( answered the maior ) there are too many guests . now i am perswaded that if lawyers ( indeed ) haue iust cause to complaine of their little gettings , it is not for that there be too few suites , but because there be too many lawyers , especially of these aturnies , soliciters , and such other petty foggers , whereof there be such abundance , that the one of them can very hardly thriue by the other : and this multitude of them , doe trouble all the partes of englande . the profession of the law , i doe acknowledge to be honorable , and ( i thinke ) the study of it should especially belong to the better sort of gentlemen : but our innes of court , now ( for the greater part ) are stuffed with the of-spring of farmers , and with all other sorts of tradesmen , and these when they haue gotten some few scrapings of the law , they do sow the seedes of suits , they doe set men at variance , & do seeke for nothing more then to checke the course of iustice , by their delatory pleas : for the better sort of the learned lawyers , i doe honour them . they say it is an argument of a licentious commō wealth , where phisitians and lawyers haue too great comminges in , but it is the surfeits of peace that bringeth in the phisitians gaine , yet in him there is some dispatch of businesse , for if he cannot speedily cure you , he will yet quickly kill you , but with the lawyer there is no such expedition , he is all for delay , and if his tongue be not well typt with gold , he is so dull of language , that you shall not heare a comfortable worde come out of his mouth in a whole michaelmasse tearme : if you will vnlocke his lips , it must be done with a golden fee , and that perhaps may sette his tongue at libertie , to speake ( sometimes ) to as good a purpose , as if he hadde still beene mute . let vs leaue the lawyer to his study , and let vs now looke a little in at the court gate , & leauing to speake of those few in number that do aspire to the fauour of the prince , by their honest and vertuous endeuours , let vs take a short suruey of those others , that doe labour their owne aduancements , by base and seruile practises , by lying , by slandering , by backbiting , by flattering , by dissembling : that haue no other meanes whereby to make themselues gratious in the eye of greatnesse , but by surrendering themselues to base imployments , that doe sometimes poyson the eares of princes , and vnder the pretence of common good , do obtaine those suits that doth oppresse a whole common wealth , & but to maintaine the pride and prodigalitie of a priuate person . in the courts of princes euery great man ( placed in authority ) must be flattered in his follies , praysed in his pleasures , commended in his vanities , yea his very vices must be made vertues , or els they will say we forget our duties , wee malice his greatnes , we enuy his fortunes : and hee that will offer sacrifice to thraso , must haue gnato to be his priest : for the itching eares of vaine glory , are best pleased when they be scratched by flattery . by these steps of smooting , courtiers must learne to climbe and more hyts vppon preferment by occasion , then eyther by worthines or good desert . in the courts of princes , fornications , adulteries & rauishments , and such other like , haue bin accounted yong courtiers sports . honest men haue beene there oppressed , rybaulds preferred , simple men scorned , innocent men persecuted , presumptuous men fauoured , flatterers aduanced . let the prince himselfe be neuer so studious of the publique good , yet not seeing into all enormities , he is compassed about with those that be enormious : let tryan prescribe good lawes for eternall memory , yet where are they sooner broken , then in the court of tryan : let aurelius store his court with wise men , yet euen there they doe waxe dissolute . a princes court , is like a pleasant garden , where the bee may gather honny , and the spyder sucke poyson : for as it is a schoole of vertue to such as can bridle their mindes with discretion , so it is a nursery of vice , to such as doe measure their willes with witlesse vanitie . it hath beene holden for a maxime , that a proud court , doth make a poore countrey : and that there is not so hatefull a vermine to the common wealth , as those that are surnamed , the moathes of the court : but courtiers will not bee easely dasht out of countenance , for it is a courtiers vertue , to be confident in his owne conceipt , and he that is so resolute , will blush at nothing . but now to make an end of this suruey of vanity , let vs yet make one iourney more , and it shall bee to the church , and at that time when the preacher is in the pulpit , and we shall there see such hypocrisie , such counterfeiting , such dissembling , and such mocking with god , that were it not but that as his wrath so often kindled against vs for our sinnes , should not yet as often be quenched againe by his mercy , it coulde not bee , but that the iustice of god would euen there ataynt vs. there you shall see him , that in his life and conuersation ( to the shewe of the world ) when hee is out of the church liueth , as if he made doubt whether there were any god or no , yet he will there ioyne with the preacher in prayer , and will cry out o our father which art in heauen . hollowed be thy name ( sayth the common swearer ) who with vnhallowed lyps , doth euery day blaspheme the name of god. and he that reposeth his whole felicitie in the transitory pleasures of this world , that doth make his gold his god , & whose heauen is vpon this earth , will there beseech in prayer , lord let thy kingdome come . another that doth repine at the ordinances of god , that will murmure and grudge at those visitations wherewith it pleaseth him sometimes to afflict vs , will yet make petition , thy will be done on earth as it is in heauen . there you shall see him to make intercession for his dayly bread , that will polute himselfe all the weeke after , with his daily drinke . but what a misery is this , that the contentious , the malicious , the wrathfull , and for him that doth seeke reuenge for the least offence that is offered vnto him , somtimes by bloudie reuenge , sometimes by sutes of law , and at all times with great rigor & violence , and will yet craue by petition , lord forgiue vs our trepasses , as we forgiue them that trespasse against vs , drawing therby their owne damnation vpon their owne heades , when at the day of the generall sessions , the great iudge shall say vnto them , ex ore tuo , te iudicabo , depart from me thou cursed creature , thy portion is amongst the hypocrites : for as faith without obedience , is no faith but the true marke of an hypocrite , so profession ioyned with malice , is as certaine a note of hypocrisie . there you shall see the extortioner , the adulterer , the blasphemer , vnder the colour of deuotion , so transforme themselues into a show of sanctimony , that during the time of the sermon , they doe seeme to bee saynts , but being out of the church doore , a man would thinke them to bee demy deuils . there you shall see the vsurer , the briber , the broaker , with their books laid open before them , turning ouer leaues as busily , as if they were in their counting houses casting vp of their debts , and calculating what summes were owing vn to them : there you shall see the marchant , the shopkeeper , the tradesman , and such others as doe liue by trafique , by buying and by selling , lifting vp their eyes , heauing vp their hands , and making show , as if they were inflamed with a hot burning feuer , of a fiery burning zeale . but they doe vse religion , as women doe vse their paynting stuffe , it serues but to couer their deformities , they haue one conscience for the church , another for the market , and so they keepe a good one for sundayes , it makes no matter for all the weeke after . should i speake now of women , they doe make as great a show of deuotion as men , and although there be a number of them graue and godly matrones , zealous , and well inclined marryed wiues , gratious and godly disposed damosels , and yong maydens , that are no lesse vertuous indeed , then they doe make showe for : yet there bee a number of others that do rather frequent the church to see new fashions , then to gather good instructions , and a number of them rather to be seene themselues , then to seeke god. now what zeale is that zeale , that will neyther let slippe a sermon , nor lette goe a new fashion : this strange atiring of thēselues may well bring admiration to fooles , but it breeds laughter to the wise . you shall see some women goe so attyred to the church , that i am ashamd to tell it out aloud , but harke in your eare , i will speake it softly , fitter in good fayth , to furnish a. b. h. then to presse into the house of god : they are so be paynted so be periwigd , so be poudered , so be perfumed , so bee starched , so be laced , and so bee imbrodered , that i cannot tell what mentall vertues they may haue that they do keepe inwardly to themselues , but i am sure , to the outward show , it is a hard matter in the church it selfe to distinguish between a good woman , and a bad . our behauiours , our gestures , and our outward attyres , are tongs to proclaime the inward disposition of the mind , then away with this pretended zeale , let vs not make religion a cloake for impietie . if we will seeke christ , let vs seeke him so as we may finde him , in the high way of humilitie , but not of pride and impudency . i thinke amongst many women that are thus frequenting sermons , there be some that will catch at some prety sounding words , and let the matter slip , that they ought especially to attend : as the poore gentle-woman that was so dismayed at the preachers wordes , who discoursing to his auditory of the generall day of iudgement , how we should be then called to a stricte and a strayght account : the poore gentle-woman being returned to her owne house with this newes , beganne to fail into a sodaine fit of weeping , which being marked by some friends that were about her , they besought her to make knowne vnto them , the cause of her griefe , her answere was , that shee was but now come from a sermon , that had so troubled her in her thoughts , that shee could not refraine from sheding of teares : those that heard her , thinking that shee had beene stricken with some godly remorse in remembrance of her former misled life , beganne to comfort her , telling her how god had mercy in store for all penitent sinners , and her teares so distilled being an argument of her heartie repentance , there was no doubt in her , but to hope of saluation . alas ( said shee ) it is not the remembrance of my sins that doth thus perplexe me , but when i consider with my selfe , what a great assembly will then make their appearance at the day of that generall sessions which the preacher spake of , it maketh me to weepe to thinke howe ashamed i shal be to stand starke naked before such a presence ( as he saies ) will be then in place . see here the very height of a gentlewomans disquiet , what a scruple it was that thus incumbred her conscience , god grant there be not many others that doth make the like colections , and that will sometimes be disputing of the preachers wordes , which they be no lesse able to conceiue , then vnwilling to followe : there be many that will seeme to professe religion as well men as women , and that with great zeale and feruency , but they liue not thereafter , euen those that by their outward show , do thirst after knowledge , those that will turne ouer many leaues & seeke out seuerall chapters , and when they hyt vppon some interpretation to nourish their sensualitie , they stay there , and are the worse for their reading . sonne of man ( sayth god to the prophet ezechiell ) my people sit before thee , and they heare my wordes , but they will not doe them , their hearts goeth after couetousnesse . to speake against sinne in this age , it is like the filling of daneas tubs , and eyther they thinke there is no god at all , or else they thinke him to be such a one , as it were as good there were none at all : for it is lesse dangerous for a man to commit sinne , then to reproue sinne . to reprehend drunkennesse , whordome , blasphemy , or to speake against that pryde , that god will surely punish , wee must not doe it , they will say wee are too bitter , too byting , too satiricall , and thus we are more afraid to offend vicious men , then we are desirous to please god. but tell me now thou beastly drunkard , thou vicious adulterer , thou swearer and prophaner of gods holy name , which of you , if you had a wife that had played the strumpet , if shee should come vnto thee with submissiue words & shewes of repentance , and that vpō the hope of her amendment , thou wouldst pardon what was past , wouldst thou not thinke it much if thou hadst forgiuen her once , that shee should afterwardes play the harlot againe , but if thou hadst so much kindnesse to remitte the second fault , if she should yet come the third time , with one of her roaring boyes in her company , & should play the harlot before thine owne face , ( thou thy selfe standing present ) and would yet with smyling countenance , & inticing shewes , offer to come & kisse thee , wouldest thou not defie her , wouldest thou not spite at her , wouldest thou not spurne at her , wouldest thou not abhorre her . then what doest thou thinke of thy god ( if i may so tearme him to be thy god ) whom thou thy selfe hast disavowed , and broken that contract , which was made between him and thee , when thou wert baptized , that runnest euerie day from sinne to sinne , a whoring , till perhaps on sundaies , and then thou goest to church with a smiling countenance to dissemble and flatter with god , and wilt seeme to come and kisse him , nay thou commest to mocke him , & to speak the truth , to tempt him , for sunday it selfe is scarce ouerpast , but thou returnest backe againe to thine adultery , to thy drunkennesse , to thy blasphemie , to thy vsury , to thy brybery , to thy periurie , to thy pride , to thy vanitie , and to all the rest of thy former impieties : dost thou not tremble now at the iudgemēts of god , dost thou not feare his vengeance sodainly to fall vppon thee ? perhaps thou wilt thinke thy selfe to be in no danger , and wilt but iest at me , that would but put thee into some foolish feare : well iest at it and spare not , but when time hath done his office , thou shalt see what will come of iesting . they were wont to say , the world did runne on wheeles , and it may well bee , it hath done so in times past , but i say now , it goes on crouches , for it is waxen old , blind , decrepit and lame , a lymping world god knowes , and nothing but halting betweene neighbour & neighbour , betwene friend and friend , betweene brother and brother , and downe right halting ( sometimes ) betweene the father and the childe , the son that will craue his fathers blessing in the morning , will wish him dead before night , that hee might enioy his inheritance : and as the world is become thus lame & lymping , so it is otherwise growne so far out of reparatiōs , that ( i thinke ) there is no hope of amendment , the best remedy were , if euery man would mend one , and that will not bee performed in hast , for we imitate nothing but what we doe see , and whom doe we see setting vp that light , that might shine vnto vs in example , no the world is become feeble , her spirits are spent , shee is growne bis puer , she is become childdish , and begins to doat a fresh on that shee sometimes scorned . the possession of gold , vnlawfully gotten , was wont to be called a capitall offence , nowe there is nothing more desired . in diebus illis , they bent their whole endeuours to winne honourable reputation , but now for popular praise & vain ostentation . our predecessors ordained lawes whereby to restrayne the prodigall from spending their owne wealth in ryot and excesse , but nowe there is no expence so laudable as that which is spent in vanitie . in former ages , they thought him to be but a badde states man , that had aspired to ouermuch wealth , but now there is nothing more dispised , then for a man to bee poore and honest . the olde fashion was to doe well , but nowe enough to speake well . in the olde time to performe , but nowe enough to promise . men were wont to blush when they went to borrowe money , but now they are ashamde to pay their debts . flattery hath beene accounted the profession of a knaue , but now , it is better for a man to flatter too much , then not to flatter at all . the monuments of goodnes are so weather beaten , that iniquitie and antiquitie , hath almost left no charecter therof vndefaced . if men should degenerate as fast the next age , as they haue done but within the compasse of our owne memory , it will be a madde world to liue in . children must receiue by tradition , what is left vnto them by example from their parents , they can go no further then imitation , & what was it but example , that brought downe fire and brimstone vpon sodome and gomorah , when the abhominations of the elder , were still imitated by the yonger . children can neyther heare nor see , eyther at home or abroad , but that which is altogether eyther vaine or vnlawfull . howe is it possible that the daughter should bee bashfull where the mother is past shame , or that shee should bee continent , where the mother is impudent . the olde prouerbe is , if the mother trot , howe should the daughter amble : but there be some parents , that doe thinke the most speedie way of preferment , is to bring vppe their daughters in audacious boldnesse , to make them impudent and past shame . cato depriued a senitor of rome , but for kissing his wife in the presence of his daughter . we doe not fashion our selues so much by reason , as wee doe by example , for custome and example are arguments good enough to make vs to follow any fashion . we are become like labans sheepe , led by the eye , we conceiue but of what we do see : and the vulgare seeing nothing but apparances , maketh iudgement onely by that which is subiect to the sight . to bee vertuous , why it is a capitall crime , and there is nothing more dangerous then to be securely innocent . our auncients sought for the true effectes of vertue , and we onely but hunt after a vayne popular prayse . how innumerable and ( almost ) ineuitable traps are set in the tract of vertue , and that in all her walks , perhaps we may hyt of some one now and then , that will kisse the vizard of vertue , but shewe them the true face , and you turne all their kisses into curses , there be few that doe vndertake the tract aright , no , our whole studie is how wee may liue in pompe , in pride , in pleasure , but we haue no care at all , neither how to liue , nor how to die well . wee doe seeke rather howe to couer faults , then howe to mend faults , yea , the most sharpest and quickest witted men , those that bee called the wise-men of the world , what bee their policies , or whereunto doe they apply their wits , but to couer their naughtinesse . if they haue a litle good amongst a great deale of ill , they thinke that good to be vtterly lost , that hath not the eyes of the world to witnesse it , and to giue it an applause , so that if they doe any good , it is but to the end to bee seene and to be praysed by men , for in secret they will doe nothing . if they forbeare to doe euill , it is for feare the world should knowe it , and were that feare taken away , they would sticke at nothing . i thinke there is not a more pernicious creature in the world , then is a man , if hee bee both wise and wicked : for where the wit is bribed by affection , there the weapons of reason , are many times wrested , and sometimes managed against reason it selfe , neyther is there any thing that maketh vs to be more vnreasonable , then that which we call naturall reason . the wisedome of the flesh ( that is indued with knowledge ) hath often times more indangered , then the feeble force of simple ignorance . a wicked man indued with litterature , is the wrost of all men , and amongst christians , none more pernicious then the holy hypocrite . origine hath left vnto vs , this caueat for our instruction , the hereticke ( sayth he ) that is of good life , is much more hurtfull , and hath more authoritie in his words , then he that doth discredite his doctrine , with the lewdnes of his life : so that we may conclude those vices to be most abhominable , that are most desirous to looke like vertues : now it were a hard matter for me to distinguish betweene men , who were good and who were bad , but if i might giue my verdict to say who were the wisest men nowe in this age , i would say they were taylers : would you heare my reason , because i doe see the wisedome of women to be still ouer-reached by taylers , that can euery day induce them to as many new fangled fashions , as they please to inuent : and the wisedome of men againe , are as much ouer-reached by women , that canne intice their husbandes to surrender and giue way to all their newe fangled follies : they are taylers then that canne ouer-rule the wisest women , and they be women , that can besot the wisest men : so that if ma. maiors conclusion be good , that because iacke his yongest sonne , ouer-ruled his mother , and iackes mother agayne ouerruled m. maior himselfe , and m. maior by office ouerruled the towne , ergo , the whole towne was ouerruled by iacke , ma. maiors sonne : by the same consequence , i may likewise conclude , that taylers are the wisest men : the reason is alreadie rendered , they doe make vs all fooles , both men and women , and doe mocke the whole worlde with their newe inuentions : but are they women alone that are thus seduced by taylers , doe but looke amongst our gallants in this age , and tell me , if you shall not finde men amongst them to be as vaine , as nice , and as gaudie in their attyres , as shee that amongst women is accounted the most foolish . and howe manie are there , that if they doe thinke themselues to be but a little out of the taylers discipline , they will beginne to grow as melancholy , and to looke as drousily , as the poore amorist , that is but newly stricken to the heart , with the coy aspect of dame folly , his dearest beloued ( and scarce honest ) mistris . wee are forbiden by the scriptures to call our brother foole , this is it that makes mee something to forbeare , yet when i chance to meete with such a newe fangled fellowe , though i say nothing to him , yet god knowes what i thinke . the holy scriptures haue denounced a curse no lesse grieuous to the idole-maker , then to the idole it selfe : now ( vnder the correction of diuinitie ) i would but demaund , what are these puppet-making taylers , that are euery day inuenting of newe fashions , and what are these , that they doe call attyre-makers , the first inuenters of these monstrous periwygs , and the finders out of many other like immodest attyres : what are these , and all the rest of these fashion mongers , the inuenters of vanities , that are euery day whetting their wits to finde out those gaudes , that are not onely offensiue vnto god , but many wayes preiudiciall to the whole common wealth : if you will not acknowledge these to be idolemakers yet you cannot deny them to be the deuils enginers , vngodly instruments , to decke and ornifie such men and women , as may well be reputed to be but idolles , for they haue eyes , but they see not into the wayes of their owne saluation , & they haue eares , but they cannot heare the iudgements of god , denounced against them for their pride and vanitie . these enginers of mischiefe , that like moles doe lye and wrot in sinne , till they haue cast vppe a mount of hatefull enormitie against heauen , they may well be called , the souldiers of the deuill , that will fight against the mightie hand of god. there are certaine new inuented professions , that within these fourtie or fiftie yeares , were not so much as heard of , that are now growne into that generalitie , and are hadde in such request , that if they doe flourish still , but as they haue begunne , i thinke within these very fewe yeares , the worthy cittizens of london , must bee enforced to make choyse of their aldermen , from amongst these new vpstart companies , which in the meane time doe robbe the realme of great summes of money , that are daily spent vpon their vanities . as these attyre-makers , that within these 40. yeares , were not knowne by that name , and but nowe very lately , they kept their lowzie commoditie of periwygs , and their other monstrous attyres closed in boxes , they might not be seene in open show , and those women that did vse to weare them , would not buy them but in secret . but now they are not ashamed to sette them forth vppon their stalles , such monstrous map-powles of hayre , so proportioned and deformed , that but within these 20. or thirtie yeares , would haue drawne the passers by to stand and gaze , and to wonder at them . and howe are coach makers and coach-men increased , that fiftie yeares agoe were but fewe in number , but nowe a coach-man , and a foot-boy is enough , and more then euery knight is able to keepe . then haue we those that be called body-makers , that doe swarme through all the parts both of london & about london , that are better customed , and more sought vnto , then he that is the soule maker . and how many items are brought in for the bodies wantonnesse , but not so much as a memorandum for the soules blissednesse . the bodie is still pampered vppe in pompe , in pride , and in the every dropsie of excesse , whilest the soule remayneth , poore , naked , and needy , and the soule that giueth a feeling to the bodie , doth not yet feele her owne euill , nor neuer reremembreth her owne misery , but in the euill which shee there endureth . but he that some fortie or fifty yeares sithens , should haue asked after a pickadilly , i wōder who could haue vnderstood him , or could haue told what a pickadilly had beene , either fish or flesh . but amongst the trades that are newly taken vp , this trade of tobacco doth exceede : and the money that is spent in smoake is vnknowne , and ( i thinke ) vnthought on , and of such a smoake as is more vaine , then the smoake of fayre words , for that ( they say ) will serue to feede fooles , but this smoake maketh fooles of wisemen : mee thinkes experience were enough to teach the most simple witted , that before tobacco was euer knowne in england , that we liued in as perfect health , and as free from sicknesse , as we haue done sithens , and looke vppon those ( whereof there are a number at this present houre ) that did neuer take tobacco in their liues , and if they doe not liue as healthsome in bodie , and as free from all manner of diseases , as those that doe take it fastest : they say it is good for a cold , for a pose , for rewms , for aches , for dropsies , and for all manner of diseases proceeding of moyst humours : but i cannot see but that those that doe take it fastest , are asmuch ( or more ) subiect to all these infirmities , ( yea and to the poxe it selfe ) as those that haue nothing at all to doe with it : then what a wonderfull expence might very well bee spared , that is spent and consumed in this needlesse vanitie . there is not so base a groome , that commes into an ale-house to call for his pot , but he must haue his pipe of tobacco , for it is a commoditie that is nowe as vendible in euery tauerne , inne , and ale house , as eyther wine , ale , or beare , & for apothicaries shops , grosers shops , chaundlers shops , they are ( almost ) neuer without company , that from morning till night are still taking of tobacco , what a number are there besides , that doe keepe houses , set open shoppes , that haue no other trade to liue by , but by the selling of tobacco . i haue heard it tolde that now very lately , there hath bin a cathalogue taken of all those new erected houses that haue set vppe that trade of selling tobacco , in london & neare about london ▪ and if a man may beleeue what is confidently reported , there are found to be vpward of 7000. houses , that doth liue by that trade . i cannot say whether they number apothicaries shoppes , grosers shops , and chaundlers shops in this computation , but let it be that these were thrust in to make vppe the number : let vs now looke a little into the vidimus of the matter , and let vs cast vppe but a sleight account , what the expence might be that is consumed in this smoakie vapoure . if it be true that there be 7000. shops , in and about london , that doth vent tobacco , as it is credibly reported that there be ouer and aboue that number : it may well bee supposed , to be but an ill customed shoppe , that taketh not fiue shillings a day , one day with another , throughout the whole yeare , or if one doth take lesse , two other may take more : but let vs make our account , but after 2. shillings sixe pence a day , for he that taketh lesse then that , would be ill able to pay his rent , or to keepe open his shop windowes , neither would tobacco houses make such a muster as they doe , and that almost in euery lane , and in euery by-corner round about london . let vs then reckon thus , 7000. halfe crownes a day , amounteth iust to 3. hundred ninetine thousande 3. hundred seuentie-fiue poundes a yeare , summa totalis , all spent in smoake . i doe not reckon now what is spent in tauernes , in innes in ale-houses , nor what gentlemen doe spend in their owne houses & chambers , it would amount to a great reckoning , but if i coulde deliuer truly what is spent throughout the whole realme of englande , in that idle vanitie , i thinke it woulde make a number of good people ( that haue anie feare of god in them ) to lament , that such a masse of treasure , should be so basely consumed , that might be imployed to many better purposes . i haue hitherto perused the vayne and idle expences that are consumed in tobacco , now by your fauours , a little to recreate your wearyed spirits , i will acquaint you with a short dialogue , that was sometime discoursed betweene a scholler , and a shoe-maker , which happened thus . a scholler ( and a maister of artes ) that vpon some occasions being here in london , driuen into want , hytting vpon a shooe-maker , beganne to make his mone , and told him that he was a maister of the seauen sciences , that was in some distresse , and besought him to bestowe some small courtesie on him , for his reliefe . the shoe-maker , hauing ouer heard him first wyping his lippes with the backe of his hande , answered him thus : are you a maister of seauen sciences , and goe vppe and downe a begging , i will tell you my friende , i haue but one science , and that consistes but in making of shoes , but with that one science , i doe liue , and with it i doe keepe my selfe , my wife and my family , and you with your seauen sciences to bee in want , i cannot beleeue ye . sir ( said the scholler ) i tell you a true tale , the more is my griefe , i am a scholler , and i haue proceeded maister in the seauen liberall sciences , and yet ( as my fortune hath conducted mee ) i am dryuen into distresse , and would bee glad but of a poore reliefe . aha ( quoth the shoe-maker ) nowe i vnderstand yee , you are a maister of the seauen liberall sciences ▪ i haue heard of those same liberall sciences before , but i perceiue they are not halfe so bountifull to the purse , as they bee liberall in name : well i am sory for ye , but i haue no money to bestow , yet if good counsell would serue your turne , i coulde sette you downe a course , howe you might liue , you shoulde not neede to begge . sir ( sayd the scholler ) good counsell commes neuer out of season , to a man that is wise , i will giue you thankes for any aduise you will giue me that is good . then ( quoth the shoe-maker ) you shall let alone those same seauen sciences that you name to be so liberall , & you shall enter your selfe into any one of the 3. companyes that haue nowe better taking , and are growne to be more gainefull , then all the seauen sciences , that you haue hitherto learned , and put them all together . and what be those three companies ( sayde the scholler ) that you so much commend . they are three companies ( sayde the shooe-maker ) that are now in most request , and haue gotten all the trade into their owne hands , the first is to keepe an ale house , the 2. a tobacco house , and the third to keepe a brothell house . i haue done with my dialogue ▪ and i thinke of my conscience the shoe-maker aymed something neare the marke , for he that did but see the abundance of ale-houses , that are in euery corner , i thinke he would wonder , howe they coulde one liue by another , but if he did beholde againe , how they are all replenished with drunkardes , euery houre in the daie ( and almost euery minute in the night ) and did yet agayne see their beastly demeanures , heare their blasphemies and their vngodly words , their swearing and their ribauldrie , would tremble for feare , least the house should sinke . for tobacco houses and brothell houses , ( i thanke god for it ) i doe not vse to frequent them , but actiue mindes must haue exercise , and i thinke to auoyd the inconuenience of a brothell house , it were better of the twayne , to sitte in a tobacco house . it hath beene a great faction , that in former ages , would still vndertake to support bawdery , and they haue bin better men then iustices of peace , that would both countenance a curtizan , and boulster out a bawd. these poore harlots haue sometimes bin brought to ride in a cart , when the silken strumpets ( perhaps ) haue ryden in coaches : but there are no harlots nowe a dayes , but those that are poore , for shee that hath any friendes at all to take her part , who dares call her harlot . some good mans liuery , the countenance of an office , the bribing of a constable , or any thing will serue and shee that hath not twenty companiōs at a becke , that will stick to her at a dead lift , let her ride in a cart in the deuils name , shee deserues no better . should i now speake of spirituall whordome , which the scriptures doe call idolatry , i dare scarce speake against it , for offending of papistes , that were neuer more dangerous , then they be at this houre . i remember that many yeeres sithens , i sawe a fewe printed lynes , intituled , the blazon of a papist , written by some herauit of armes , that had pretily contriued a papist in the compasse of armory . hee first made description of a papist rampant , a furious beast , and although it be written , that the deuill goeth about like a roaring lyon , yet the deuill himselfe is not more fierce and rigorous , then is a papist , where he is of force and abilitie to shew his tyranny , witnesse the murthers , the massacers the slaughters the poysoning , the stabbing , the burning , the broyling , the torturing , the tormenting , the persecuting , with their other bloudie executions , euery day fresh in example , infinite to be told , and horrible to be remembred . the next is a papist passant , this is an instrument of sedition , of insurrection , of treason , of rebellion , a priest , a iesuite , a seminary , and such other as doe finde so many friends in england , and in ireland , both to receiue & harbour them , as it is much to bee feared , wee shall finde the smart of it in time to come : we haue then a papist volant , i thinke amongst the rest , these can doe least harme , yet they will say they flie for their consciences , when it is knowne well enough , they doe both practise and conspire . then there is a papist regardant , he obserueth times , occasions , places , and persons , and although he be one of the popes lutely gencers , yet he walketh with such circumspection and heede , that hee is not knowne , but to his owne faction . we are now come to a papist dormant , a slye companion , subtill as a foxe , he sleepes with open eyes , yet sometymes seeming to winke , he lookes and pryes into opporrunities , still feeding himselfe with those hopes , that i am in hope , shall neuer doe him good . there is yet againe a papist couchant , this is a dangerous fellow , and much to be feared , he creepes into the bosome of the state , and will not sticke to looke into the court , nay ( if he can ) into court counsels , he will shewe himselfe tractable to common wealths prescriptions , and with this shew of obedience to law , he doth the pope more seruice , then twentie others , that are more resisting . the last we will speake of , is the papist pendant , indeede a papist pendant is in his prime perfection : a papist pendant is so fitting a peece of armory for the time present , as all the herauldes in englande are not able better to display him , a papist is then in chiefe , when hee is pendant , and hee neuer commes to so high preferment , but by the popes especiall blessing . but if lawes were as well executed as they be enacted , popery could not so spread it selfe as it doth , neyther in englād nor in irelande , nor it could not bee but that these diuelish practises of poysons , of pistoles , of stabbing kniues , and of gunne-pouder traynes , would bee important motiues , to stir vppe the considerations of those that be in authority , to spy out these masked creatures , that haue tongs for their prince , but doe reserue their hearts for their pope . but alas good vertue , art thou becomme so faint hearted , that thou wilt not discouer thy selfe , that art thus iniuried : i wis thou hadst neuer more need to look about thee , i would i could wish thee for a time to put away patience , and to becomme a little while cholericke , if not for their sakes that do loue thee , yet for thine owne security , if vice dare take boldnesse to offend , why should not vertue take courage to correct : but i know it is but losse of tyme to speake against popery , and as little it will preuaile to speake against any manner of sinne , yet we want no positiue lawes whereby to bridle abuse , but the example of a good life in those that should minister the due execution of those lawes , would bee more effectuall then the lawes themselues , because the actions of those that be placed in authoritie , are receiued by the common people , for precepts and instructions . but the greatest number of them , doe rather shewe their authorities in correcting of other mens faults , then in mending their owne , and it is hard , when hee that cannot order his owne life , should yet bee made a minister to correct the misdemeanours of others : there can neuer be good discipline amongst inferious , where there is but bad example in superiours : but where superiours haue beene more ready to support sinne , then to punish sinne , and when a noblemans liuery was countenance good enough to keepe a drunkard from the stockes , an adulterer from the cart , and sometimes a theefe from the gallowes : when knowne strumpets , could vaunt themselues to be supported and vpholden by great persons , and to receiue such countenance from them , that it was holden for a maxime amongst a great number of young wantons , that to surrender themselues to the lust of such men as were in great place & authoritie , was the next way to get preferment , and to winne them many friendes . this was it that made a number of yong women ( in those times ) to shake off the vayles of shamefastnes , and to offer the vse of their intemperate bodies to common prostitution , though not verbally in wordes , yet vnder the showes of their gaudie and gadish attiers . i am not yet ignorant but that in these dayes there bee a number of women , that in respect of any abuse of their bodies are both good and honest , and yet if wee should iudge of them but according to their outwarde shewes , they doe seeme more curtizan like , then euer was lais of corinth , or flora of rome . the ancient romanes prohibited all sortes of people as well menne as women , from wearing of any light coloured silkes , or any other gaudie garments , players and harlotes onely excepted , for to them there was tolleration in regard of their professions . there is mention made of a canon in the ciuill lawe , where it was ordayned , that if a man did offer violence to any woman , were shee neuer so vertuous and honest , yet attyred like a strumpet , shee hadde no remedie agaynst him by law. and we doe finde it testified , of a great lady , who vppon some occasion of busines , casting ouer her a light coloured vayle , and being thus met withall by a young gallant , hee beganne to court her with complements of loue , the which the lady taking in great disdaine , reproued his saucinesse , that would offer that disgrace , to her that was honest , that shee was not as shee seemed to be to the outward shewe : the young gallant as angry as shee , returned her this answere . be what you list to be ( sayd he ) i know not what you be , but if your honestie bee such as you say , be so attyred then , or els be as you are attyred : vertue is neuer decked vp with externall pompe , to procure respect , her very countenance is full of maiestie , that commaundeth admiration , in all that doe behold her . it hath beene questioned , whether chastitie ioyned with vanitie , doth merite any commendation or no , but that a proud and a gaudie garment should shroud an humble or a modest mind , it is rara auis in terris ▪ a matter seldome scene but this is out of doubt , that this ouermuch affected folly , doth liue with no lesse suspected honestie . shee is but an ill huswife therefore of her owne credite , that will bring it into construction . the philosophers would ayme at the inner disposition of the minde , by the externall signes of the bodie , affirming , that the motions of the body are the true voyces of the mind . augustus on a time of great assembly , obserued with diligence , what company they were that courted his 2. daughters , liuia and iulia , who perceiuing the first to bee frequented with graue and wise senators , and the other againe to be solicited , with witlesse and wanton roysters , he discouered thereby their seuerall dispositions : being not ignorant , that custome and company doth for the most part simpathize to gether , according to the prouerbe , simile simili gaudet , like will to like , quoth the deuill to the collier . a womans blush is a signe of grace , and a good woman will quickly blush at many thinges , nay , it were enough to make a vertuous woman to blush , but to thinke with her selfe that shee could not blush . the blush of a womans face is an approbation of a chast and an honest mind , and a manifest signe that shee doth not approue any intemperate actions or any other wanton speeches or demeanores , that are eyther offered to her selfe , or to any other in her presence . the woman that forgetteth to blush , it is an argument that shee is past grace , for shamefastnesse is not onely a brydle to sinne , but it is likewise the common treasury of feminine vertue . the bold audacious woman , cannot but be taxed of impudency , it is one of the notes that salomon giueth , whereby to distinguish a good woman from a bad . the beautie of behauiour , is more precious in estimation , then the beautie of the bodie , and the woman that will maintaine her credite , must not be too conuersant : but the time rather serueth to looke babyes in womens eyes , then to picke out moates . yet i am sory for some of them , that ( i thinke ) will care little for going to heauen , because there is no good coach-way . licurgus ordayned the laconian women , the exercise of their limmes , as running , leaping , wrastling , heauing and throwing of waights . these exercises hee permitted , whereby to increase their vigor & strength , that their propagation & of-spring might be the more strong and sturdie . but now , our women are trained vp in idlenesse , in ignorance , in pride , in delicacy , & their issue ( for the most part ) are leaning to their mothers constitutions ; feeble of bodie , weake in minde effeminate and fearefull , fitter to ryde in a curtizans coach vp and downe the streets , then to bestride a stirring horse in the fielde , and doe knowe better howe to mannage a tobacco-pipe , then howe to charge a pyke or a lance. the laconian women brought foorth a propagation of men of haughty courage , able both in bodie and minde , to serue their countrey , to defend and fight for their liberties , but our women in these times , they bring a generation of mearockes , that doe bend their whole endeuours to effeminatenicitie , to pride and vanitie . cato being censurer to make choise of a generall for the panoman warres , openly disgraced and dismissed publius , because he had seene him to walke the streets of rome perfumed : but now our gallants doe thinke themselues nothing more disgraced , if they be not so perfumed , be spiced , and be poudered , that a man may well vent them the breadth of a streete . and from whence commeth this wearing , & this imbrodering of long lockes , this curiositie that is vsed amongst men , in freziling and curling of their hayre , this gentlewoman-like starcht bands , so be edged , and be laced , fitter for mayd marion in a moris dance , then for him that hath either that spirit or courage , that should be in a gentleman . but amongst all the rest of these ill becomming follies , that are now newly taken vppe , ( me thinkes ) these yellow starcht bandes shoulde bee euer best suited , with a yellowe coate . i haue heard of a gentle-man that protested himselfe to bee so fierce and furious , if hee were but a little displeased , that during the time whilest his anger did last , he neuer durst looke in a glasse , for feare he should affraight himselfe with the terrour of his owne lookes . and are not our gentlemen in as dangerous a plight now ( i meane these apes of fancy ) that doe looke so like attyre-makers maydes , that for the dainty decking vp of themselues , might sit in any seamsters shop in all the exchange . me thinkes a looking glasse should be a dangerous thing for one of them to view himselfe in , for falling in loue with his owne lookes , as narcissus did with his owne shadow . i am yet perswaded , that our women in this age are as really endued with natures abilities , as they haue beene in times past , but they doe faile in that education that they had in times past , they doe now ( for the most part of them ) see nothing but vanitie , neyther doe i thinke , but that the same defect is it , that so infeebleth their of-spring . but i cannot altogether blame the carelesnes of the world , that it is become so sparing of good endeuours , when there is neyther rewarde nor recompence for good desert , nor scarce so much as a memorandum , for the most honourable enterprise , how worthily so euer performed . we doe read of forraine estates , euen at this present time , what care they haue in rewarding the good , and punishing the ill , and in these two poynts , that is , as i haue sayd , in rewarding and punishing , consisteth so high a policie of good gouernment , that it may well bee sayd , that the turkes , the persians , the tartarians , and many other barbarous infidels , haue built the foundation of their estates , especially vppon that ground worke , and haue aduanced themselues to that greatnesse , that they be now growne vnto , onely by these 2 vertues , in rewarding the good and punishing the ill . for whom reward they , but captaines and souldiers , or where vse they liberalitie , but in the field amongst weapons . how seuere againe are they , in punishing of those , that do beare themselues carelessely in their places and offices committed vnto them , yea , they keepe no meane in disgracing base cowardly mindes , nor in honouring of haughty spirits , and valiant souldiers . but with vs , our parasites , our panders , our fauourets , our fidelers , our fooles , our instruments of ambition , our ministers of our wanton pleasures shall be rewarded , but wee neuer cherish wisedome , till wee haue cause to vse her counsell , and then ( perhaps ) shee may bee rewarded with some court holy water wordes , and which wee will bestowe , but for our owne aduantage , & when our turne is serued , our kindnes is estranged . the world is not now the world that it hath beene , when the sauing of a romane citizen , was rewarded with honor , the humoure of preseruing our country is now spent , there is not a curtius now to be found , and where should we seeke for another sceuola . desert , may now goe to cart , and he that cannot ruffell it out in silkes , will hardly gette passage in at a great mans gate . hee that is thought to bee poore , is neuer thought to bee wise , nor fit to haue the managing of any matter of importance , all is well accepted that is spoken by authoritie , but truth it selfe is not beleeued , if it proceede from the mouth of pouertie . by this contempt of pouertie , vice hath beene aduanced , and sithens riches haue thus crept into credite , the worlde is rather growne to giue way to the humour of a rich foole , then to followe the direction of a poore wiseman . let vs no we a little looke into the actions of this age , and speake truly , when was vertue and honestie more despised , when was pride , ryot , and excesse , more inordinate , when was adultery , and all other vnchast liuing , either more apparant or lesse punished , when were all manner of abhominations more tollerated , when those that should minister correction , will sometimes fauour their owne vices in others , euery man accounting that to bee most excellent in fashion , that is most taken vppe and en-vred , by those that be most vicious . thou shalt not follow the multitude to doe euill , the commandement of the liuing god , exod. 23. but for these adulterers , these drunkards , these swearers , these blasphemers , they haue made a sacrifice of their owne soules to the deuill , & haue cast of all care , both of honour and honestie . but to leaue the generall , and to come to the perticular , i tell thee thou adulterer , i speake it to thy face , that besides the poxe , and many other loath some diseases , that are incident to whore-maisters whilst they liue in this world , thy hot burning fire of lust , will bring thee to the hot burning fire of hell. and i tell thee diues , that pamperest thy selfe in excesse , whilst lazarus lyeth crying out at thy gate , readie to famish , lazarus shall be comforted , when thou shalt intreat , but for one drop of cold water , to coole thy tongue . and thou beastly drunkard , thou monster of nature , that amongst all other sinners art the most base and seruile : if a drunkard were as seldome to be seene as the bird of arabia , he would be more wondered at , then the owle , & more loathed then the swine . how many crafts men that will labour all the weeke , for that which on sun-day they will spend in an ale-house , that will there most beastly consume in drinke , that would relieue their poore wiues and children at home , that other whiles doe want wherewith to buy them bread. but if drunkennesse were not so common as it is , a number of tauernes , and ale-house keepers , might shutte vppe their doores , but the custome of it doth make it so conuersant , that it taketh away the sence of sinne . the generallitie of it , i shall not neede to expresse , when there is no feasting , no banqueting , nor almost anie merrie meeting , but drunkennesse must bee a principall guest : and what a glory is it after the incounter of their cups , for one drunkard , to see another carryed away vppon mens shoulders to the beds . the fruits of drunkennes haue beene very well knowne , since lot committed incest with his owne daughters , since alexander kild his clitus , and since lucius pius obtained that victory against his enemies , by making of them drunke , that hee coulde neuer attayne vnto , so long as they were sober . when the fume of the drinke once beginnes to ascend to the braine , the mind is oppressed with idle thoughts , which spurreth on the tongue , to contentious quarrelling , to slandering , backbiting , to idle and beastly talking , to swearing and blaspheming , and in the ende , to stabbing and murthering . i neuer yet knewe a drunkard to be fitte for any good or godly exercise : and caesar was wont to say , that hee stoode more in doubt of brutus and cassius , that were noted to bee sober , then he did of drunken marcus antonius . let him be of what title he list , if he be a drunkarde , doe but strippe him out of his gay cloathes , and scrape his name out of the heraulds booke , and he is without eyther euidence or preheminence of the basest rascall , that euer was drunke in an ale-house . now i tell thee againe thou swearer and blasphemer , that the heauie curse of god is still depending ouer thy head : thou that vppon euery light occasion , dost polute the name of god , that is to bee reuerenced and feared , and doest sette that tongue which by the right of creation , shoulde bee the trumpet , to sound forth his glory , thou doest make it the instrument to prophane and blaspheme his holy name . how many blasphemous wretches are there in these daies , that do make oathes their pastime , & will sweare vpon pleasure & he that hath not for euery word an oath , & can sweare voluntarily without any cause , is holden to be but of a weak spirit , a signe of want of courage : and he that should reproue him in his blasphemies , they say hee is a puritan , a precise foole , not fitte to hold a gentleman company : their greatest glory , and the way to shewe themselues generous , is to sette their tongues against heauen , and to abuse that name , at the which they should tremble and quake with feare . in the commandements of the first table , god himselfe is the obiect , for they immediately appertaine vnto him , and therfore , he that taketh his name in vaine ( i thinke ) displeaseth god asmuch or more , as he that against the commaundement of the second table , committeth murther , and therfore those positiue lawes , that doe so seuerely punish the actuall breaches of the second table , without any respect to the sinnes that are committed against the first , were rather sette downe by the policies of men , then by the rule of the written word of god. he that should but touch a man in credite ( if he be a man of any sort or calling ) that should impeach his reputation , or slaunder his good name , there wanteth no good lawes to vexe and molest him , and to inflict those punishments vpon him , that they will make him to cry peccaui : but hee that should depraue god in his maiestie , that shall depriue him of his glory , or blaspheme his holy name , there is no maner of lawe whereby to correct him , there is not so much as a write of scandalum magnatum , to be granted against him . a common swearer hath no excuse to pleade in his owne defence , but doth shew himselfe to be abondslaue to the deuill , and a fire brand of hell . god himselfe hath pronounced against him : the lord will not holde him guiltlesse that taketh his name in vaine , and the vision of the flying booke , seene by zacharias , that was twelue cubits in length , and tenne in breadth , doth witnesse that the curses are many , that are written , and doe hang in record against swearers . i thinke bribery is no sinne at all , or if it be , it is but veniall , a light offence , a matter of no reckoning to account on . it is like the disease morbus gallicus , which in poore men we vse plaine dealing , & call it the poxe , but in great personages , a little to gilde ouer the loathsomnesse , wee must call it the gowt , or the sciatica : so that which amongst inferiors we call a bribe , in superiors it is called a gift , a present , a gratification . if a lawyer for a fee of tenne shillinges , doe sometymes take tenne poundes , it is a curtesie , a beneuolence , but these curtesies and kindnesses are bestowed with asmuch good will as the true man , when he giueth his purse to the theefe . yet he that hath iudgement to giue a bribe with discretion , may worke wonders , he may run through-stitch with any businesse . iacob by sending of presents , may appease the anger of esau . claudius by giuing of bribes may escape correctiō , though he commit sacriledge in the temple of minerua . thou shalt take no gifts , for the gift bindeth the wise , and peruerteth the words of the righteous , exod. 23. but to make an end of this text , i will but adde thus much , that the giuing and taking of bribes , and the buying and selling of offices , are 2. such plague sores to a common wealth where they be suffered , that they are no lesse hurtfull to the prince , then preiudiciall to the poore subiect . should i speake nowe of couetousnesse , of vsury , and of pride . couetousnesse is a sin that euermore hath beene hated , and vsury is a sinne that the world hath still detested . but the pride of these times ( if it were well considered ) is much more odious in the sight of god , & many wayes more pernicious to the common wealth , then both those other of couetousnesse and vsury , that are ( and haue euer bin ) accounted so loathsome . couetousnesse ( i confesse ) is the curre , that thinketh nothing to be vnlawfull that bringeth in gaine , it is the canker , that eateth and deuoureth the gettings of the poore . it is the viper that spareth neyther friend nor foe , vertuous nor vicious , but where there is golde to be gotten , it teareth the very intrailes of whom soeuer . he yeeldeth yet a reason for his scraping , and pleades the feare of want , alledging , that his greedie heaping and gathering together , to be but a christian-like care that euerie man should haue to prouide for his family . simonides being demanded why he beganne to growe so miserable in his latter yeares , to fall a hurding vp of riches , when he was readie for the graue , to acquit himselfe of a couetous disposition , answered : because ( sayd hee ) i had rather haue goods to leaue to mine enemies , when i am dead , then to stand in neede of my friends , whilst i am aliue . thus wee may see there is not a vice so odible , but they haue skill to maske it , with the visard of vertue . and the vsurer on the other side , he pleades not guiltie : nay , he will hardly be perswaded , that vsury is any sinne at all , or if it be a sinne , it is such a sin , as it lies in his owne will and disposition , what manner of sin hee himselfe will make of it , whether a little sinne or a great sin , or a sinne of any assize , that he himselfe doth list to forme or fashion it . nowe the vsurer doth acknowledge that the scriptures doe prohibite the taking of vsury , and ( sayth hee ) so god himselfe hath commaunded , thou shalt not steale . now for a rich man to be a theefe , euery man can say hee deserues to be hanged : but for a poore man that is ready to famish , and in his necessitie , hee stealeth a loafe of bread to saue his life , here is now a theft cōmitted , & a direct breach of gods commandement , yet to be comiserated . from hence they would inferre a tolleration in some persons , namely , to men that be aged , to widdowes and to orphanes : and there be some that publiquely in writing , haue maintained a tolleration to be had in these , and do thinke it a matter drawing nearer charitie , for these to make profite of their money , rather then to waste or spend awaie the stocke . here is yet a second collection that is gathered by the vsurer , yet ( sayth he ) if a man be driuen into that necessitie , that he is inforced to steale ( though it be but a loafe of bread for his reliefe ) yet the theft is to be accounted so much the more , or so much the lesse , in respect of the person from whom it is committed , for in such a case , to steale from him that is rich , the robbery is nothing so intollerable in the eies of the world as for him that is poore to steale from another , no lesse poore then himselfe : therefore ( sayth the vsurer ) we may take vse of him that is rich , so we haue a conscience to him that is poore , and to fortifie his conceit , he alledgeth certaine places of scripture : if thou lend money to my people , that is , to the poore , thou shalt take no vsury , exod. 22. here is nowe no prohibition but that we may take vse of those that be rich , it is but the poore that are only excepted . and wee are yet agayne forbidden that wee shoulde take no vsury , but it is of thy brother that is falne in decay , leui. 25. when the deuill came to tempt our sauiour christ , hee beganne with scriptum est , and the vsurer to salue vp that sinne that all ages hath detested , all places haue denounced , & all good men haue euer abhorred , haue learned of the deuill to alledge the holy scriptures . but vsury is forbidden by gods owne mouth , and therefore sinne , neyther is that reliefe to be found in it that many do expect , for wher it maketh show to giue , there it taketh , & where it pretēdeth to succour , there againe it doth oppresse . and therefore hee that seeketh to assist himselfe by the helpe of the vsurer , is like the poore sheepe , that seeketh in a storme to shrowde himselfe vnder a bramble , where hee is sure to leaue some of his wool behind him . there hath beene question made of vsury , what it is , for some woulde haue it to consist onely , in the letting out of money , according to the letter as it is written , thou shalt not giue to vsury to thy brother , deut. 23. other some doe thinke him to be as great an vsurer , that taketh excessiue gaines in any thing , as the other that taketh vse for his money . he would vpholde his reason thus , if a poore man that is driuen into distresse , should come to borrowe the summe of twentie shillings of a monyed man , vppon a garment ( or some other pawne ) that not long before had cost him fortie : promising within one moneth or two , not onely to redeeme his pawne , but also to giue him reasonable vse for the loane of his money . he is answered that to lend money vpon vsury is against the rule of gods word , and therefore ( to auoyde that sinne ) if he will fell his garment out right , hee will buy it ( if twentie shillings be his price ) but other money he will not lend , nor a greater summe he will not giue . the poore man inforced by necessitie , is dryuen to take that twentie shillings , and to forgoe his garment , which he had beene better to haue pawned to an vsurer , though hee had payd him after sixe pence , or eyght pence , yea , or after twelue pence a moneth , if it hadde beene for a whole yeare together . there bee some that will in no wise acknowledge this to be vsury , but let them distinguish howe they list , if i should giue my censure , i would say it were flat knauery . euery man can call him an vsurer , that setteth out his money , but hee that taketh aduantage of his poore neighbours necessitie , as when he knoweth him to be enforced to sell for neede , he will then haue it at his owne price , or hee will not buy : and when he is constrayned agayne ( by occasion ) to buy , he will make him then to pay deare for his necessitie , yet howsoeuer he oppresse him eyther in buying or selling ( they say ) it is no vsury , it is but honest trade and traffique . he that selleth vpon trust , if it bee but for one moneth or sixe weekes , and maketh the buyer to pay fiftie shillings for that which in readie money , he might haue bought for 40 ▪ is he not an vsurer . these shop-keepers that can blind mens eyes with dym and obscure lights , and deceiue their eares with false & flattering words , be they not vsurers . these tradesmen that can buy by one weight , and sell by another , by they not vsurers . these marchants that doe robbe the realme , by carrying away of corne , lead , tinne , hydes , leather , and such other like , to the impouerishing of the common wealth , bee they not vsurers . these farmers that doe hurde vppe their corne , butter , & cheefe , but of purpose to make a dearth , or that if they thinke it to rayne but one houre to much , or that a drought doe last but two dayes longer then they thinke good , will therfore the next market day hoyse vp the prises of all manner of victuall , be not these vsurers . the land-lordes that doe sette out their liuings at those high rates , that their tenants that were wont to keepe good hospitalitie , are not nowe able to giue a peece of bread to the poore , be they not vsurers . if these , and such other like capitall crimes , be not reputed to be vsury , let them guilde them ouer with what other titles they list , i think them to be as ill ( or worse ) then vsury . if the bookes of moses be aduisedly considered of , there be as dangerous menaces against great purchacers , as there be against vsurers ▪ and god himselfe hath sayd , thou shalt not couet thy neighbours house , and our sauiour christ hath pronoūced a wo , vnto him that ioyneth house to house , or lād to land . i would not haue men therefore to flatter themselues too much , or to thinke themselues more honest then ( indeede ) they be ▪ for if we relye so much vppon the bare letter , hee breaketh the commandements of god in as expresse a manner , that hath money in his purse , and will not lend to his needie neighbour , as hee that lendeth money to vse : for the same god that forbiddeth to take vsury , sayth againe , thou shalt not shut vp thy compassion , but shalt lend : and dauid in his 112. psalme sayth , a good man is mercifull and lendeth . our blessed sauiour agayne in the 6. of luke , doe good & lend looking for nothing againe . it followeth then , when a man is enforced by necessitie , to borrowe , he that hath money and will not lend , is no better then an vsurer . and as he is thus commanded to lend , so he is enioyned againe not to keepe his neighbours pawne , if thou take thy neighbours rayment to pledge , thou shalt restore it before the sunne goe downe , exod. 22. and for feare of forgetting , in the 24. of deut. it is yet againe itterated in these wordes , if it bee a poore body , thou shalt not sleepe with his pledge . so that wee may conclude , the vsurer , that will not lend but for gaine , the miser that will not lend at all , the land-lord that racketh vppe his rents , the farmer that hoyseth vp the market , the marchant that robbeth the realme , and all the rest what some euer , that doe oppresse the poore , they are all in one predicament , and may bee all called the deuils iorny-men , for they doe the deuils iorny worke . here is now to be considered , that these loathed sinnes of couetousnes and vsury , though they haue pleaded in their owne excuses , yet they haue euermore beene condemned euen from the beginning , and so they are continued euen at this present houre . but this monstrous sin of pride , for the which the angels were throwne out of heauen , & by the which the vengeance of god hath beene so many times drawne vppon this globe of earth , it is now growne into a fashion , and it is become so general , that it is but in vaine for any man to speak against it . it is community that taketh away the sence , and then example is it that bloteth out the shame , for the power of example being so common as it is , is a motiue good enough , to perswade that pride is no sinne , which is in such generalitie amongst them that be of the best account . pride if in a prince , it ruines the loue of his subiects , if amongst subiects , it breedeth neglect of dutie to the prince , if in any states-man , it draweth contempt , both of prince and subiect : the pride of this age is growne to that height , that wee canne hardly knowe a prince from a pesant , by the view of his apparrell , and who is able by the outward show , to discerne betweene nobilitie and seruilitie , to knowe a lord from a lowt , a lady from a landresse , or to distinguish betweene a man of worthinesse and a base groome , that is not worth the clothes that belonges to his backe they doe shine in silke , in siluer , in golde , and that from the head , to the very heele . with titles , with worship , and with words , we may distinguish estates , but we cannot discerne them by their apparell . it is pride that hath depryued the angels of the ioyes of heauen , it hath beene the ouerthrow of kingdomes , & common wealthes here vpon the earth , it is the inhanuser of all our miseries nowe in this age : it hath banished hospitalitie and good house-keeping , it hath raysed the rates and prises of all things , it breedeth dearth & scarsitie , it inforceth theft and robbery , it is pride that filleth the prisons , and bringeth numbers to the gallowes , it is onely pride , that impouerisheth cittie , towne , and country , it is it that maketh so many townes-men and trades-men to play banckropt . it is pride , that hath expelled our yeomandry , that hath impouerished our gentility , it hath replenished the realme with bare and needie knights , and it threatneth a worse succeeding mischiefe , then i dare set downe with my pen. it is pride , that hath banished hospitalitie , and where hospitalitie is once putte to flight , there charitie doth seldome shewe his face , for charitie is so combined with hospitality , that where the one becommeth lame , the other immediately begins to halt . i did neuer beleeue the popes transubstantiation , but now i see charitie is transubstantiated into braue apparrell , when we shall see him that in a hat-band , a scarse , a payre of garters , and in roses for his shoe-strings , will bestow more money , then would haue bought his great grandfather , a whole suite of apparrell to haue serued him for sun-dayes . thus we doe see , it is pride that wasteth and consumeth all things to vphold it selfe , it destroyeth both loue & hope , it is pernicious in the poore , it is maligned in the rich , neyther can a prince himselfe that is proud , bee able to shroude himself from cōtempt of the vulgare , but he shal be despised . marry the best sport in this sinne of pride is this , we shall neuer see two proud persons , but the one will enuie and despise the other , for pride doth malice pride , & it will mocke and scorne at that pride in another , that it will neuer marke nor see in it selfe : it is a vice that is left destitute of all helpe or defence , or of friendes , it was expelled from heauen , and it is the most consuming plague , that may happen vpon the earth , and the best reward that belongeth to it , is the burning fire of hell. tell me nowe thou proud presumptuous flesh , hast thou not reason to turne ouer another leafe , when wrath seemeth so to threaten , as though there were no sauing fayth left vpon the earth . nature hath sufficiently taught vs to lift vppe the hande before the head , because the head is more worthy then the hand , and the spirit of god that hath created this nature , should it not teach vs to forsake our owne willes , and to giue place vnto his , without the which our willes could not be . we doe neglect the iudgements of god , and notwithstanding the myracles he hath shewed vnto vs , we aske with pharao , who is the lord , but we doe not lay holde of them to our instruction , perhaps we may sometimes wonder at them but neuer profit by them . i haue thus farre presumed to thrust my lynes into the wide worlde , to abide the fury of all weathers , if they proue distastfull to some palates , yet i hope there bee other some , that will better relish them , for those that shall thinke them too tart , let them vse them in the stead of veriuyce , for sweete meates are euer best relished with souresauce . finis . epilogus . now after 23. bookes by me alreadie published , to make them vp iust 2. dosen , and for my last farewell to the printers presse , i haue tasked my selfe to such a kinde of subiect , as is better fitting to be roughly rubbed with a reprehending veritie , then slightly to be blanched ouer with any smoothing flattery . i knowe i shall offend a number , for i haue inueighed against sinnes and that of seuerall sorts , perhaps some will say i am too bitter , but can we be too serious in exclaiming against pride , against adulterie , against drunkennesse , against blasphemy , and against such other , and so great impietie , as i thinke since it rayned fire and brim-stone vppon sodome and gomorah , there was neuer the like : if it be not now time then , both to speake and to write against those abhominations , it is high time the world were at an end . i haue not medled with any thing that is repugnant to religion : and for matters of state it fits me not to deale withall , for satyryck inueyghing at any mans pryuate person it is farre from my thought ; yet i am sure to want no censuring , but i haue armed my selfe against all those reproches , wherwith malice it selfe is able to loade me , my soule and conscience bearing witnes that my intent hath beene no other , then to drawe men into a due consideration , how much they loose of time , in hunting after vanities : then lette detraction whet his tongue and spare not , if i displease any , if they be not such as are but weake of iudgement , i am then sure they bee such , as doe knowe themselues to bee faultie . finis . rapta tatio the mirrour of his maiesties present gouernment, tending to the vnion of his whole iland of brittonie martiall. 1604 approx. 79 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13394 stc 23705 estc s118166 99853375 99853375 18757 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13394) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 18757) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1010:16) rapta tatio the mirrour of his maiesties present gouernment, tending to the vnion of his whole iland of brittonie martiall. skinner, john, sir, fl. 1604, attributed name. skene, john, sir, 1543?-1617, attributed name. douglas, n., attributed name. [64] p. printed by w. w[hite] for s. waterson, at london : 1604. variously attributed to sir john skinner, to sir john skene, and to n. douglas. see halkett & laing, 3rd ed., p. 164. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-h⁴. the first leaf and the last leaf are blank. b4 is a cancel in all copies. it is set in duplicate; recto line 8 ends (1) "friendes," or (2) "frindes,". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion rapta tatio . the mirrour of his maiesties present gouernment , tending to the vnion of his whole iland of brittonie martiall . rumpatur quisquis rumpitur inuidia . at london , printed by w. w. for s. waterson . 1604. ignibus vnionis arden s. to the right honorable and famous cities london and edenborough , yorke in the way not vnsaluted ; and to their inhabitantes , and friendes of all conditions . because in you ( especially ) be the newses of all common-wealthes causes ; i choose you , to whom to dedicate the discourses vpon the vnion debated . of other natures are other recordes likewise interserted , as argumentes moderne in your dayly vses . bee you all strong friendes to this great good of your estates , and no partie shall be thought able to withstand you , and your followers . my selfe begge nothing of you , nor seeke to borrow vpon credite ; though i know you trust much ; and in so doing , giue it when you are not payde : but if i once see bonfiers in you for this new coniunction , yours wil be the chiefest benefite , mine a share of the comfort . that if it happen to be concluded , burne my bookes then , as part of ioyes fewell : if that misse good euent , and mine affection shall be suspected , or argumentes neglected , a badde birdes ill egge , i know , will not haue worse fortune . howsoeuer my zeale is such to you , and to this case , as i referre it and my selfe , humbly to your censures : willing to make my selfe better knowne , then when i shal be assured i can deserue well of you : till which time come , gladdest if it were quickly , i rest . euer at your commaunde , your country-man and a brittaine . the explanation of the title , and application thereof . when the romaines for continuance of their people and common-wealth , made vnion with their neighbours the sabines and the rest , by taking their daughters ( though against their willes at first ) to wiues , whom afterwardes proofe shewed , they could not better haue bestowed : the chiefest of the rest was reserued for tatius : the credite of whose name was of such authoritie , that not the very enemies would make resistaunce . that if they then yeelded to , for a noble mans fancie in his affection ; let a generall good now , be more powerfull for a kinges desire of a common-weale . hoc tantum inspice qui nobis paratur , an possit fieri vetus sodalis . the title . rapta tatio . haec facies testatur amorem . anagram . at at patior . nec facies placet cui gelasinus abest . vpon both . praeda datur tatio : mea miles vulnera porto : vt verè dicam dum potior patior . sed modicum patiar , quia nisus nomine tanto , et tanto fultus numine tutus ero . rapta tatio . hauing ( you great citties and your friendes and followers ) since i saw all vse of my poore endeuors spared , or rather found disabilitie in them to afforde vse to the state , or person of my dread soueraigne , or of his royall queene , or ishew ; sequestred my selfe from either sawcie intrusions or shamelesse suites ; i thought i should so haue been forgotten , and might also haue been suffered without offence to forget : but so full are all thinges euery where of his maiestie , as euen in my retiredest priuatenesse , by subiectes who could not iudge of ought , but what the subiect enabled them to ; neither take much ioy in any thing , but in haruestes , mariages , and holydayes ; nor speake for much more , then nature and the countries vocation giues direction for : i haue been assaulted with their welcome , yet vehement endeuours , of expressing their ioyes for him ; their comfortes in him ; their hopes from him , their dueties to him ; in deed their admiration , of not onely what they see , but what they feele themselues euen warmed and comforted by , not to all men in able iudgement visible , but euery where by some vertue or other sensible : no lesse then they professe his maiesties proclamations to their vnderstandings notable ; his caryage and manage of himselfe and his iudgement in treasons so little deserued , by subiectes no whit iustly agreeued , taken to mercy besides all law , but that which his owne heart and vnderstanding inuentes and affoordes ; not a little rare , yet very royall . aboue all it may be , ( for being last in memorie ) they seeme full of a speech his highnesse made in the beginning of the parliament : for place in such a session ; for vtteraunce , so delyuered ; vpon further suite and neede thereof so reitterated ; the argumentes , so gratious ; for vse , so necessarie ; seene euen before proofe so iudiciall ; as when they of their kind could finde vnderstanding to commende , fulnesse to vtter ; it so farre set on fire my spirit , to giue my selfe satisfaction about ; as whether scorne to be ouermatched by those in that argument , or new desire enflamed to apprehend so glorious a world , gaue the instigation i know not ; vp rose againe those spirits which had faythfully borne zeale ( and that without fault otherways ) to his highnesse , when communitie knew him not ; in dayes when nobilitie treated but sparingly of him ; and the time had kept him in breeding in a countrey fit to make him wise and hardy , as any of his auncestours ; lesse soft and delicate then many of his progenitors . pardonable then ( i hope ) it shall be esteemed , if to ioyne with the rest , or salute their gratulations to him first , what came from him , comes for him : the meditation of subiectes wishes , the vnderstanding of many their senses , directed to acknowledge how vnworthy they are so gratious & so good a king , who publikely professeth to thanke them for that , for which , god and he himselfe is to be thanked , in that he was borne , and refuseth not his ende for which : who professeth peace ; feareth no warre ; standeth stifly to religion with a prudent discretion ; seekes vnions for vnitie ; giues his owne for the common-wealthes cause the most , and yet accomptes to it for what he giues : doth all things as doubting which vpon tryall are surely placed . and though my selfe be too vnworthy to explaine what his maiesties hidden prouisions are , of those which haue open shew for his kingdomes good ; and know how neare flatterie and grosse adulation plaine deliuerie and trueth comes : yet since they be good desires in others , none ill in my selfe , which haue stirred me vp to this presumption ; and vertue may be as confident to challenge her owne , as vice is apt to borrow of insinuation ; i aske leaue that i represse not my thoughtes in silence , neither spare to lay them downe so insufficiently , in so able an age . but yet daring no further , you may be pleased , as dionisius made aristippus beleeue , that his eares were in his feete , to heare with your heeles : or if the worke be not worthy to be taken vp , it can not be vile enough , if it shall not be otherwise censured , hauing loue & duetie , zeale and care of countrey therein , to be trodden vpon . and here in what i shall discourse , as i haue caught it by vulgar relations , and remember it happely but vnfittingly for the vse should be made of it : so , if either i had had direction to write , instruction of occurrents , and priuitie to haue made right vse ; my paynes should haue been imployed to haue giuen that satisfaction to this cause , which now i ayme at : and but onely for the gladnesse of the popular duety to so gratious a soueraigne , i could not haue been thrust vpon . and herein i will not deale with my loue to them , as the sleeper did with the coniurer , who hauing told him , that a dreame of an egge signified treasure , sent him onely of siluer and gould ( whereof he had found some quantitie ) a portion of the siluer , and put him to aske for newes of the yolke numquid de vitello : for euen all the substaunce in my shell , is wholly this argumentes : and the more deuoutly , since with deiotarns our king is not building of citties at the thirteenth houre of the day : nor with crassus , at sixtie yeeres olde , beginning to march against the partheans : but euen at his first entraunce , doth so addresse himselfe to his gouernement , as all are proude at this instant , who spake well before , and they who see him now , find abilitie to speake for euer . it shall not be sayd of him , he beares his time well , as if somewhat were to be allowed to his new enteraunce ; but he vseth his time well . it was damasippus fault to giue cicero so much aduantage , hauing bidden him to supper , as by hauing kept his wine fourtie yeeres in his house , to be subiect to his guestes censnre , that it bore the age well . this kinges time came when it should be vsed , and is vsed when it is come : england allured not him to it , till it sent to him for it . he hath taken a state captiue , by gods prouidence , and his maiesties good vsage of his guifts ; was not taken prisoner , as policrates was by eurotes : therefore he pertakes gods blessinges not against the fates , but by direction of the heauens . before his highnesse is treasure , in his comming hither : some ( i hope ) will finde it behinde him , if god blesse the golden mynes in scotland . cefellius bassus applauded nero for being deere vnto the gods , as in whose time onely , gold long time hidde , came to light . there are ( i cannot denie ) who are so vnhappie , as to coniecture , that some that hath seene light , is gone that way to be hidde : but neither shall fayle the vse of this kingdome , if god blesse the ones finding , and graunt meanes to the others returning , since now the king hath propounded , that an vnion may be confirmed ▪ the only meanes to draw al vses from thence , to the good of vs heere , without our losse in any thing , which with the gaine by this cause , will not be well requited ; nor will it be long to the appearance thereof , when his maiesties subiectes shall be all conioyned , which are borne and inhabite within one continent , haue , and long may they haue the same soueraigne , suffer noe deuision , nor which euer did , other then what the diuell drew on for the punishment of both ; and it seemes gods sacred ordinance , to mooue the kings maiestie to affect the amendes of , for the good of either . they haue reason to follow , where their king is ; wee cause to imbrace them , who come with him . the countrey besides is honored in his highnesse , which bredde such a king , as liues to prooue ( hath not a bare testimonie of a thing forgotten ) more abilitie in him selfe , then darius on his tombe was commended for : i was a f●iend to my friends , an horseman and bowman excellent : i was best of huntsmen , and in my person could doe all thinges . and shall not cirus his counsaile to cambises his sonne , make vs more assured , to haue a scepter compacted of multitudes of friends , then of quantitie of gold. and how can we compact them , but to make them like niobees tombe , being the marble ? this tomhe hath no dead body ; this dead body hath no tombe : but the one is the other , and either is each . and if friendship be as senica saith , negotiatio quae ad comodum accedit : the king hath greatest cause ( if their ingratitude shall not giue him cause to be weary of both ) to ioyne them in strrct bandes of all comfortable all entire & equall loues betwixt them ; since the greatest profite which euer can come to either of them , must be in seeing the welfare , and enioying the lyfe of him alone . nor is it fitte that his friendes should not be vnited ( i presume to call his subiectes his friendes , as by a deare tytle , as well as humble ) ; since better it is the king were not of agreeing harmonie in himselfe , then where his friendes were naught , the king himselfe were of good disposition . and if the difference were any , for the exchange : some haue sayd procul a loue et a fulmine ; the conuersations of kinges haue euer been helde like the nature of the flames , warme further of , and burning neerer . the king shall better represse further off in this forme , by this meanes giue greater scope to the subiect neerer hand : by that course , his further people shal be made more ciuill ( i speake of the priuater of them ) , these not so great flatterers , ( i speake not much of the publicker of these ) whose so often kneelinges , his maiestie , it is sayd , hath so much forbidden , as if he had seene tiberius the emperour fall on his face , running away from a fellow , who hung vpon him kneeling . a woman did the like vpon this our king at royston , whose husband , that he might liue disorderly with his grey-hound , against the kings proclamation , left to liue orderly with his wife according to the institution of marriage . yet as for the one , i meane not altogether the men of the lues ; ( part of whose countrey i had hoped , that ere this time , the battered garrison of barwicke should haue had ) so i feare not much the other , who can onely alledge , offa me monet , the king hauing subiectes ( of whom his maiesties owne note is , that they were borne to haunt , shame , and starue himselfe ) of able meanes to reforme them , by cutting off allowaunces . the condition of those , i professe , to be more dangerous , who can amende mistakinges : and to the question quid brachium can reply , illud dicere volui femur , who can either turne an argument of strength into lasciuiousnesse ; or can alter with occasion , and flatter euen vice , if they could here find it . but while ill thinges ought not to be commended , ill men can be allowed no fitte praysers : seneca in his tractate of the honest lyfe , sayth : wee ought to be as much ashamed to be commended of bad men , as if we were praysed for ill conditions . reuerend and worthy men hath the king to heare , as euer king was serued withall , both graue and wise : and wise and stoute : such as of whom it can not be sayd , that they haue lesse of eloquence then of fayth ; being as excellent speakers , as carefull doers : neither lesse honor , then may commaunde duetie ▪ being many by him selfe aduaunced , others better then alwayes confirmed , or more then before increased . they are they to whom the law can not be vnpleasing , that amasis king of egypt made vti singuli apud praesides prouinciae ostenderent vnde viuerent . that is in england on capitall head of many manifolde vices , when men may liue by what meanes they can , onely answearing vnto publicke accusations ; whereas how they get , what they spende ; how they spende , what they get ; how they outface meaner magistracie ; how they blinde greater , in causes of danger how they find many , and the common-wealth few friendes ; how they shift causes , and the iudge neuer heates of them : for these , how much god is angrie ; their courses how easie it is in beginngs to preuent : if counsaile of counsellours finde other thinges more vrgent to their wisedomes , i remember what i wish the common-wealth should haue cause to thanke them for . these people will goe as neare iustice and lawes , and scape them , as domitian could shoote neare through by a boyes fingers , and misse them . this reuerend counsell , for hauing liued in coutts , may they be more honored , then to be reuiled in woodes ? so let them know their seruices rewarded in lyuing ; that dead , they be not abused by the lyuing : and if they may be amongst vs , who would be wise like them , let vs not put them from amongst vs , who haue more experience , and haue had more priuitie then wee . zenophones colophonius , who was called homeromastixe , in lamentation of his pouertie , told a king of cecely , that he was scarce able to keepe two seruantes : yet quoth the king , he whom you rayle vpon , feedeth 10000. being dead : so are worthy men by meane ones defaced ; so pratchantnesse knowes not it is sawcie ; so come faultie humours to be vnpunished , because not seene ; and not seene , because not regarded . in rome it is written , rutilius and scaurus had petition for a consulship , and at last rutilius gaue way to scaurus . scaurus accused rutilius of canuace , because in rutilius his tables was written a. f. p. r. which scaurus did interpret as signifying done by the fayth of publius rutilius , actum fide publij rutilij , as if rutilius had corrupted the voyces , and scaurus could not haue been made consull without rutilius had renounced vnto him : but rutilius made this interpretation , ante factum postea relatum , that first it was had , afterwards restored : as if scaurus had by his name framed his office , and he had been but the pronouncer of his reputation . caius caninius a romaine knight being on the part of rufus , notwithstanding held , that neither interpretation was true vpon those letters , but that they imported aemilius fecit plectitur rutilius , aemilius did it , and rutilius suffered for it ; that was , tooke the repulse . but i thinke both then : for neither are heere now . in that time , where was the curtesie passed betwixt largius and caelius , when they two spent the day so in commending one another , either for others worth to be elected dictators , that scarce either of them could be appoynted on the second day of their choyce ? where was then that humanitie which pompey shewed , who being appoynted vnto metellus his charge , because metellus was elder and more noble in glorie , would not accept his preferment appoynted vnto him , vnlesse metellus would desire his companie in taking share of his care ? this case had much other pleading when it was , and howsoeuer rutilius was stucke vnto , yet cicero gaue not all to that speaker ; but in decision of the cause , hauing iudicially delyuered , turned his countenaunce vpon a worthy man of his fauour , concluding directly in the behalfe of scaurus . more did not tully in any day shew himselfe maister of his eares , nor better at any time commaunde his tongue , to vtter his iudgement : yet was that tryall onely brought in to take experience of duetie , fully necessarie for greater causes soone after to be propounded : this onely being like alcibiades dogge , sent through the cittie of athens with his tayle cut off vpon purpose . that as it was to try what woonderors were there in that body , so this to discerne whether free tongues were walking , or not walking in your free cities ? but howsoeuer , had angustus his iudgement , been helde as good as claudius his benefite , the decision had found authoritie , not the authoritie decision . then might the souldier haue come to caesar to aske his rewarde of pleasuring him , in a fitter time , then after he had lost one of his eyes at munda . but it may be in times foregoing , it hath been thought , that cleane obseruance was more worth , then holy duetie , to be honored rather skilfully , then deuoutly coli scite quam sancte : yet doubt i , that word cleane , had drunke too lately in the low countries , and signified rather litle in the scite , then mannerly in the obseruaunce . or else as it befell , martiall would haue his rule of louing accept familiaritie , but admit no reuerence . tu vis coli sexte volebam amore , sed si te colo sexte non amabo . if otherwise , which i well beleeue , and you great cities may happely heare of that not want of particuler duetie , but care of generall good , makes refusall of that for the countries cause , wherein a kinges commaund had otherwise readely preuayled ouer his subiectes : while the euent of the ones desire , the others refusall stood vpon vncertaine successes ; and the fathers care might be thought impartiall touching his owne lawfull children , though issued from diuers venters ; what vigil could not scite virgill ; what watchman could not discerne day then in view , then to follow his collours with nil desperandum teucro duce et auspice teucro ? nor could it be sayd , o socij neque enim ignari sumus ante malorum , for of the contrarie wee haue had experience lamentable , of this which would haue yeelded comfort , such hath been our vnhappinesse , though the histories can tell you how sought , neuer occasion to any could wee take . better directions then happie directions , men can not receaue , such as either are affected to be followed for loue by hope , or men are wonne to imbrace by reason vpon ground . him examine by his owne , remember his life past so blessedly runne through , so mischieffously attempted ; take view of his estate present , of our hopes of blessednesse by him ; and thereby frame coniecture how fortunate his highnesse may be in these his desires not withstood , but submitted to , by those who must leese liberties as deare as life thereby . and should you not take him kingly , but philosophically ; the rule for his condition fittes him , as his scepter , for a king , becomes him . a body strong , fortunes ritch , the heart stoute , and braines learned , milesius thought to be the seate of happinesse . plato he platted fiue kindes of felicities : good counsell , good health , good fortune , good reputation , good and falsely esteemed , ( but neuer before other louers of wisedome , loued them better then philosophers ) aboue all goodes , goodes . i might add to make these goodes better , as greater for their qualitie , maketh not their price more then their quantitie aduaunceth their reputation , euen goodes hanging vpon ropes . of which kinde , to leaue the kinges maritine riches , in like whereof no prince in the world is knowne to equall him : i may truely say , as he is farre from taking aduantages vpon those from whose indiscreete and vnworthy vsages , the haynousnesse of their crimes haue giuen their states and safeties away , so might so much moderation in cause of iust anger , haue giuen true tryall of none ouer great violence in matter of affection . and were it not for the good of eyther , since hee hath charge of both , it would neither bee the draught of the one to what they seeke not , nor of the other to what they like not , that would make either fancies seeme faces , or reasons almost treasons . nor can i gesse whence no better satisfaction groweth , vnlesse opinion may be helde of the highest estate , to be as pliny writeth of fortune , that shee is the goddesse who in the whole world in all places , at all howers , with all voyces , alone is called out vpon , alone is named , alone is accused : who hath the onely guylt , the onely estimation , the onely prayse , the onely blame : and with inuectiues is worshipped , with slaunder cherished , in inconstancie thought constant : to whose charge is layde the maintayning the vnworthiest , the accompt of all expences , the catalogue of all receites , and the filling vp of each leaues either part in the blottes of all reckonings , and the setting vpon all audits . if not so , with reuerence and loue may i speake it to your cittie-assemblies , tables as you may thinke priuate and secure , be too little prouident ; no lesse was the frenches confidence , who to shew their not fearing alexander , could instaunce in nothing to giue them doubt , but in the heuens falling . yet certainely as abimelech being hurt by a stone from the castle , whereinto the israelites fledde , throwne downe by a womans hand , desired rather that a souldier would kill him , then that by so weake an hand he should perish : so is it euer to be feared , that greatnesse can no where suffer contradiction with content , where the cause is reasonable , and affection royall , in the vnderstanding . it may be neuerthelesse , that pompilius thought a circle scoared by a rod , could giue lymits to consultation , as intra hunc consule . the intendment of such circles , were to combine mens seates and endeuours by freedomes to assist euery one the most he could , not with liberties to forestall singular men peremprorily , those propositions which come but newly into consultation , being neither rashly , nor meanely commended . those ends had no celticke boldnesse appoynted to them ; they were not to be ioyned with contempt of safetie . there was not intended that with the blood of hanniball , should be made strong the league with rome . there was no priuiledge to engadge that offence which no memory could euer remit , if the after successes should accuse the then resolued iudgements . the scottish in this age , nor in those to come , shall in this kingdome get the best offices alone , feare ye not ; nor let others affright you therewith . but as the kinges maiestie contendes to haue the state generall , and publique weale of the whole iland , to which he is equally by god appoynted in best order ; so propounds he , that it may be free for the best man of those , who are his natiue subiectes , borne and inhabiting within the same continent , and none otherwise deuided by tweede , then others of his subiectes are by trent , may haue place for his goodnesse to serue the common-wealth in . such is his maiesties royall disposition , to chuse the best from the most , and to get it enacted , that the left hād , though not so much heretofore vsed , shall now bee knowne to bee a parte of the same body , & receiue the same nourishmēt by the same passages , and do naturall seruices , as none artificiall member . but why we should so much doubt them , see i not so much cause . in all men now liuing is not the appetite of diogenes deceased : he being asked what kinde of wine he wold gladliest drinke of ; answered , of another mans : for of those there are many wil not change their own setlings , & too many who haue pensions elswhere already , & some are going further for better profits : all of whome great offices in this kingdome doe not expect , nor wold they euer be suters for them to sit about them . yet do you thinke it better and lesse dāgerous to admit too great hopes at home , then safe for a common wealth to permitte too much certaintie of engagement abroad . this was it of which horace said , that the hornes had hey vpon them , flie those beastes , foenum habet in cornu , longè fuge . this frenchman is black , hunc tu britāne caueto . nay , i may tell you that this nation is so well traueld , hath so much addiction to see further , as it wil well ioin to draw your looser abroad , by encrease of strength ; your richer home , with support of wealth . and whether such dispositions are likely to hold , they who haue traueiled can best discern , who haue seen vs foraignly loue & take parte against all natiōs ech with other , when we liued domestickly scarce friends , & daily occasions giuen why we shold be more disjoyned . too much occasion hath ben geuē why secret remēbrances might hold ; some in act , some in fact : but so blessing of vs is god , so gracious to vs is our king , so prouidēt are they cā forsee this , as the storye moderne may now be corrected as martials epigrams might be amēded , which whē many interlineations , many scorings , could not perfit , vna litura potest , spongia sola potest : many apologies , many periuries , many simple denials , many beings out of the way , many facings to the teeth , many accusatiōs of his better subjects , many combinations of packes together , though all these shold be & many more , can neuer or not alwaies hold all in , or all men : only this asks pardō & saies nothing , this takes reuenge & doth good together . now let vs haue none aliens , none attainders , be al free as wee may bee , noble as wee shold be . let the same hād , which endeuored hurt or was mistaken , heal & be rightly vnderstood . if there be impedimēts outward , remooue them ; if imward , aduise them . licurgus being demaunded how the enemies forces might be abādoned ; answered , if they would continue poore , which this age yeelds no disposition to : & if they woulde lay by ciuill dissentiōs ; which is best done where singuralities are auoided , good only affected . but if the best should come , to the eagerest satisfaction : & yet it is lesse valew to defend then assault : lesse hability to deny , then to proue : & that very to do good is more suspected , then ill doing deemed faulty : the wisdome of pisistratus must yeeld to the wilfulnesse of his childrē , or else others must take aduātage by their debate . the story saith that whē as pisistratus had giuen right aduise vnto his children , & could not get theyr cōsent vnto it , & therby was vrged to stād in some question with them for their disobediēce ; finding his enimies reioiced therat , as hopeful that frō that dissētion som alteratiō might growe , hauing called his citisens together , he made thē publikly know , that true it was he had bin āgry with his childrē , for that they had not agreed to their fathers desires : but afterwards it seemd good to his fatherly piety to descēd into their opiniō ; therefore he would haue the city to take knowledge , that the issew of the king were accordāt vnto the wil of the father . so was that good pisistratus driuē rather to giue away his own interest , then to let others take auātage of their dissentiō . touching whō if the father shold haue said as diogenes answered the poticary , how shold he not beleeue that ther were gods , when he knew him enimy to them . why it shold not be feared that oppositiō to greatnesse , in a cause indifferent , might teache greatnesse how great it is in a cause that were iust , be you iudges quo iure quaque iniuria . but it may be in your great cityes and amongst your followers and friendes , there are diuersities of resolutiōs , though not quot capita tot sensus . for it may bee some cannot finde meanes of deliberation , vnlesse their respites of iudgement may be enlarged to quantum diutiùs cogito . others happily may fulfill you with so many reasons , as vpō some kinde of inditement might hang a subiect , had but half an one more ben added ; so fruitfull they seem to be of cōceits , though their reuenues of reasons , in this cause to be spent , would hardly maintaine an army , to fight with arguments an whole yeare in open battail against this vnion . but many had those need to be , could refuse a natiō so welcom , at an imbracement so necessary . why should we sticke vpon needlesse feares ? degeneres animos timor arguit . why should we , being grown into the peace of ireland , say , that anguis latet inter herbas odoriferas ? an wholsome country breeds no serpent : no fraud lurks in honest meaning . but these improuisions to this vnderstāding are to be attributed to late times foregoing : wherein the sexe could not by any indeuor meditate things so proper for the estate , as improper for their persons : neither were their opportunities alike , whose fortunes suffered enemies to their gouernment , as are his who is offered friends for his own sake , for his queens bloud , to his country nôw more respected . yet let vs admit the bounty of semiramis toombe , on which was in a written direction expressed that those who wanted mony might take there what they would : within notwithstanding was opposed , that vnlesse men were ill & vnsatiable of coin , they would neuer dig vp the coffins of dead persons for it : so keen they were in those dayes to intice the worlde to take out this lesson , that affection should not alwaies aduenture the vttermost , that liberty giues shewe to haue geuen allowance for . yet let calumny be set apart in your cities , & the matter not reuiled with the infamy of the worde , s. george shall not go so long on foote vpon this arraunt , that the most naturall english man shall finde him surbated in his journey . be not deceiued yee cityes & your friendes : for these are but sclender aydes offered to any , when their assistaunces makes only the furtheraunce , where the encrease brought addes nothing to the strength settled . who speakes in you , either finde your applause , or leaue their arguments helpelsse . your pleasing countenances , hauing made the first speech seem sound , the rest encrease , as hydraes heads multiplyed . hee , who sittes down amongst you , happily hath seriously thought vpon what he deliuers , & therinto hath wouen his affection and reason together : do not you approoue it , till you haue adiudged the one , disseuered the other . one man happily the good sound of his owne words well placed , another the mirth of his iest well formed , hath seduced in their iudgementes of their owne discourses , by whose errors shold your wisedōes be vndermined , it wold be said happily you were eyther cōcordant by clamor or allured for fancies . shal you who haue bōfir'd & pageāted for a king , are the glories of his state , now scāt him his honor in appointing your goods ? shal it be said of you , who haue so wel fashioned out this triūph hitherto , that you can not maintain your selues out , as incōstant , or for disability must in extremo actu deficere ? then bring the honest yong mā , the modest yong maid together , let them wooe , & their frends for them ; let them be made sure by a contract in forme ; let the cheer bee made ready , the day appointed , friends inuited , fidlers called , giue & take you parents & children on both sides ; eate , drink , dāce , court , & make more matches , til day & half night be spēt : then refuse your bridegroō , for what mariage was instituted . there are many deuises to blind good mening in these ages ; supposed catholikes may be attempted to be supposed puritanes ; a factiō in alliāce may make offer to arraigne an honest mās argument . with these be not you deceiued : but let your appetits be only your goods , your wils your weales . think fit that soueraigns in their weldoings should be pleased ; and not in theyr good affections diseased . know that a monarch is but one as alone ; the discourses and arguments brought into you , many . and wil not you expect , that so many wisedoms , as inhabite and ride vpon you , shall drawe one propositiō , framed for your good , to the content of him to whom the thankes is due ? shall not you like of a state framed to honor a king , who brings a king a true honor to a state ? tell them who dislike most , they shall haue more habilitie , and be better defended , when you shal be all your selues ; then now , when a few prime men , either in parts or partaking , seeme to nicke vp vpon their opinions the iudgements of so many graue and wise men as are said to hold consort with them in their voyage . can any men fear the king of englands place hereafter to be lost ; & not inough care for the king of britaines loue now to bee retained ? that , though for his constancy hee cannot withdraw , for his place he may not ; ought he not so to be regarded for it , as it may be retained in him with his comfort ? is it feared that by this appellatiue we shall be made fellows to the brittons the theeues ; rather are we not doubly by this meanes instiled of fraunce where dwell the canuascoats ? i call you to witnesse , wee put not stangatehole out of huntington shire , shooters-hill out of kent , nor other places of robberies out of english shires , nor our selues leaue to be called of that countrye if wee had birth , or haue landes in them , notwithstanding the robberies done vpon them , as odious as are the robbers . they who haue hability to speake against this vnion that it may not bee ; cannot they ( thinke you ) defend it when it is ? the inconueniency being all that is pretended , or disproportion of affection , the dishonesty nothing , the vnlawfulnesse not otherwise discerned then knowne as little . the vse of all things is all : the reason applied to any thing prooues , the affection loues , the sight beholdes , and offices perfourme their functions , not alwaies as order leades , but sometimes best so vsed as occasion serues . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the greekes call punctum temporis : which who so hittes , if either he do it suddenly , o quantum est subitis casibus ingenium ! or necessarily , sapit , necessitati qui probè se accommodat , et est rerum diuinarum atque humanarum conscius . can any perswade you who do the like honour to the king , how vnlike soeuer this dayes garments are to yesterdayes roabes , that the difference of an enstilement shall make him lose the honor of his place , the reputation of his nation ? true it is , where persons were vnknown , & kingdomes vnheard of , titles should haue reputatiōs as their wordes could signifie : but then they must so begin , as weapons were first found out , if you will beleeue horace , which was when men went together by the eares , first , vnguibus et pugnis , dein fustibus , atque it a porrò pugnabant armis quae post fabricauer at vsus . in this case where the kingdomes accompt cannot bee blemished , and almost the kinges woonder hath bene euery where euen adored , in that age let those who like not to giue him his due in a session or otherwise , find then he knowes what he is now : which god graunt alwayes to send , may encrease vpon him . slightly as i heare of argumentes tossed amongst you , so gladly desire i to settle you touching thē : leauing with you my protestation of reuerence humble , and loue faithfull , towards all such as with vnderstanding affection stād vnder any burthen for the good and honor of theyr mother earth , and her children . against which , if for flattery to the scotish i shall seeme to haue written , let my brybe be iudged of ; som of them hauing part of my liuing , others hauing torne in sunder my reputation : yet since my bane came from the english , they trespassed not in wisedom to take aduantage therof . and that mine hands may appear the cleaner , as yet my dread soueraignes haue not don ought for me , of much i dare boldly yet prostrately auow , i haue well deserued , & both fauor of lawes of court and country would assist me in right to . yet doubt i not theyr royall natures , nor misdoubt mine own patience , knowing it eyther well to becom my duety to expect their princely pleasures , or otherwise ready to credite their iudgements , touching me , rather then to giue scope to mine owne hopes of aduancement , or good from my soueraignes . but all else set apart , and freelie to deliuer mine impartiality in this cause , so safe i hold this for vs to obey our king in ; so comely to welcome the nation with ; so politike to close at this infolded imbrace ; as i suspect not but all will be best being best vsed : and of the rest , let them rather doubt , then we feare . many mēs turns haue bene already serued , the kings owne comfort is yet in petition : he ioyes not so much to be a king for his pleasure , as to be a good king for the states weal. his maiesty takes now the first opportunitie , the flyes are now not so busye : holesome counsel hath poured balme vpon opportunity in asking , magnificence in graunting . yet are many the pretences may draw kinges to be boūtiful : of which if you haue not elsewhere takē good view , you may here iudge of some , being parte of many thousāds . kings somtims are euen forced to grāt , not so much for their desire to bestowe , as their shame to denye : non tam studio quidem concedendi , quàm verecundia negandi . some haue vsed this argument , you know what my need requires , scis quid mihi opus sit : when there was more need of hoc opus est subito fias ut sidere mutus , that they had wayted as dombe as the stars do on the sun . some sayd regi hoc dare nō conuenit , a royall king must make his gift magnificent : when as nec cynios accipere de●ebat , beggers should haue ben no chusers . more suters fall on vpon kings : one who for his wisdom , quia rarissimè : another for his conceit , quia iucundisimè : a third who for his attendance , quia tū prādet et coenat cum alexādro videtur , seek for gifts : certain calisthenesses aduised by aristotle . others can often remember their seruices , praying rewards to be bestowed for those causes , and for that in no fortune they had ben from the kings person : sylas from agrippa . some haue asked , as more learned then their fellowes , for hauing giuē causes of things : as why the liōs deuoured not daniel . some for limping if the king limped : haukers & hūters , the fashiō of the ethiopes . some for sitting late vp by him in the night , and praysing his royall children : cato the younger from diotarus . som must take , lest they should be vnciuill in refusing : zenocrates from alexander : and they must be giuē to , to try their good manners in accepting . som for their softnes must beg ; hauing no fingers as may be supposed on theyr hāds , & therfore driuē to wear their rings in their ears : the seruāts of penus in penulus in plaut . som requited for their presēts : siloson with samum from darius . some must buy , because they offer deare , multis precibus , with much suite . som must be giuē to , though naughty persōs : mores miseratus non hominē , for pitty not of the man but of his māners . som boūtifully dealt with , though not frō a kings hart , nō homini sed humanitati , a gift bestowed vpō curtesie not māhood . al must be grāted by a king : for that he is as a god vpō the earth . dixi quòd dii estis , saith the psalmist , i haue saide yee are gods . and that is to imitate god to be bountifull . petitions were long since growne so vsual , as seraphion would not strike the bal to alexāder in the tēnis-court , vnles he begd it himself : non praebes saith alexāder ; immo nō petis saith seraphiō . yet in som times the gifts were but such as lupus gaue to martiall , whē as he writ that he had a whole cūtry bestow'd vpō him , lesse then was one in the bowpots in a corner of your neater citizēs windows : such a country , as in which a cabbage would make a whole wood , ouer which a grashoppers wings a tent , which to an ant was but a daies feeding , and might be crowned with a rose bud ; in which were two herbes onely growing , wherin a cucumber could not stād vpright , nor a snake ly at ease : which one mole could dig vp in a day , one mouse destroy as fearfully as the calidonian boare ; & hath many other descriptions in his epigram to lupus expressed , concluding that he had rather haue had a dinner then no deneer , prandium quàm praedium . nam quo tempore mihi praedium dedisti , mallem mihi prandium dedisses . in others , gifts had good fortune : as whē aristippus sayd of dyonisius the younger , that the king was safely bountiful and magnificent , because he saw plato send him back his gifts againe . in others they had good vse : as when fabius maximus bestowed on marsus , a valiāt souldier , no very great gifts , to keep in very great spirits . the antient boone of leuidense none begs : which was a warme but light , yet cōmon garment many now craue in many places ; not so much for want of sufficient , as because though they know some haue more then inough , yet they would bee loath to haue lesse then theyr fellowes : striuing as otacilius did to equall torquatus : of whom it is written that as the ox burst the toade , so the one of them would split in emulation of the other , vt bos ranam rumperat olim : sic puto torquatus rumpet otacilium . milesius was wont to say , there was no such way to make a man quietly suffer aduersity , as the knowledge that his enemy was in worse prosperity : and think you , that emulatiō , in this , works not as much , as , in the other , malice ? for this cause did the brethren of ioseph sell the son of iacob vnto the arabian merchants . for the other , did casselius find out , that a pyne tree nut was an apple , if it were to be thrown at vatinius his enimies head . horace bestoweth much description vpon those who wold haue none so great as thēselues and tels the tale of the toade , vituli pede pressus , who told her dam , when she saw her swell to be as great as the calfe , non si te ruperis , inquit , par eris . but though it were vnfit in kings causes , martials counsell to flaccus was vnhappy , which aduised to keep that to himselfe which hee had purposed amongst others ; when as the offence of many , who should not get , was dangerous , the bestowing vpon al burdensom . demeruisse duos votum est : offendere plures vix tutum : cunctis mittere dona graue . our soueraigne , as his goodnesse is great ; so his rewards , his gifts , his aduancements haue not bin smal . tully had not so great cause to brag of his quaestorship well discharged in sicily , when he came home to rome ; as some giue shew of our soueraigns bounty , who passe from one of you to another . howsoeuer , it may truly be said , it hath rather bin a royall king then an yeares magistracy yet performed , hath aduanced tully to salute roome ; so glorified from sicily , so enuyed at home . take it not ill then ( tully ) if no body at roome woulde talke to thee of thy quaestorship , of the news of thy cariage wherin thou thoughtst , to haue found all men full . and why should not such gifts , as they cary , be bestowed by him , who hauing long staied for power , ought now only to affect glory and good will ? priùs said antigonus mihi opus erat potentia ; nunc verò gloria et beneuolentia . what other humane indeauour hath this worthy king more seriously taken in hand , then the benifiting of his & the countries friends , the recōcilemēt & agreemēt of the enemies of both ? whereof the one , as they were made vp , partely by his loue to his country , his desire to honour it , to aduāce hir faln nobility , to requite such as had deserued best of her , to giue many more then theyr own , since the country had so gladly giuen him his own : partly by those he brought with him , who had some of them bin rescuers of his life , som extraordinary assistants of his estate , others such as he could not but reward here , for seruices performed there , where memory was the rewarde hee cold properly giue , & was all in their honors they would willingly take . so enimies to kings do oftnest grow , either by wāt of what ambition made them desire ; or for lacke of what expenses had drawn into waste : els some somtimes affect what blind zeal makes them think fit , or fals iudgement rather false harts will not let them see pertinent & proper . but as his maiesty hath , no more then was fit , rewarded the first ; vnlesse they can say to him as the yong man saith in terence , nescis quid mihi obtigerit , you cannot tell sir what hath lighted vpon me : so hath he mercifully spared the other ; insomuch that he hath neither cōfiscated them , as tiberius the emperor did the kings of spaine , sicily & greece , ob leue impudensque calumniarū genus : for any light or shamefull kind of slander : nor fined them as cassius did sylla , & calphurnius : from one of whom he took quinquagies sestertiū , & frō the other sexagies , himselfe , being for any riot he is addicted vnto , as free frō wāt either of ought belonging to himself , or for his couetousnes frō need of any thing others possesse . but either at pe titions of faire ladies , none offenders ; or for som respects laid before him by his wiser nobility ; either else for pure inclinatiō vnto mercy ; hath benefited sylla , been steward of his estate , kept others vp , who would haue kept others downe . thanks to so high discerning , which found that when soueraigntie could not represse liberty , benefits could more strictly then treason take it prisoner . nor hath hee yet inflicted so much as exile vpon any of them , knowing it a banishment that they forsooke his iustice . and that he detaineth them , is out of his mercy : for boulder were they , and of better countenāce could they be , when each had his discontent ; then now when they haue proofe in themselues , & the world sees it apparātly how vnworthily they had placed it . marcellus the ciuilian , wrighting vpon a booke of the digestes , shewes three kindes of banishment : either from certaine places ; or from al places , besides certain ; either else a cōfining to some iland . and though all these be vpon them , yet they had nothing of this punishment , did not one certaine place restraine them : & may they be confined to an ilād , if further mercy shall deliuer , & further occasion shal not imploy them , & that iland so prepared ; the one by their soueraignes grace , the other in his prudēce ; they are not only like to be inlarged to a country , but find their country inlarged to them . touching whome pittie is it they rather were not free for this argument , then bound by the other offēce . there are of them , whose births , courages , blouds , experiences , and conditions , as they were noble before they lost them ; so nobly could they haue spoken of this argumēt , & i hope by this time haue found much cause to bee much forward hereabout . yet is there one of thē wold bring much griefe vnto me , ( though i wish him all good , in his weldoing ) if he or his abettor , his steward or protector , or his faction , so many as are of the olde haunce for his cause should be able to preiudice me more for compassion : then i could draw safegard to my selfe , by refraining euill desart , laboring good merit . but howsoeuer these , some of them much vnhappy before , in this estate at this time haue all tryed the kings maiesties grace in their seuerall particulars : in that notwithstanding they haue beene absent from the true ioyes of their countrey , and from the affaires in hand , they may say as demetrius phalerius said , heu inquieta negotia actionesque nostras quorum causa hactenus tantum virū nosse non licuit . well hath hee spent his time in this time who ere he was , and worthily who wrote the tractate of the vnion , wherein hee hath performed his taske , and made his worke proue his title . many good lawes hath hee giuen vs to tye the vnion by : for besides what he writes like a philosopher lernedly , & of the kings goodnes multipliciously , let the soule of his common-wealth be tryed , and you may easily discerne whether iudgement can , or ought recommend his worke to a parliament , to be made an acte of : yet since he will needes trye his owne inference by his owne applications , wee will likewise examine his whole worke , by the rule of his owne inuention . and first what cōscience can beleeue , that he who could not be drawne to meddle with clannes in scotland , would be content to abet a faction in england ? these factions were of heate ; and as they drew bloud ; so sooner tēpted the bloud made the motiues more strong , the partakers more passionate ; wheras in factions cold discretiō can abide much pause , & the time giuen for respite giues it selfe a meanes for determinatiō of vprightnes . what conscience can beleeue that he who by the english bloud in a grand mother got three kingdoms , will not as much loue the english as the scottish , by whō he had but prefermēt to one ? what cōscience can perswade it self , that he who hath ad uāced many here without desart towards himself , will not continue his honors for daily seruices for his own behoofe performed ? what reasō can deny that the quiet we now enioy , & riches by that quiet , may not both be encreased , when our kingdom shall be abroad more feareful , & the more hāds shal bring the greater profits into the land ? what reason can pierce into that no reason hath diued into , to take gods prouidence away from cōtinuing , what only by his prouidence he hath setled . to a worke diuine adde not thoughts humane ▪ what reasō can discerne that men long combined , shall not rather holde together , thē men neare in oportunities held off farre , for sleight seeming respects ? and do any examples teach that richer subiects are not more fearefull of offending lawes ? teach any examples , that men by nature , fight , language , condition , & occasion vnited , are vnunited by vniō ? or teach any exāples that monarchies well setled , cannot represse any ils as they are growing ? wel hath he ther fore taught you to settle preuention , where domestiquely ye gouerne not . frāce & spaine haue their moments to be cōsidered , further thē into this our owne is to be looked . the one he tels you hath a custome , the other a pretext against englād : & shal england refuse aide against them & all others , whē god ordinarily & extraordinarily offers it not obscurely ? thē increase , none helps england ; be thou my countrey vnthankful ; care not if scotland stand as ireland fell ; disvnite wales , as not needing it ; seek abroad for friends , though they be turkes ; maintaine others quarrels to preserue your own safeties ; set vp garisōs againe ; make new lords of marches ; draw more from the rich , frō the poore what they only haue ; acte or exact , as if it were the last acte : liue as poore as spaine , yet haue none indies ; as vncertaine as italy , but lesse friended and fruitfull ; desire helpe one day , who may giue helpes now ; cry out then when your own haue lost you , & they who are vpō you , shall not know your language . then may you war like the switzers , when other countries , who haue imbraced what you refused , shall enioy with scorne of you , what you held , and might haue held before them , and them to either in dearenes , or at their deere rate . my natiue countrey , i craue pardon for my boldnesse , zeale hauing transported me as farre into passion of after successes to be doubted , if this stand thus doubtfull ; as i hope it is to their surmises euent , who deeme that for want of issue in this kings loyne , the two countries may againe be seperated , though this now be embraced . but let me be tryed whether i perswade honest things , & i hope my vehemency shall not be imputed faulty . soone do they breake vpon fit occasion , who are too soone repelled for no knowne cause . why should not we wish them so wel as our lawes ? why shuld we wish our selues so ill , as their not being one with vs ? many will be the marriages in time , to make our nations fully one : as many are the houses , they bring in with them of our own . what was it made the romans and the sabines friends , but the romanes getting to wiues the sabines daughters ? they tooke them by violence , these haue opportunitie for loue : and thinke you we shal spare to goe for marriages into scotland , when their daughters shall bee rich to maintaine vs in england ? thinke you many thousand occasions will not make vs enterchange , if this one occasion had but made the kings roade to the rest . be of courage therefore honourable cities , and your friends of all qualities , and bee what you are ; such an iland as were a world to you , knew you no part of the world besides . be what you are , and desire nothing rather to be quod sis esse velis nihil que malis : knowe this rather to be done , then intreaty , finished aboue , not imperfect beneath ; all else howsoeuer seeming , more vncertaine then this yet not appeared . let the honestie of this cause intice you , the honour moue you , the profit snatch you to it . then gratitude know nothing better ; the larger the iland , the nobler the nation ; and who knoweth not that concordia res paruae crescunt , discordia maximae dilabuntur , leaue not these faggot stickes out of your band , these arrowes out of your sheafe . better is that borne a great deale whereof men are ashamed , then that whereof they repent . if any should thinke it a shame to loose the name , let him know their helpe lost would make vs more repent : the people to be called by the name of the countrey is but cognatum vocabulum rei . now is this vnion on foote ; much hath beene said therein ; much written thereupon ; our kinges affection is setled thereto . all these will do hurt , if this now do not good . if any should ▪ gesse many the meanes which should debarre inconueniences to come , are now already taken from our good : he may haply fall into their opinion , who haue deemed either this should haue begun with the vnsetling of the rest ; or with the setling of this onely expedient , the other haue beene vnsetled hand in hand . they were onely the fpicures sect , who would neuer enter into any other profeson of philosophy : yet were the stoikes , and the academickes both more learned and lesse vitious . it is written of alexander , that when it was tolde him , that an handsome man had gotten his sister with childe , hee made aunswere , that it was to bee graunted him to enioy his kingdome too . this sister of alexanders , is not sought without leaue ; is not defiled without vertue ; hath her louer no lesse comely in parts and features . in aegypt it is written were great store of crocodiles , there the dogges for thirst driuen to drink , did euer so lap in nilus , as they were euer remouing . this iest was brokē vpō anthony , after the mu tine flight that he caried himself like the dogs of egypt . shal we then haue receiued this nation with applause ? honored thē in our high counsell of the kings estate , and of the estate of the kingdome ? admitted them dignities ? admitted them honours in titles , in possessions ? receiued them with loue into our houses ? crepte at their knees in the english court ? haue put our money into their pockets ? put them into our fortes , strengthes , & castles , and shall wee now make meū and tun̄ , the scottish & the english , our selues & thēselues ? nay , rather let vs speake as heartily as the kinde man did in terence , hos nisi mors nobis adimet nemo ; let vs in name and vertue be the same : let the good of both ioyne together , and the good of both put downe the ill of either . some who neuer iudged aright what it was to liue so vnited , may rashly say they had rather dye then bee vnited . he was but an young man in terence , who vsed that perswasion for his affection onely , emori malim : but an olde man gaue this counsell out of long experience , first learne what it is to liue ; if then that life displease , when thou knowest it , thou mayest bestowe this on thy selfe which thou now chusest . plato framed a definition of a man , that he was a liuing creature , going vpon two feete , and without feathers : which definition was mocked by shewe of a cocke , his feathers pulled off : but the authour of the tractate of the vnion , hath giuen this man , if you will hence deriue him , foure legges to walke on . so strongly therefore vnderset , hee aduentured that discourse , knowing belike , that the perswasion of iust thinges pleased the gods ; and that the people of athens would not kill phocion , if they repented a little . mildly they yet proceed , for they cal his iudgemēt his wit rather giuing a backward commendation of his labour spent , then the cause , vse of his arguments in behalfe thereof . sure hee was some great councellor who gaue the king that aduice , that he should not liue out of his countrey wherein he was borne , and from it ( that was not to let his numen be felt in it ) together . what , though hee hath pleasured many of that nation : ought the well doing of a few be his onely care ? is the rewarding of his seruants , all that falles into a kings studie ? for his cōmon wealthes good ? haue we had so much benefit by their comming , and shall we deny them share of that we enioy by them ? they haue bred vs a king , they haue brought him safe , they haue brought him euery way perfect ; of nature , good ; learning great , vertues many ; of issue fruitfull ; and on his head a crowne , before he came here : matched most royally for the qualitie of her bloud ; gallantly for her person ; and aboue all for the goodnesse residing in her royal self , & her happines in her sweet issue , descended from her : and shall we now vse scotland as an olde scabbard , or a kings cradle . vmditius a bond — slaue in rome , for preuenting only by relation vnto a cōsul , the treasons of the sons of treuitelij , and of brutus , was not onely made free ; but a law made for the freedome of all bondslaues , called lex vindicia : by which euer afterwards none of them could be taken by force , or haue violence offered to them by allowance : how much rather ought we to enact some memorable record vnto posteritie , whereby this great blessing from that nation may be acknowledged vnto it ? the rather they hauing demeaned themselues so honorably , as to giue vs iust satisfaction of their valours : an excellent cause now god will haue vs friends , why we should loue entirely . this is a course fitter for vs to embrace , then our strengths refused by other aduersities , to hope of our succours . but now rather to speake a little in behalfe , and for vse of our owne cōmon-wealth , then to perswade their particular good in it . as our lawes are the best , or we must say so of them , who liue vnder them , of all nations , whereby our kingdome is gouerned ; so the ciuill lawes being no such strangers vnto them , somewhat would soone be established ; whereby we might get the benefit of theirs , by the assent of ours , to the cōsent of both . which while it is in indeuor , they by precise looking into ours , wil get reformed some abuses crept in by time , custome , or misse-interpretation ; such as my lord chancellor in his integritie shewed daily , and diuers of the graue iudges , and chiefely the chiefest of them , as oportunities serue , for conscience sake , do amend as they apply them , and but by such an occasion as this , will hardly euer be moted vpon . of this argument , for agreement of both lawes , ( except i be deceiued ) a friend of mine ; and worthie to bee yours , hath very lately , verie shortly written : comparing the grandes , the titles , the rules , and right vse of both , ( as his occasion led him ) so learnedly , so fully , and so experiencedly together ; as the two common wealthes may soone bee taught , that there is nothing disagreeing in essence betweene them , nothing of the ones substance wanting to the other , ( the termes and practises onely hauing giuen the shewe of difference hitherto . ) but i cannot iudge whether hee will bee iudged woorthie any great imployments , since hanno was but vnthankfully dealt withall , who first tamed a lion. it were pitie a common-wealthes man should haue more encouragement in his trauell , then his conscience of well doing . to returne to my purpose ; if for many seene benefits , which wee cannot chuse but reape , besides the satisfaction of our soueraigne , no way were motiue to a heartie subiect , there should ingrowe any inconueniences ; the kinges desire standing in heede of the acte trimolius the true corinth , would take part against his owne brother , for the good of the common-wealth . but these doubtes stands like the mountaines anaxagoras was asked whether at the last they would not bee water ; whose aunswere was , in time they would , tempus edax rerum , &c. time doth worke what no man knoweth in the faithfull turtle doue . martial was very angrie with a fellowe , who would needes knowe thinges vppon supposalles , as how hee would behaue himselfe if hee were rich ; and shutting him off with this aunsweare ; if men can foretell how thinges shall succeede , how wilt thou behaue thy selfe , if thou becommest a lion ? quenquam posse putas , &c. isocrates was troubled with the vncertaintie of the time , how hee might behaue himselfe , when hee might haue a boxe on the eare ; for then ▪ and not else hee would weare a helmet . this cause great cities , and your friendes from story writers flying away so wilde , sits now as gently by vs , as tubero the pretors pye did , which came strangely to his hand , and of which the southsayers foretolde that much good would come with her , were shee accepted ; if otherwise , much ill to the pretor : her hee pulled in peeces , but not without his owne mischiefe . in phrigia and silenus was a great earthquake , which consumed many houses and mortalles ; the oracle saide , some rich thing must bee throwne into it : death of a kinges sonne onely stopped the gaping of the earth in those places . here is no earth-quake , but heauens shine : here is life and renowne to our kings sonne , our worthy prince , ours and many more kingdoms hope . the oracle sayes not , dye sonne ; but liue all friendly together . tully in the dreame of scipio saith , that all they who haue saued their countrey , haue helped their countrey , haue encreased their countrey , haue in heauen a place appointed them , where euerlastingly they shall ioy . that was the cause why the ambassadors of the carthagenians and the sirenenses were contented to make the condition of being buried quicke , where they challengd their bounds : so great was their loue to the inlargement of their countrey ; a desire euer prosecuted , and neuer but weakely by darius in quintus curtius his time only gaine-said , that a kingdome might be too great . on the other side remember but how themistocles dealt with zerxes , for the ouerthrow of al greece , because his countrey had ingratefully respected him . and had not artaxerxes hung vp my hamon , mardocheus had beene betrayed in his owne countrey beyond the kings disposition , but that did i beare , though it cost me deare . as i forgiue , so i forget , and returne to this : if the english haue not generall peace , which they shall not till they bee knowne generally strong ( for yet forreiners may bee suspected but to prye into our state , to breake or holde , resoluing neither but by the first instructions ) they will ere long grow so vnanswerable of taskes and subsidies , that the collectors shall finde them , as in another common-wealth was seene , playing in the streetes , a shrewd signe , that they be no money keepers . but if they once see our fortune sitting , they will then thinke she will so finde the benefit of her ease , as shee will euer be knowne where to bee found . now is our ground ready , what seede wee sow , we shall reape . this cause talkes nothing of inconuenience , yet the man , though good , though iust , though innocent , is feared , vir bonus , iustus , innocens timetur , pouertie is pretended , saith martiall . it is not pouertie to haue nothing . non est paupertas nestor habere nihil . the fault sure is this , the poore seekes friendships vnworthy affections , quòd colit ingratas pauper amicitias . nay they haue their peculiar riches where they are , in as large a maner as we make account of ours here . but this is to tennice freely , but not to denise kindly . many i see knowe how to counsell ; few finde i , who can tell how to make the consull . the king should haue long hands , as farre reaching as kent and kentile ; and would you haue the king feed with one gloue on , & another off ? it would be said of him , totus & in toto per totum totus & omnis , esse omnis dū vis incipis esse tuus : that he then beginneth to be his owne , when he will be all , and in all , and by all , and all euery where . and though some pretend fables , how the wolfe , by at the first getting an house to breede in , at the last hauing many litters , helde it by strength against the owner : yet what can these things moue in ordered cōmon wealthes , where no more interest is attained , then the lawes admit right to : tully in his pleading for roscius , shewes how many wayes the lawes punish those , whose demaundes are greater then the lawes doe allow . the like doth crassus in tully . our lawes will maintaine vs in our owne well enough ; though our conditions i hope will not make them pay so deare , as the english did when they went to fetch the king and queene from scotland . this may be giuen to the king for them ; indeede , to them for vs ; the rest they shall enioy , as the lawe will , for what they buy , by the law they may call their owne . demurre then no longer my great and deare friendes , vpon this argument , but returne this aunsweare , that neptune did by the raine-bowe terram esse communem . which though he durst not defend against iupiter ; yet you haue iupiter on your side , against whome to contend were madnesse , as with an equall doubtfull ; with an inferiour base . seneca sayth of power , that if it inuite to any thing , nay , if it intreate ought , it compelles it . easie it is not to write against him in his gouernment , who can score a man out of his gouernment : non facile est in eum scribere qui potest proscribere . fauorinus the philosopher , admitteth hadrian the better iudgement , because he commaunded thirtie legions . the matter then being euen , let vs not contend vnequally , for had not nature seated this kingdom within you , you might well haue helde it , without you . well had scipio emilian discharged this censorship , had the quirites giuen him a fellow pretoorr not giuē him one . think not vpō what cato saith , that it is not to be marueiled at , if what a man thinkes an excellent good , he be loath to share with another : but let plutarch teach you to gaine authoritie , and power with expedition : so neither smoake shall make the fire vnpleasant in the kindling ; nor enuie lay snares to impeach glorie by in the framing . if longer you stay vpon further deliberation , this businesse hauing beene determined by the comittee in heauen , scipio emilian must nedes tell the senate , that neither of the consules is fit for the seruice of the common-wealth : for seruius sulpitius galba was poore , and had nothing , and valerius could neuer thinke he had enough ▪ yet since the men on both sides are seruiceable , make their conditions as agreeing amongst themselues ; so fit for the common-wealth : let the one inioy more , the other couet lesse ; so shall both encrease apace , and rome be well serued . if any obiect their affections bee vnlike ours , that comes not out of nature , but custome . as the ayre is tempered , sayeth tully in his diuination ; so are the children spirited , their wittes formed , their maners , their minds , their bodies , and the actions of their life . looke in the english and scotchmens faces : see whether caucasus haue begot them vpon hard rockes . our climate is the same ; our temperatures alike ; if any thing within our gouernment make vs differ , it is but custome . they haue not so many cities as we ; they followe feeds which we do not ; yet finde i not , but we are prickers as well as they , and if it be obserued what store of ritters we haue got , it may be feared that two cheuallers , being not castor and pollux , may be driuen to one chiual , to ride on besides the saddle . but let herodotus write as much as he will of the kingdom of custome : for though darius could not get the grecians to eate their dead fathers for any golde ; nor the indians to burne theirs for any iron ; because of the contrarieties of their vses in both : yet assure i my selfe , this nation honours the king with so much zeale ; he is able to teach thē , with so much skill ; embrace vs with so much affection , especially if wee bee once vnited in indissoluble bounds ; as i knowe not any custome may be fit for them to leaue , shall not be discontinued , nor any new lawe to be put in vse , to which the first day shall not finde them accordant . si fingere me putas , istud salutemus . they do many of them vnderstand what was cyrus his counsell to leaue those mountaines countries , and descend into the plaines , there with the times to change the manners , as tully writes to atticus , where as the seedes are like the plants , the liues of men are like the countries . there shal they best learne to obey , where the king sits highest to rule : there shall they heare him clearely , where ille regit dictis animos & pector a mulcet . for this deede done none shall need to looke backe into his conscience with affrightment . for this name taken , none shall need to vnderstand the nation to be embased : for this kingdome inlarged , none shall finde their owne states impaired . as touching vnion with others and their abbetments , ye may there iudge of your aduices , among those who haue learnedly and grauely refuted that fourth question of the booke intituled vindictae contra tyrannos : wherein is discoursed , whether one prince may ioyne with the subiects of an other , who take vpon them armes for defence of defending religion . my purpose being to be short , shall rather insinuate my zealous wish of home-combining then forraine vses , the one naturall and politique ; the other politique alone if so much ; i aske your body but within your girdle ; your head couered onely with your hat ; your garment to be grauer then partie-coloured : and offer you fraunce and spaine for examples , limited by those bounds , nature her selfe hath appointed vnto them , the montes , perrenaei , the sea , the alpes , with the rest . nor is it constantly held , that our name of britans should bee deriued of brutus , rather some hold we are called prittons , of a word which signifies a marte or fayre ; of stuffe for which , this whole island , as well al parts as any one part , wales and cornwall , as england and scotland , is in one kinde or other replenished . nor ought that worde of marte seeme to haue lesse boundes then ciuitas ; which ( as aristotle writeth ) signifieth a whole common wealth . as for our priuate goods , thogh i could answere publica priuatis sunt anteponenda ; yet let the stories bee but searched , how our forteine conquestes haue bene hindred by the opportunities the scots haue taken in our absences ; and how iealousies haue onely made vs diuersely combine our selues ; they with fraunce ; wee with the house of burgondie , they shall finde how likely it is , that priuate mens marchandize may be lost in the wracke of the generall fleete . other obiections should i goe about to frame , such as pride or curiositie might suggest vnto me ; as much as i haue heard should i endeuour to answere , the necessary themes of some mens seeming wise ; i doubt much how i could swim from out their deluge . noahs arke , or chawcers trough being vnbuilt against such an inundation . steeples stand not vp here as in the drownd countries of our lowe neighbours . there are no sea-markes appearing to direct ; no castles , no forts , no citties to protect ; hilles and mountaines are here ouerwhelmed , and the solutions of these following , would be the dissolution of the time spent about them , and no resolution of any thing for the applying of gods blessings to our vses ; animo volenti nihil difficile : while we say all will be subuerted , the lawes ouerthrowne , mens states taken away , the nations honor lost , and our dish well serued in , sliced into a gallemawfrey , ouerpeppered and salt buttered : wee spread feares , doubtes , ( god grant not hatreds largely ) but discusse vpon inconueniences slowly . if to forward accordes the debate of this question happen , you will finde that neither the number of the scottishmen , forreiners from their countrey ; nor the ambition of the nobles , though by some thought to challenge antiquitie before ours ; neither the customes of the nation differing from ours in whatsoeuer , wil debarre this proceeding , or not admit time and will for fitnesse . the like said of our auncient statutes , of the stories auncient , of vs , of our reasonable affections as wee now stand for our goods , and i dare boldly say , eyther their intendmēts lesse needfull , or their applications more profitable , or alterations more beneficial , will make vs more enioy this mornings breakfast , then all last weekes dyet . for neither doth the king affect other then our goods ; or is himselfe vnable to iudge of them ; nor doubteth but that there ought much deliberation to bee taken in a cause so important , much circumspection touching the proportioning out the particulars . these reasons haue moued me seeing that the king is to be defended in his desire as a good father of the common-wealth ; hath spared the bloud of our good countreymen , turned ill ; hath incouraged the seruices of the well deseruing , shewes himselfe wise in his gouernment ; louing in his affection , and industriously carefull of the weale publike ; to take vpon me this license in writing , this zeale to my countrey in perswading . which if it happen to mindes affected to let lucilii pecus esse liberum & qua velit pasci , i hope with them mine endeuour shall finde fauour : for the rest , as it no waies becomes me to be vnciuill , as democrates was to philip : so if they shall thinke it rather an impotencie in me , not to spare mine affection to this argument ; then in themselues to afflict me by whatsoeuer meanes : their wisdomes are of force to giue themselues content ; and this being out and past from me , and dislikte , shall make me not like to passe out more to be submitted to censure . to conclude , long liue yee right honourable citties , keeping peace in you , fiers from you , and traffique with you ; so may you build your houses faire , keepe them neate , haue good store of money and bonds in your chestes ; your prentices grow free , your liueries aldermand , your wiues ladies , your children made gentlefolkes , and your cittie commodities be exchanged into the courtiers reuenewes ; as at this marriage if you will daunce , you make the contract sure , and till death depart : for though they and you lye in one an other of your houses ; nay should they and you lye with one an other of your wiues and daughters ; beleeue me non concubitus sed consensus facit matrimonium , say the ciuilians ; marry them and make the bond holy and vnuiolable , or expect no securitie that the grand-children in time to come , shall alwaies proue comfortable to the old folkes . catullus . hymen ô hymenaee hymen adest ô hymenaee . sir philip sidney . god hymen long your coupled ioyes maintaine . finis . funebria floræ the downfall of may-games: wherein is set forth the rudeness, prophaneness, stealing, drinking, fighting, dancing, whoring, mis-rule, mis-spence of precious time, contempt of god, and godly magistrates, ministers and people, which oppose the rascality and rout, in this their open prophanenesse, and heathenish customs. occasioned by the generall complaint of the rudenesse of people in this kind, in this interval of settlement. here you have twenty arguments against these prophane sports, and all the cavills made by the belialists for the time refelled and answered. together with an addition of some verses in the cloze, for the delight of the ingenious reader. by tho. hall, b.d. and pastor of kings-norton. hall, thomas, 1610-1665. 1661 approx. 119 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 29 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45334 wing h434a estc r177805 99827629 99827629 32052 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45334) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 32052) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1849:22) funebria floræ the downfall of may-games: wherein is set forth the rudeness, prophaneness, stealing, drinking, fighting, dancing, whoring, mis-rule, mis-spence of precious time, contempt of god, and godly magistrates, ministers and people, which oppose the rascality and rout, in this their open prophanenesse, and heathenish customs. occasioned by the generall complaint of the rudenesse of people in this kind, in this interval of settlement. here you have twenty arguments against these prophane sports, and all the cavills made by the belialists for the time refelled and answered. together with an addition of some verses in the cloze, for the delight of the ingenious reader. by tho. hall, b.d. and pastor of kings-norton. hall, thomas, 1610-1665. the third edition corrected. [4], 42, [6] p. printed for henry mortlock, at the phœnix in st. pauls church-yard, near the little north-door, london : 1661. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng games -early works to 1800. may-pole -england -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -17th century -early works to 1800. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-03 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion fvnebria florae , the downfall of may-games : wherein is set forth the rudeness , prophaneness , stealing , drinking , fighting , dancing , whoring , mis-rule , mis-spence of precious time , contempt of god , and godly magistrates , ministers and people , which oppose the rascality and rout , in this their open prophanenesse , and heathenish customs . occasioned by the generall complaint of the rudenesse of people in this kind , in this interval of settlement . here you have twenty arguments against these prophane sports , and all the cavills made by the belialists of the time refelled and answered . together with an addition of some verses in the cloze , for the delight of the ingenious reader . by tho. hall , b. d. and pastor of kings-norton . the third edition corrected . yee shall keep mine ordinances , that yee commit not any of those abominable customs , which were committed before you , and that yee defile not your selves therein ; i am the lord , levit. 18. 30. the customs of the people are vain , jer. 10. 3. populi plaudunt non consultoribus utilitatum suarum , sed largitoribus voluptatum , aug. de civit. dei , l. 2. c. 20. bona conscientia prodire vult & conspici , ipsas nequitia tenebras timet , seneca epist . 98. london , printed for henry mortlock , at the phoenix in st. pauls church-yard , near the little north-door . 1661. an unknown friend , to the known , and knowing author , upon his judicial proceedings against the may-pole . now six times two impannell'd are to pass [ alas poor flora ! ] upon one a goddess . flora complains , ' gainst her there 's greater odds , than when one b girl assaulted by two gods , and challengeth your jury ; the whole list , shee sayes , was pack'd by a misogynist . bold c caro pleads her cause , and speaks her fears , because you do not try her by her peers , that y' are unjust , and quotes our old laws for 't , the curtizan excepts against the court : no jurisdiction of pres-ter-john ere reach'd the skirts of this our curtizan . hold then , cries d maechus , e porneius is another , who with f aselges , their lascivious brother , pretend to guard their deity , and do with zeal , as you the schools and pulpit too . whilst g methos marching with the may-pole rout , in rescue of the pris'ner , does not doubt t'protect th'protectrix of their fruit and flowers , by watring weeds , with most intemperate showers . adjourn your court then , lest it prove your fate , to pull the may-pole down upon your pate . a tree once danger'd h horace by its fall , as he scap'd then , so now i wish may hall. nor for these ranters is my option worse , than that they may mount hamans wooden horse ; that who with flora sin under th' green tree , may suffer for her upon that that 's dry . tuus antifloralis . to the ingenious author upon his judicial proceedings against dame flora. instead of directory satues , when i found poles rais'd so high , as if they'd been to entertain the cuckow , or to vye the clouds that in the heavens lowest flye ; i'gan t' thing whither at length i should come , to reform'd london , or to popish rome . aron i found my self in london , and unsatisfi'd as yet , began t' demand th' original of may-poles , where i found their author flora was , and rome their ground . a declaration there was entred by a pert divine , shewing th' idolatry of such erections : h' does a jury call , that his proceedings might bee legal all . it is the speech of those who chose each light a fresh god , whom to worship until night , this thing this day my deity shall bee , to morrow , as 't was yesterday a tree . wee shall invert the words : a tree to day , to morrow wee shall to it worship pay . a bush to day , to morrow will begin to have th' respect of him that dwelt therein . but loe jerubbaal comes in his might , ( with open zeal , not gideon-like , i th' night ) attended , not with ten men of his own , but a full jury of the great'st renown , and fells the grove . go on brave spirit , until idolatrous midian understand thy skill , and all the superstitious crew do feel the mortal fruits of thy enraged steel . this is no frog-fight , but the eunuch's zeal , grapling with proud and painted jezabel . beriah antistorali . the dovvnfall of may-games . the times wee live in of late have been very tropical , and full of turnings , and too many , like weathercocks , have turned with them . lately men were exorbitant , and did run out into extream opinions ; now they are exorbitant , and run out into extream practices : before men were fanatick and wilde in their principles ; now men are fanatick and frantick in practicals ; they rant , they roar , they sing , they swear , they drink , they dance , they whore , they lye , they scoff ; yea , some there are ( i hope they are not many ) that put their own blood into their drink , and then drink a health to the king , and to the confusion of sion and its king ; this is reported to mee by persons of good repute ; if this bee true , as sure as god is just and true , hee will bee avenged on the actors of such horrid blasphemy . lately wee were troubled with white devils , who under pretence of extraordinary sanctity , published open heresie and blasphemy against god , his word , his works , and ordinances ; now wee run madding on the other hand , and are like to be troubled with black devils , viz. blasphemous drunkards , blasphemons health-drinkers , blasphemous persecutors , scorners of piety , sabbath-prophaners , observers of superstitious and heathenish customes , &c. these old beelzebubs begin to put out their horns again ; i doubt not but the lord in his due time will raise up the honourable houses of parliament , as carpenters to saw off these horns , zach. 2. 19 , 20 , 21. else those that have power in their hands to cut off these horns of the wicked , and yet will not , they must wear them . qui non vetat peccare cum potest , jubet . 't was the sin of israel that when the lord by a signal hand of providence had delivered them from their egy●tian bondage , yet they returned in their hearts , and desires into egypt again , act. 7. 39. and longed to bee at their garlick and onions , and flesh-pots there , numb . 11. 4 , 5. and this brought a very great plague upon them , vers . 33. the lord commanded moses to bid the people go forward , exod. 14. 15. hee loves to have his people go on in waies of piety and obedience , but if they once go backward , hee will destroy them , isa . 1. 4. they have forsaken the lord , and are gone away backward . see what follows , vers . 7. their country is desolate , their cities are burnt with fire , and strangers devour their land in their presence . and what can englaud expect , if it go on in apostasie ( as it hath done of late ) both in doctrine and manners , but the sword , pestilence and famine , and all other fearful judgements ; that as wee have been notorious for sin , so now wee should be notorious for suffering ? could wee but once keep the narrow way of life , without turning to the right hand or the left , wee might yet bee an happy people , josh . 1. 8. the way to heaven , is like the way over a narrow bridge , under which is a great gulf , into which a man may fall by going too much on the right hand , or too much on the left hand ; and to say truth , the devil cares not much on which hand men fall into hell , so hee can but get them thither . wee all condemn prophane principles , but a man may go to hell sooner for prophane practices , for these generate prophane principles ; when men lead lewd lives , then they invent lewd and licentious tenents to defend their lewd and loose practices ; as wee see in popery and quakerism , and this brings men at last to love and desire prophane preachers , and such as will sing placentia , and claw their sensual itch , and then they perish without remedy , prov. 29. 18. isa . 30. 9 , 10. the prophet jeremy complains of some in his time , that were mad on idols , jer. 50. 38. and wee have those in our times that are mad on may-poles , morrice-dancing , drinking healths on their knees , yea in their hats ( as in the university by scholars , &c. ) doating on old , superstitious , prophane customes , returning with the dogs of the world to lick up that filth which seemingly they had long since vomited up . and all this acted presumptuously with an high hand , against much light and love , against many wooings and warnings , against many prayers and vows to the contrary , what could the lord do more for england than hee hath done , and what could wee do more against him , than wee have done ? had hee been our deadly enemy , wee could not have acted more vilely & villanously against him , both in our principles , and in our practices , than many of us have done ; and if after all gods cost and care , instead of the grapes of obedience , we bring forth the wilde grapes of disobedience and rebellion , we shall provoke the lord to pull up the hedge , to let in the wilde beasts , and to consume us after hee hath done us good , and to repent of all the mercies which hee hath bestowed upon us . hee will take away his gospel , with all those blessings which accompany it , and then woe unto us when the lord departs from us , hos . 9. 12. when god goes from a people , peace goes , protection goes , comfort goes , health , wealth , and glory goes . i do verily beleeve there hath been a greater flood of open prophaneness in ten weeks past , than in ten years before . do wee thus requite the lord o foolish and unwise ! is this the thanks wee give him for an hundred years preaching of the gospel , and for those signal mercies in bringing down blasphemers , and anarchical ones without blood shed , or almost a blow struck . as king achish said sometimes , have i need of mad-men ? so may i say , shall we have mad-men still ? shall we never come to our wits again , living soberly , righteously and religiously ? when shall wee once be sound in judgement , sincere in affection , and unspotted in our conversations , answering our gospel light with gospel lives ; and our gospel-principles , with gospel-practices , that all our teaching may rise at the last day for our justification , & not for our confusion . this open prophaneness is a great heart-breaking to the faithful ministers of christ , and makes them cry in the bitterness of their spirits , who hath beleeved our report , and to whom is the arm of the lord revealed ? we have laboured in vain , and spent our strength in vain . if moses were angry when he saw the people dance about a golden-calf , well may we be angry to see people dancing the morrice about a post , in honor of a whore , as you shall see anon . the world begins to loathe gods mannah , they are weary of preaching , and sick of sermons ; and therefore 't is just with god to ease them of such burdens , and to lay upon them the heavy yoak of cruel and tyrannical men , that they may know the difference between gods service , and the service of the nations . men begin to cry out . isaiah is too bold , jeremy too harsh , amos is too plain , hee must go further off . 't is these precise lots that will not let the people go quietly to hell , that are the troublers of israel ; if once they could but bee shut of them then they might sing , and swear , and rant and roar , and be as safe as sodom was when lot was gone out of it . let such prophane ones know , that if the lord should in judgement once remove his faithful ministers from an ungrateful world , woes and sorrows would soon surprize them . the glory would soon depart from england , if once the ark of god were taken . 't is liberty , liberty , liberty , that wicked men long for . as many men were lately for liberty , and tolleration of all opinions , so many are now for liberty , for all licentious practices and if these be not restrained by the magistrate , who must not bear the sword in vain , especially towards such sons of belial , god will take the sword into his own hand , and will proclaim a liberty for such libertines , to the sword , to the pestilence , and to the famine , and as hee hath wonderfully brought down those that were for all evil opinions ; so hee will ( in his due time ) bring down those that are for all evil practices , — deus dabit his quoque finem , & funem . it hath cost mee some pains to finde out the original of these prophane revels , when people shall understand the sinful rise and tendency of them ; i beleeve there is no sober man but will abhor them . the lacedaemonians the better to deter their children from drunkenness , would bring forth a drunkard , and lay him before them , that so they seeing his beastly condition , might learn to loathe that sinning sin of drunkenness ; i have presented these ●e●e●●icious practices naked to thy view , that thou mayest be brought to an utter detestation of them ; for the very rehearsal of them is a good part of their confutation , haec recitasse est re●●tasse . it would be a work well beseeming the parliament , to improve the power which providence hath put into their hands , for the stopping of that general prophaneness which hath over-spread the land ; and to encourage religion in the power of it , especially considering that noble and princely expression of the king ( in his letter to the house of commons ) that nothing shall bee proposed by them to manifest his zeal and affection for the advancement of the protestant religion , to which hee will not readily consent . the good lord at last unite the hearts of king , lords , and commons , for the promoting of this work of works , without which wee can never expect to prosper . had this rudeness been acted only in some ignorant and obscure parts of the land , i had been silent ; but when i perceived that the complaints were general from all parts of the land , and that even in cheap side it self , the rude rabble had set up this ensign of prophaneness , and had put the lord mayor to the trouble of seeing it pulled down ▪ i could not out of my dearest respects , and tender compassion to the land of my nativity , and for the prevention of the like disorders ( if possible ) for the future , but put pen to paper , and discover the sinful rise , and vile prophaneness that attends such mis-rule ; that so their madness being made known to all , they might proceed no further ; and the eyes of gods jealousie might see nothing amongst us to displease him , but that wee walking as becomes his people , hee may rejoyce in us , and rejoyce-over us to do us good for ever . my record is on high , that i have no sinister end in this work , but desire to bee found in the number of those that study the real peace and welfare of the land : i have therefore exposed the work to the censure of the learnedst and severest criticks that i could gain . i have added some poetry , and made it as inoffensively pleasant as might be , that it might take with all , and exasperate none . the experience which i have had of gods blessing on my labours against libertines in opinion , hath emboldened mee to go forth in his name against libertines in practice ; these mountains , as well as those , shall become a plain before gods people . i shall not trouble you with a crambe his cocta , for i know not of any one that hath in a set treatise ( not scarcely by the by ) handled this subject , which somewhat encouraged mee to set upon the work . i shall be concise and argumentative , because i would not tire my self nor my reader , with any tedious discourse in this kinde . arguments against may-games . the first argument is this , that , whose rise , root , and original is evil , that thing cannot be good : but the rise , root , and original of may-games is evil , ergo , they cannot be good . the major is clear , and like a mathematical principle , shines so bright with its own light , that it needs no demonstration : for if the fountain be bitter , the streams cannot be sweet ; if the root be naught , so is the fruit . the minor i prove thus , as the revels and disorders of christians sprung from the pagans saturnalia , and from them came to the papists , and so to us ( as is abundantly proved by mr. 〈◊〉 ) so these floralian may-games had their original from the floralian feasts , and enterludes of the pagan-romans which were solemnized about the first of may , then they came to rome antichristian , as a prop to uphold their supersticious and prophane kingdome , and so to us . their rise briefly was thus , one flora a notable harlot , which had got much riches by whoring , at her death bequeathed her substance to the people of rome , about the year of the world , 3760 , and before christ 242. ( saith calvisius ) shee appointed a great sum of mony to lye in stock with the usury of which they should yearly keep certain playes called floralia or may-games , in singing , dancing , drinking , whoring , and all manner of lasciviousness , in remembrance of her . by sound of trumpet all the whores were called to these sports where they danced naked about the streets , with trumpets blown before them . hence that of juvenal speaking of a lewd woman , hee calls her a floralian curtesan . — dignissima prorsus . floralia matrona tuba . juven . sat. 60. after some time the senate of rome being ashamed of the original of these floralia , invented this fig-leaf for a cover . they told the people that flora was a goddess , which had the tuition of flowers ( for pagans and papists have gods and goddesses almost for every thing , as st. loy for their horses , st. anthony for their piggs , st. george for their wars , st. roch for the pestilence , st. apollonia for the teeth , st. john for the day , st. stephen for the night , and st. flora for their flowers ) and therefore shee must bee worshipped ( according to the custome of the heath●●nish and idolatrous festivals ) with lascivious sports and pastimes in may , that shee might the more carefully see to their flowers , fruits , and herbs . these floralian-sports were very antient , for i finde they were practised in cato the censors time , who flourished about the year of the world , 3750. his gravity ( saith the historian ) deterred the people from acting those obscenities in his fight . plutarch in the life of pompey , makes mention of one flora , that was pompey's curtezan , though shee were one ejusdem farinae , flora by name , and flora in deed , yet shee was younger than the former by a hundred years ; for the flora wee speak of , lived about two hundred years before christ , when this lived about one hundred years before him . a second argument is this , all idolatry is unlawful . but this is idolatry . 't is a forsaking of god , who is the fountain of living waters , to go to a broken cistern . 't is a robbing god of his honour , and giving it to a whore . they keep a feast to her , set up a pole adorned with flowry garlands , ribbons , and other ornaments , to the end that shee may preserve their fruits and flowers . like the worshippers of baal , who danced round about the altar in honour of that idol , and to procure the more speedy audience from it . 1 king. 18. 26. neither will this excuse you , to say , that you intend no such thing ; for this is finis operis , though not finis operantis . the action must be judged of by the end of the work , and not by the end of him that worketh ; now the chief end for which this feast was at first ordained , is idolatrous . the israelites had no intent to worship the calf , yet that was finis operis , and therefore god chargeth them with worshipping of it , ps . 106. 6. how unseemly is it then for christians , when they should bee praying to god , and praising him for the fruits of the earth , and for his crowning the year with his goodness , and making his clouds to drop down fatness on us , to bee ranting , and abusing his good creatures to riot and excess , giving the glory which is due to him , unto an harlot ? this is the very way to lose all , hos . 2. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. other sins stir up gods anger , but this provokes him to jealousie and rage , and puts him into a flame against us , when wee shall thus give his glory unto creatures . these mens actions do virtually and interpretatively thus speak , o goddess , flora , bee thou our helper , the earth is now adorned with fruits and flowers , o do thou keep them from barrenness , and blasting ; make them fruitful , that wee may bee the fitter for thy service , then will wee sing , and dance , and drink , and set up a pole to thy praise ; hear us therefore , o good goddess flora , for our flowers and fruits , for on thee wee do depend , and thine honour do wee celebrate at this season of the year ; hear us therefore wee beseech thee , and grant these our requests . this and much more is the language of such actions ; i beleeve , there is not one of a thousand that knows or considers this , it will be their wisdome , now their folly is discovered , to say with repenting ephraim , what have i to do any more with idols ? hos . 14. 8. and according to gods commandement , wee must not onely cast away the idols themselves , but also the rellicks and appurtenances of idolatry , saying to them with indignation , get you hence , isa . 30. 22. arg. 2. to fear men more than god is idolatry ( timor tuus , deus tuus . ) but here is a fearing of men more than god ; for divers years past whilst the sword of men was over our heads , here was none of this open prophaneness , but now that is removed , men fall to their old vomit again , not once considering that god beholds all their doings , and will bring them to judgement for all these things , eccles . 11. 9. arg. 3. that which drives gods fear out of mens hearts , may in no wise he tolerated : but these sinful , sensual sports and pastimes drive the sear of god out of mens hearts ; when the taber and the timbrel , the wine and lewd women are in mens feasts , they regard not the works of the lord , but they say unto god , depart , job 21 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. isa . 5. 12. arg. 4. that which debaseth and debaucheth youth ( which is the flower and best of our daies , and therefore ought in all reason and equity to bee given to god , who is the best of beings ) ought not to bee tolerated : but these sinful , sensual pastimes debase and debauch youth . how many thousands of young persons have by this means got habits of drinking , whoring , prophaneness , contempt of gods waies , &c. so that all their friends , with all their counsel , prayers and tears , have not been able to reform them ? evil customes are not easily broken , jer. 13. 23. young devils usually prove old beelzebubs . arg. 5. all lying , stealing , and fighting must be abandoned : but here is lying , stealing , and fighting . the most of these may-poles are stoln , yet they give out , that the poles are given them , when upon thorow examination 't will be found , that the most of them are stoln . there were two may-poles set up in my parish , the one was stoln , and the other was given by a profest papist . that which was stoln , was said to bee given , when 't was proved to their faces that 't was stoln , and they were made to acknowledge their offence . this pole that was stoln was rated at five shillings ; if all the poles one with another were so rated , which were stoln this may , what a considerable sum would it amount to ? fightings and blood-shed is usual at such meetings , insomuch that 't is a common saying , that 't is no festival unless there bee some fightings . arg. 6. all ungrateful and dis-ingenuous requiting of god for his blessings must be abandoned : but these prophane practices are a most ingrateful and disingenuous requtting of god for his blessings . now in the spring , when hee is loading us with his mercies , for us to load him with our rebellions and provocations ; and as hee renews his blessings with the year , so for us to renew our disobedience against him , and to fight against him with his own favours , is such gross ingratitude , that the lord calls even upon the inanimate creatures to be astonished at it , isa . 1. 2 , 3 , 4. arg. 7. that which brings no profit or comfort to soul or body , may not be practised : but these sensual , prophane sports , bring no profit to soul or body . when the romans were converted to the faith , the apostle asks them , what fruit they had of their former loose , licentious practices , whereof they were now ashamed , for the end of those things is death , rom. 6. 21. the interrogation is a strong negation , q. d. there was no true comfort or benefit to bee found in them ; where hee useth three strong arguments to deter them from such sinful practices . 1. they are unfruitful , there is no true profit comes by them . 2. they are shameful . 3. they are pernicious and deadly , they bring not onely temporal , but eternal death upon men . none are gainers by them but the devil ; god is dishonoured , his ordinances prophaned , his ministers contemned , the land defiled , the modesty , chastity , and reputation of people is blasted , and their souls debauched with idleness , effeminacy , incontinency , and luxury . arg. 8. that prophaneness which is committed against great light , great loves , great patience and forbearance , is abominable : but this prophaneness is such . in the times of ignorance god winked ( as it were ) at such practices , hee took not so much notice of them as hee doth now in these daies of light . this is the condemnation , 't is that damning sin with a witness , that when light is come into the world , yet men will love darkness , and works of darkness more than light . though israel play the harlot , yet judah should not sin , hos . 4. 15. though pagans , papists , and infidels , that know not god , live in such kinde of lewdness and licentiousness , yet england that hath been better taught , should abhor such folly ; for us that have had such famous preaching , praying , printing , signal victories , and deliverances continued to us , even to this day ; for us to rant and roar , drink healths , bee drunk and whore , and with the dog to return to our vomit , which for many years wee had left ; this is such an high aggravation of our sin , that god will not brook it at our hands . when men sin presumptuously against great light , and with an high hand , they must dye for it , exod. 21. 14. numb . 15. 30 , 31. we should think it too much that in the daies of our ignorance wee went astray ; these bodies and souls of ours which sometimes were servants to unrighteousness and fin , should now become servants of righteousness and holiness , being wholly devoted to the service of god. it should bee as natural and delightful to us now to serve god , as ever it hath been to sin against him . arg. 9. all occasions of sin must bee avoided : but at these prophane meetings there are many occasions of sin ; ergo , they must bee avoided . for the major it is clear , wee are oft commanded to shun the appearance of evil . 1 thes . 5. 22. to hate the garment spotted with the flesh , jude 23. and to keep our selves free , not onely from the gross blots , but also from the spots of the world , james 1. 27. wee must not so much as taste of the devils broth , lest at last hee bring us to eat of his beef ; isa , 65. 4. hee that will no evil do , must do nothing that belongs thereto . hee that saith yea to the devil in a little , shall not say nay when hee pleaseth . 't is true in practicals , as well as in polemicals , that one absurdity being granted , makes way for many more to follow . when men once begin to fall in this kinde , they know not where they shall rest . our corrupt nature like tinder or gunpowder , is ready to bee fired with every sinful temptation , and therefore wee should carefully shun them , else wee contradict our prayers , when wee pray that wee bee not led into temptation ; if wee run into them , wee mock god , and ruine our selves ; for hee will not preserve us from the sin , if wee do not carefully shun the occasions of sin . for the minor , that at these prophane meetings there are many occasions of sin , is too apparent . who sees not what drunkenness , swearing , cursing , fighting , stealing , lying , mixt-dancing , morrice-dancing , ribaldry , debauchery , scoffing at piety , opposing of zealous magistrates , ministers and people , prophanation of sabbaths , mis-spence of precious time , complying with heathens and idolaters in their sinful and superstitious customes , perverting of that order which god hath set , turning night into day , and day into night ? god hath ordained the night for man to rest in , and not to ramble and go stealing may-poles in . so that as in one caesar there were many marii , so in this one sin there is a confluence of many sins . physicians say , that morbi complicati sunt periculosissimi , where there is a complication of diseases , there the cure is very difficult and dangerous . how perilous is it then to tolerate those prophane pastimes , which open the flood-gates to so much sin and wickedness , as the sad experience of all ages doth testifie ? so that if i would debauch a people , and draw them from god and his worship to superstition and idolatry , i would take this course ; i would open this gap to them , they should have floralia and saturnalia , they should have feast upon feast ( as 't is in popery ) they should have wakes to prophane the lords day , they should have may-games , and christmas-revels , with dancing , drinking , whoring , potting , piping , gaming , till they were made dissolute , and fit to receive any superstition , and easily drawn to bee of any , or of no religion : and this was the practice of the late prelates , when they were bringing in popery by the head and shoulders ( as is made apparent to the world out of their * own writings ) they first caused the book of sports to bee read in all churches for the prophaning of the sabbath ( a lesson that people can learn too fast * without a book ) that so they might fit the people the better for the swallowing of those superstitious innovations , which shortly after followed . when balaam would draw israel to idolatry , hee first draws them to whoredome , and by this means destroyed them , which all his cursing could not do , numb . 32. 16. so when israel fell to idolatry , then they fell to feasting , singing , dancing , according to the custome of idolatrous festivals , exod. 37. 6. 19. but see what follows such mad mirth , vers . 27. the sword and slaughter follows it at the heels . god is the same to the same sinners , and if wee bee like them in sin , wee shall bee like them in suffering . arg. 10. that which is of evil report amongst the godly , may not bee practised , phil. 4. 8. but these prophane pastimes are of evil report amongst the godly . i never yet knew any godly man , or any that had but a taste of godliness , that ever approved , either by speech , or by his presence of such prophane meetings . sure that must needs bee very bad , which all good men do shun and abhor . arg. 11. that which incourageth the rout and raskality of a people to behave themselves insolently and irreverently toward the antient and the honourable , and all superiours , that may not bee tolerated ( for 't is reckoned as a great judgement , isa . 3. 5. ) but these prophane meetings do encourage the rout in their insolency against the antient and the honourable . this makes the servant contemn his master , the people their pastor , the subject his soveraign , the childe his father , and teacheth young people impudency and rebe●●●on . arg. 12. that which is a m●nifest violation of our baptismal vow , must bee abandoned . but these prophane pastimes are a manifest violation of our baptismal vows . then we promised to forsake the devil and all his works , the pomp and vanities of the world , and that wee would not be led by the lusts of the flesh . now at these prophane meetings there is a sad violation of this sacred vow ; for if the devil himself should come and live in a bodily shape upon earth , he would drink , and dance , and swear , and whore , and fulfil the lusts of the flesh , as these devils incarnate do . arg. 13. if christ hath redeemed us from the sinful customes , paganish pleasures , and vain conversation of the world , then wee may in no wise follow them . but christ hath redeemed us from the sinful customes , paganish pastimes , and vain conversation of the wicked , luk. 1. 74 , 75. gal. 1. 4. tit. 2. 12 , 13 , 14. 1 pet. 2. 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. & 1. 4. 2 , 3 , 4. arg. 14. all inticements to idolatry must be avoided : but the observation of these heathenish and idolatrous feasts is a great enticement to idolatry . hence it is that papists , and popish persons are so forward to give people may-poles , and the popes holiness with might and main keeps up his superstitious festivals , as a prime prop of his tottering kingdome . by these sensual sports , and carnal-flesh-pleasing-waies of wine , women , dancing , revelling , &c. hee hath gained more souls , than by all the tortures , and cruel persecutions that hee could invent . hence the whore of babylon is said to have her wine of abomination and fornication in a golden cup , rev. 17. 4. the better to intice men to her , as whores were wont to give inchanted potions to work amorous affections ; so doth the whore of rome allure men to her self by the specious baits of riches , liberty , pastimes , and carnal pleasures ; hence the lord , who knows our frame better than wee our selves , hath so oft forbidden us following the customes , feasts , and fashions of idol●●●rs and heathens , for fear lest they should bee drawn thereby to idolatry , levit. 18. 30. deut. 12. 29 , 30. these do insensibly steal away the heart from god and his truth , they are the devils bellows to blow up the fire of lust and uncleanness in the soul . arg. 15. that which is the joy and delight onely of superstitious , popish , prophane persons , must needs bee some vile and prophane thing ; for like will delight in like , wicked men delight in those things which sute with their wicked lusts . but these sinful and rude pastimes are the joy only of wicked men . who are they that delight in the fools filthy speeches , lascivious gestures , and the mans wearing of the womans apparel , contrary to gods express command , deut. 22. 5. but the prophane of the world ? i never knew any good man that ever delighted in them ; yea i have known some good men , that in their youth delighted in those sensual pastimes , which have abhorred themselves for it in their old age ; and make the observation when you please , and you shall finde that they are the idle , effeminate , graceless ones that are the upholders and frequenters of these dissolute meetings . so that as solomon knew the true mother of the childe , by her tender affection to it ; so wee may know , that the popish and prophane sort are the parents and patrons of these abominations , by their pleading for them , and promoting of them . and as it was some signal good thing which nero ( that monster of men ) hated ; so it must needs bee some notorious vile thing which such vile men love and plead for . arg. 16. all mis-spence of precious time must bee avoided : but in these licentious pastimes there is much mis-spence of precious time . what a sad account will these libertines have to make , when the lord shall demand of them , where wast thou such a night ? why my lord , i was with the prophane rabble stealing may-poles ; and where wast thou such a day ? why my lord , i was drinking , dancing , dallying , ranting , whoring , carousing , &c. if for every idle hour men must give an account , what account will men bee able to give for all those sinful dayes , nights , sabbaths , &c. which they have mis-spent in sensuality and luxury . arg. 17. that which deprives us of gods fatherly care and protection , must bee avoyded : but this frequenting of such prophane meetings deprives us of gods fatherly care and protection . hee hath promised to keep us no longer than wee keep his wayes , psal , 91. 11. which are the wayes either of our general calling , as wee are christians , viz. praying , reading , meditation , good conference , &c. or else the wayes of our particular calling , as wee are superiors or inferiors , wee must walk with god in those stations in which hee hath set us . if wee go beyond gods bounds , wee cannot expect either his immediate protection , or the protection of his angels . arg. 18. that which breeds in mens hearts an hatred of the power of godliness , must bee abandoned : but such prophane meetings breed in mens hearts an hatred of the power of godliness . when men do evil , they hate the light of piety in others ; as the theef hates the light that discovers him , and the judge that condemns him ; so do these hate the godly , because their light condemns their darkness , their piety the wicked mans impiety , their strictness condemns the worlds dissoluteness , and their self denying the worlds self pleasing . wicked men love their lusts as their lives , and cannot indure such as hinder them in the pursute of them ; hence 't is that the prophane rout raise so many lyes , slanders , and reproachful nick-names against the godly , and all because they run not with them into the same excess of riot . arg. 19. that which hardens wicked men in their sins , corrupts their minds and manners , and indisposeth them for the service of god , that ought to bee totally abandoned : but these prophane sports do so . they infatuate and besot men , they darken the understanding , and cloze up the eye of the soul , so that it takes no notice of gods judgements ; either imminent or present ; these sensual pleasures stupifie and cauterize the conscience , so that it cannot repent . they expel the fear of god , and all godly sorrow for sin out of the soul . they estrange the heart from god , and his worship , and make it burdensome and wearisome to them , mal. 1. 13. & 3. 14. arg. 20. those prophane practices , which are condemned by scriptures , fathers , councils , and other pious men , ought in no wise to bee tolerated : but these prophane practices are such . the major is undeniable ; the minor i shall prove by its parts ; and because a bare recital of testimonies , would be too flat and frigid , i shall therefore ( to quicken and delight the reader ) indict and arraign this floralian harlot , and impannel a jury against her . this way of clearing things cannot justly bee offensive to any , since 't is but a kinde of dialogue , and dialogues have been ever accounted the most lively and delightful , the most facile and fruitful●est way of teaching . allusions and similies sink deep , and make a better impression upon the spirit : a pleasant allusion may do that which a solid argument sometimes cannot do . as in some cases iron may do that which gold cannot do , — ridiculum acri , fort●us & melius magnas pl●rumque secut res . horat. serm. l. 1. sat. 20. & quintil. instit . l. 6. c. 34. the indictment of flora. flora , hold up thy hand , thou art here indicted by the name of flora , of the city of rome , in the county of babylon , for that thou , contrary to the peace of our soveraign lord , his crown and dignity , hast brought in a pack of practical fanaticks , viz. ignorants , atheists , papists , drunkards , swearers , swash-bucklers , maid-marrions , morrice-dancers , maskers , mummers , may pole-stealers , health-drinkers , together with a rascalian rout of fidlers , fools , fighters , gamesters , whoremasters , lewd-men , light-women , contemners of magistracy , affronters of ministery , rebellious to masters , disobedient to parents , mis-spenders of time , abusers of the creature , &c. judg. what sayest thou , guilty , or not guilty ? prisoner . not guilty , my lord. judg. by whom wilt thou bee tried ? pris . by the popes-holiness , my lord. judg. hee is thy patron and protector , and so unfit to bee a judge in this case . pris . then i appeal to the prelates , and lord-bishops , my lord. judg. this is but a tiffany put off , for though some of that rank did let loose the reigns to such prophaneness , in causing the book of sports , for the prophaning of gods holy-day to bee read in churches ( for which god hath spewed them out ) yet 't is well known that the gravest and most pious of that order , have abhorred such prophaneness and mis-rule , as b. babington , both the abbats , b. king , b. hall , d. davenant , &c. pris . then i appeal to the rout and rabble of the world . judg. these are thy followers , and thy favourites , and so unfit to bee judges in their own case . pris . my lord , if there bee no remedy , i am content to bee tried by a jury . judg. thou hast well said , thou shalt have a full , a fair , and a free hearing . cryer , make an o yes , and call the jury . cryer , o yes , all manner of persons that can give in evidence against the prisoner at the bar , let them come into the court , and they shall bee freely heard . judg. cryer , call in holy-scriptures . holy-scriptures , my lord , i cannot get in . judg. who keeps you out ? holy-scriptures , my lord , here is a company of ignorant , rude , prophane , superstitious , atheistical persons , that will not suffer mee to come in . judg. cryer , knock those prophane persons , and make room for the holy-scriptures to come in . cryer , vouz avez , holy-scriptures . judg. what can you say against the prisoner at the bar ? holy-scriptures , very much , my lord , i have often told them , that the night of ignorance is now past , and the light of the gospel is come , and therefore they must walk as children of the light , denying all ungodliness and worldly lusts , living soberly , righteously , and religiously in this present world . i have often told them , that they must shun all the appearance of evil , and have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness , nor conform themselves like to the wicked of the world : but they must think the time past of their lives too much to have lived according to the lusts of men in the dayes of their ignorance , but now they must live according to the will of god , making his glory the ultimate end of all their actions and recreations . i have often told them , that our god is a jealous god , and one that will not indure to have his glory given to idols or harlots . jud. this is full , and to the purpose indeed , but is there no more evidence to come in ? cryer , yes , my lord , here is pliny , an antient writer , who lived about ninety years after christ , and is famous for his natural history . judg. what can you say against the prisoner at the bar ? pliny , my lord , i have long since told them , if they would beleeve mee , that these were not christian , but pagan-feasts ; they were heathens , and such as knew not god , who first instituted these floralia and may-games . i have told them that they were instituted according to the advice of sibylls-books in the 516th . year after the foundation of the city of rome was laid , to prevent the blasting and barrenness of the trees , and fruits of the earth . judg. sir , you have given us good light in this dark case ; for first wee see that the rise of these feasts was from pagans , and that they were ordained by the advice of sibylls-books , and not of gods book ; and for a superstitious and idolatrous end , viz. that hereby flora , not god might bee pleased , and so bless their fruits and flowers . this is clear , but have you no more evidence ? cryer , yes , my lord , here is coelius lactantius firmianus , who lived about three hundred years after christ , who will plainly tell you the rise of these prophane sports . judg. i have heard very well of this celestial , sweet , and firm defender of the faith , and that hee was a second cicero for eloquence in his time . sir , what can you say against the prisoner at the bar ? lactan. my lord , i have long since declared my judgement against this harlot flora in my first book of false religion : where i have told the world , that this flora was a common-whore and one that got much mony by her harlotry ; at her death shee made the people of rome her heir , and left a certain sum of mony for the yearly celebration of these floralian sports . the senate after some time , the better to cover this foul business , make her the goddess of flowers , and tell the people that they ought to celebrate this lascivious feast of this lascivious harlot , with all manner of lasciviousness , that so shee being pleased , might prosper their fruits and vines . judg. this is plain and full , i now see that lactantius is firmianus , not only sweet , but firm and constant against the whore. but have you no more evidence ? cryer , yes , my lord , here is synodus francica , which was called in pope zachary's time , anno dom 742. judg. what can you say against the prisoner at the bar ? counc . my lord , i have long since decreed , that the people of god shall have no pagan-feasts , or enterludes , but that they reject and abominate all the uncleannesses of gentilism , and that they forbear all sacrilegious fires which they call bonefires , and all other observations of the pagans whatsoever . judg. this is clear against all heathenish feasts and customes , of which this is one . but have you no evidence nearer home ? cryer , yes , my lord , here is one that may go for many , 't is one that will conquer them all , and with the sword of justice will suddenly suppress them . judg. who is that i pray you ? let mee see such a man. cryer , why my lord , 't is charls the second , king of great britain , france and ireland , defender of the faith. judg. truly hee deserves that title , if hee shall now appear in defence of the truth , against that prophane rout which lately threatned the extirpation both of sound doctrine , and good life . i hear that the king is a sober and temperate person , and one that hates debauchery , i pray you let us hear what hee saith . cryer , my lord , the king came into london , may 29. and the 30th . of may hee published a proclamation against prophaneness , to the great rejoycing of all the good people of the land. when all was running into prophaneness and confusion , the parliament sate still , and wee poor ministers had nothing left but our prayers and tears ; then , even then it pleased the most high ( in whose hand is the heart of kings ) to put it into the heart of our soveraign lord the king , eminently to appear in the cause of that god , who hath so eminently appeared for him , and hath brought him through so many dangers and difficulties to the throne , and made so many mountains a plain before him , to testifie against the debauchery and gross prophaneness , which like a torrent had suddenly over-spread the land. the sum and substance of the kings proclamation is this , that it is the duty of all to take notice of gods transcendent goodness to us , and to walk with such circumspection , integrity , and reformation in our lives , that wee may not drive away the mercy which is coming to us , by making our selves unworthy of it ; and in order hereto , wee think it high time to shew our dislike of those ( against whom wee have been ever enough offended , though wee could not in this manner declare it ) who under pretence of affection to us and our service , assume to themselves the liberty of reviling , threatning , and reproaching others , and as much as in them lyes , endeavour to stifle and divert their good inclinations to our service , and so to prevent that reconciliation and union of hearts and affections , which can onely with gods blessing make us rejoyce in each other , and keep our enemies from rejoycing . there are likewise another sort of men , of whom wee have heard much , and are sufficiently ashamed , who spend their time in taverns , tipling-houses , and debauches , giving no other evidence of affection to us , but in drinking our health , and inveighing against all others , who are not of their own dissolute temper ; and who in truth have more discredited our cause by the licence of their manners and lives , than they could ever advance it by their affection and courage . wee hope that this extraordinary way of delivering us all , from all wee feared , and almost bringing us to all wee can reasonably hope , hath , and will work upon the hearts even of those men to that degree , that they will cordially renounce all that licentiousness , prophaneness and impiety , with which they have been corrupted , and endeavoured to corrupt others ; and that they will hereafter become examples of sobriety and vertue , and make it appear , that what was past , was rather the vice of the times , than of the persons , and so the fitter to bee forgotten together . and because the fear of punishment , or apprehension of our displeasure , may have influence upon many , who will not bee restrained by the conscience of their duty ; wee do declare , that wee will not exercise just severity against any malefactors sooner , than against men of dissolute , debauched , and prophane lives , with what parts soever they may bee otherwise qualified and endowed , and wee hope that all persons of honour , or in place and authority , will so far assist us in discountenancing such men , that their discretion and shame will perswade them to reform what their conscience would not ; and that the displeasure of good men towards them , may supply what the laws have not , and it may bee cannot well provide against , there being in the licence and corruption of the times , and the depraved nature of men , many enormities , scandals , and impieties in practice , and manners , which laws cannot well describe , and consequently not enough provide against , which may by example and severity of vertuous men bee easily discountenanced , and by degrees suppressed . however , for the more effectual reforming these men , who are a discredit to the nation , and unto any cause they pretend to favour and wish well to ; wee require all mayors , sheriffs , and justices of the peace , to bee very vigilant and strict in the discovery and prosecution of all dissolute and prophane persons , and such as blaspheme the name of god , by prophane swearing and cursing , or revile , or disturb ministers , and despise the publick worship of god ; that being first bound to the good behaviour , they may bee further proceeded against , and exposed to shame , in such a manner , as the laws of the land , and the just and necessary rules of government shall direct or permit . judg. now blessed bee the lord , the king of kings , who hath put such a thing as this into the heart of the king , and blessed bee his anointed , and blessed bee his counsel , the good lord recompence it seven-fold into his bosome ; and let all the sons of belial flye before him , as the dust before the wind , and let the angel of the lord scatter them . prison . my lord , i , and all my retinew are very much deceived in this charls the second , wee all conceited that hee was for us . my drunkards cryed , a health to the king. the swearers swore , a health to the king , so long , till they swore themselves out of health . the papist , the atheist , the roarer and the ranter , they all concluded that now their day was come , but alas how are wee deceived ! judg. i wish that you , and all such as you are may for ever bee deceived in this kinde , and that your eyes may rot in your heads before ever you see idolatry , superstition and prophaneness countenanced in the land. such trulypious-frauds are pleasing to god , delightful to his people , and grievous to none but such as should bee grieved for their villany and licentiousness . judg. but have you no more evidence to produce against these prophane practices ? cry. yes , my lord , here is an ordinance of parliament ready mounted against them . pris . my lord , i except against this witness above all the rest , for it was not made by a full and a free parliament of lords and commons , but by some rump and relick of a parliament , and so is invalid . judg. toto erras coelo , you are quite deceived , for this ordinance was made by lords and commons , when the house was full and free ; and those the best that ever england had , for piety towards god , and loyalty to their soveraign , for they were secluded and imprisoned for their loyaly and fidelity . let us hear what they say . ordinan . of parl. my lord , i have plainly told them , that since the prophanation of the lords day , hath been heretofore greatly occasioned by may-poles ( a heathenish vanity , generally abused to superstition and wickedness ) the lords and commons do therefore ordain , that all and singular may-poles shall bee taken down and removed by the constables , borsholders , tything-men , petty-constables , and church-wardens of the places and parishes where the same bee ; and that no may-pole shall bee hereafter set up , erected , or suffered to bee within this kingdome of england , or the dominion of wales ; and if any of the said officers shall neglect to do their office in the premises , every of them , for such neglect , shall forfeit five shillings , and so from week to week , five shillings weekly , till the said may-pole shall bee taken down . judg. this is to the purpose , and may pass instead of many arguments , for a parliament of lords and commons , so pious , so prudent , so loyal and faithful to god and the king , to condemn these sports as a vanity , a heathenish vanity , abused to superstition and wickedness , and to be supprest under a penalty ; this may clearly convince any sober man of the sinfulness of such practices , and make them to abhor them , for what is forbidden by the laws of men ( especially when those laws are consonant to the laws of god ) may not be practised by any person ; but these prophane sports are forbidden by the laws of men , and are herein consonant to the laws of god , which condemn such sinful pastimes . but have you no more evidence besides this ordinance to batter these babylonish towers ? cry. yes , my lord , here is one that may go for many ; 't is the solemn league and covenant , taken in a solemn manner , by king , lords , and commons , the assembly of divines , the renowned city of london , the kingdome of scotland , and by many thousands of ministers and people throughout this nation . in the second branch of it wee vowed the extirpation of popery , prelacy , superstition , heresie , schism , prophaneness , and whatsoever shall bee found contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godliness . pris . my lord , these things are out of date , and do not binde now our troubles bee over . judg. the sixth branch of the covenant will tell you , that wee are bound all the daies of our lives to observe these things zealously , and constantly against all opposition ; and i suppose every good man thinks himself bound to preserve the purity of religion , to extirpate popery , and heresie , superstition and prophaneness , not onely in times of trouble , but these are duties to bee practised in our places and callings all our daies . besides , the royalists do plead the covenant at this day , for the preservation of the king ; and if it bee in force as to that particular , as indeed it is , then much more doth it binde us still to the observation of those things which do more immediately appertain to the worship of god. since gods honour is to bee preferred before the honour of any man whatsoever . now if our may-games and mis-rules do favour of superstition and prophaneness ( as 't is apparent they do ) if they bee contrary to sound doctrine , and the power of godliness ( as to all unprejudiced men they are ) then by this solemn league and sacred covenant wee are bound to root them up . this is sufficient , if there were no more ; but because men are loath to leave what they dearly love , let us see whether you have any further evidence . cry. yes , my lord , here is an excellent order from the council of state , made this present may , wherein they take notice of a spirit of prophaneness and impiety that hath over-spread the land , to the dishonour of god , and the grieving of his ministers and people ; they do therefore order , that the justices of the peace , and commissioners for the militia , do use their utmost indeavours to prevent all licentiousness and disorder , all prophanation of the sabbath , all interrupting or discouraging of ministers in the work of their ministery ; that they suppress all ale-houses , and all ungodly meetings ; that they own and protect all such as have adhered to the parliaments cause and interest , and all good men in their sober and pious walking , against all that are turbulent , malignant or disaffected , and upon just cause to secure them . the council doth likewise command them to have a special care to prevent prophaneness , and disorders of people about may-poles , and meetings of that nature , and their rude and disorderly carriages towards people , in molesting them to get monies from them to spend vainly at such meetings . ju. this is full , and to the point indeed , blessed be god , and blessed be their counsel . but have you yet no more evidence ? cry. yes , my lord , here is mr. elton , a man eminent for piety , and of known integrity in his time , hee hath long since told us ( in his exposition of the second commandement ) that such filthy company , where there is such filthy speeches , and lascivious behaviour , with mixt dancing at their merry meetingss , are great provocations to lust , and inducements to uncleanness , and therefore to be abhorred of all sober christians . to him assents that great school-divines dr. ames , who tells us , that those who will shun incontinency , and live chastly , must shun such prophane meetings , and take heed of mixt dancing , stage-playes , and such incentives to lust , where wickedness is presented to the eye and ear , and the man puts on the womans apparel , which is an abomination to the lord , deut. 22. 5. pris . my lord , these were old puritans and precisians , who were more precise than wise . cry. i will produce men of another strain , here are bishops against you . b. babington hath long since told us , that these sinful pastimes are epulum diaboli , the devils festival , the inticements to whoredome , and the occasions of much uncleanness , being condemned by councils , and forbidden by scripture , which commands us to shun all appearance of evil . judg. this is good , but have you no more ? cry. yes , my lord , here is one more , 't is b. andrews , a man of great note for his learning ( who in his exposition on the seventh commandement ) tells us , that wee must not onely refrain from evil , but also from the shew of evil ; and must do things honest not onely before god , but also before men ; to this end wee must shun wanton dancings , stage-playes , &c. because our eyes thereby behold much vanity and a man cannot go on these hot coals , and not bee burnt , nor touch such pitch , and not bee defiled , nor see such wanton actions , and not bee moved ; besides , there is much loss , and mis-spence of precious time , at such prophane meetings . judg. this is pious , and to purpose , here is evidence sufficient , i shall now proceed to sentence . cry. my lord , i desire your patience to hear one witness more , and then i have done . judg. who is that which comes so late into the court ? cry. my lord , 't is acute and accomplisht ovid. pris . my lord , hee is a heathen poet , who lived about twenty years before christ . judg. his testimony will bee the stronger against your heathenish vanities . publius ovidius naso , what can you say against mistress flora ? ovid. my lord , i have long since told the world , that the senatorian fathers at rome did order the celebration of these floralian sports to bee yearly observed about the beginning of may , in honour of flora , that our fruits and flowers might the better prosper . at this feast there was drinking , dancing , and all manner of lasciviousness , by a harlotry company , suitable to the memorial of such an harlot , who was light her self , and therefore delighted in jokes and pleasant comedies , but not in sad and direful tragedies . pris . sir , you wrong the poet , and may , for ought i know , wrong mee , by wrapping up his ingenious narrative in so little room . judg. grata brevitas , i love those whose writings are like jewels , which contain much worth in a little compass , yet since the learned and ingenious reader may desire to hear the author speaking in his own language ( since hee speaks so fully and clearly to this purpose ) you shall for once have your desire . dic dea , responde , ludorum quae sit origo , &c. convenere patres , & si bene floreat annus , numinibus nostris annua festa vovent . mater ades florum , ludis celebranda jocosis , distuleram partes mense priore tuas . incipis aprili , transis in tempora maii , alter te fugiens , cum venit , alter habet . cum tua fint , cedantque tibi confinia mensum , convenit in laudes ille vel ille tuas . circus in hunc exit , clamataque palma theatris , &c. quaerere conabar , quare lascivia major his foret in ludis , liberiorque jocus . sed mihi succurrit numen non esse severum , aptaque deliciis munera ferre deam . ebrius incinctis phylirâ conviva capillis saltat , & imprudens utitur arte meri , ebrius ad durum formosae limen amicae cantat , habens unctae mollia serta comae . nulla coronatâ peraguntur seria fronte , nec liquidae vinctis flore bibuntur aquae . scena lenis decet hanc , non est mihi credite , non est , illa cothurnatas inter habenda deas . turba quidem cur hos celebret meretricia ludos , non ex difficili cognita causa fuit . non est detetricis , non est de magna professis , vult sua plebeio sacra patere choro , &c. cry. now my lord , and please you , wee will call over the jury , that the prisoner may see wee have done her no wrong . judg. do so . cry. answer to your names . holy scriptures one , pliny two , lactantius three , synodus francica four , charls the second five , ordinance of parliament six , solemn league and covenant seven , order of the council of state eight , elton nine , b. babington ten , b. andrews eleven , ovid. twelve . these , with all the godly in the land , do call for justice against this turbulent malefactor . judg. since 't is so , i shall proceed to sentence . flora , thou hast here been indicted by the name of flora , for bringing in abundance of mis-rule and disorder into church and state , thou hast been found guilty , and art condemned both by god and man , by scriptures , fathers , councils , by learned and pious divines , both old and new , and therefore i adjudge thee to perpetual banishment , that thou no more disturb this church and state , lest justice do arrest thee . an answer to all the cavils which are of any weight or worth which are brought in defence of may-games . vice seldome goes bare-faced , it usually , like harlots , paints , or puts on the vizzard of profit , pleasure , frugality , good neighbour-hood , &c. the better to deceive such careless sinners as devour the bait , but forget the hook . the naked discovery of the danger which attends such licentious practices , is half the cure , for no man that is well in his wits , will run on in such paths , when hee plainly sees the mischief and misery that attends them . object . 1. young people must have some recreations . answ . 't is true , modest , moderate , manly recreations are fit for them , but sinful , sensual , sordid recreations , such as drinking , fighting , dancing , whoring , gaming and debauchery , these emasculate mens spirits , and make men deboist , and unfit for the service of god or man , these must bee abolished and abandoned in a christian common-wealth ; such recreations are meer destructions , and such mirth is madness , eccles . 2. 2. 't was a good resolution of a good man , i will chuse such recreations as are of best example , and best use , seeking those by which i may not onely be merrier , but better . what recreations bee unlawful , you may see at large in others . object . 2. these are customes of great antiquity , of above eighteen hundred years standing . answ . antiquity without verity is of no validity . christ is truth , not custome . old customes , if they be evil customes , are better broken than kept , and the older they be , the worse ; the more editions , the more additions . the customes of the people are vain , and to be abhorred , not to be followed by us , levit. 18. 30. jer. 10. 3. the heathenish olympick-games , and the pagans saturnalia , where they invented sports for the honour of their gods , and gave licence to all to be as lewd as they pleased at those seasons , these were antient , it doth not therefore follow that they were good . so episcopacy is antient , but apostolical simplicity is more antient , and the church flourished most without it . object . 3. these may-poles are set up to shew the season of the year , this was the plea lately of a fantastick and real fanatick . answ . i should think that a green and living tree should minde us of the season of the year , better than a dead bush ; and a living man better set forth the excellency of a man , than a dead man. 't is not without cause that the apostle calls wicked men , absurd and unreasonable men , 2 thes . 3. 2. object . 4. our fore-fathers practised such things . answ . our fore-fathers were idolaters , it doth not follow that therefore wee must be so too . they lived in times of ignorance , but wee live in daies of light , and therefore must walk like children of the light , renouncing the works of darkness . wee must live by rule , not by example , and follow our fore-fathers no further than they followed christ , hence the lord so oft forbids us to follow our forefathers , psal . 78. 8. ezek. 20. 18 , 19 , 20. zach. 7. 4. object . 5. if men bee not thus imployed on festivals , they will bee idle , and bee worse imployed , and wee have no ill intentions in what wee do . answ . there is no necessity that people should bee idle on holy-daies , for by the law of our land , if men will keep holy-daies , they must keep them holily , spending them only and wholly ( saith the statute of 5 , and 6. of edw. 6. chap. 4. ) in praising god , and praying to him , hearing his word , and meditating on his works , &c. so that the statute , by those two words , only and wholly , excludes all may-games , revels , dancing , drinking , rioting , and misrule . 2. they cannot likely bee worse imployed , than in such loose , lascivious , licentious practices , amongst rude and deboist company , where they shall hear , see , and learn all manner of vice and villany , to the corrupting both of their minds and manners , and the undoing of themselves , both here and hereafter . 3. whereas you say , you have no ill intentions in so doing , who can beleeve that you will joyn your self with such prophane company out of a good intention ? can a man touch pitch , and not be defiled with it ? 2. admit your intentions were good , yet that will not warrant you to do evil . that which is evil per se , can never bee made good by any good intentions , as i have proved at large else-where . object . 6. i can see no hurt in may-games , they are none but a pack of precise fools , who are enemies to the king , that cry them down . answ . who so blinde as those that will not see ? canst thou see no hurt in drunkenness , fighting , whoring , stealing , prophanation of the sabbaths , contempt of religion ? &c. the devil , who is the god of this world , hath blinded thine eyes , and as blinde men are not fit to judge of colours , so thou art unfit to judge in such cases . the devil deals with thee , as elisha did with his enemies , hee first smit them with blindness , and then brings them into samaria into the midst of their enemies ; but as hee prayed for them , so shall i for thee ; lord open their eyes , that they may see ; and the lord opened their eyes , and behold they were in the midst of samaria , 2 king. 6. 18 , 19 , 20. so say i , lord open the eyes , and awaken the consciences of these blinde , secure sinners , that they may see , and if the lord shall vouchsafe you this mercy , then will you see your selves in the devils camp , on the brink of destruction , and thou wilt abhor thy self for thy vile presumption in this kinde , if thou doubt of the truth of this , ask any gracious , awakened , inlightened soul , that knows the terrours of the lord , and the bitterness of sin , and hee will tell you , that hee durst not practise such prophaneness to win a world . 2. there may be great sin in that which the blinde world counts a small matter . to eat an apple , to bow to an image , to pick a few sticks on the sabbath , &c. these , and many such , to a carnal eye seem small things , and yet wee know god hath sadly punished such as acted them . i have before proved that these practices are sinful ; now there is no sin simply considered in it self , that is small , as appears , 1. in that there is no small god that wee offend by it . 2. no small price was paid for it . 3. no small punishment is prepared for it . this is a complicated sin ( as i have proved before ) and therefore is not to bee so lightly esteemed of . 3. whereas thou sayest that none but a few precise fools oppose this prophaneness , thou art much deceived . was david a foolish precisian , who would have no familiarity with the wicked , but bids them depart from him ? and prayed the lord to turn away his eyes from beholding vanity ; and poured out rivers of tears , because men transgressed gods laws . was paul a foolish precisian , who commands us to walk precisely , and circumspectly , to shun the appearance of evil , to have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness , but reprove them rather ; and to live soberly , righteously , and religiously in the world ? were the antient fathers fools , who do unanimously enveigh against such prophane practices ? were perkins , babington , dod , andrews , elton , &c. precise fools , who do condemn these prophane practices in their expositions of the seventh commandement ? sure thou art some singular conceitedfool , that thus censurest all the grave and pious sages of former and latter times for fools , and all because they oppose thy folly , which will bee bitterness in the end . 4. whereas thou accusest them as enemies to the king , which oppose such prophaneness , let mee tell thee , the king hath not better friends in the land , than such as oppose those prophane practices ; nor more deadly foes , than such as do promote them ; these set open the flood-gates to all rudeness , disloyalty , debauchery , and effeminacy , whereby people are made unfit , either for the service of god , or the king. those that are suffered to rebel against god , will not stick ( when a temptation comes ) to rebel against the king. 't is the dark and ignorant places of the earth , which are habitations of cruelty and rebellion . should a man debauch your children and servants , and take them to such prophane meetings , where they should learn to swear and swagger , to rant and roar ; i know no wise parents that would count such for their friends . these licentious exercises are the very nurseries of villany , the bane of piety and peace , and the overthrow of those kingdomes that tolerate them . the romans , when they grew idle and luxurious , became effeminate , and lost all . when people grow exorbitant , and transgress gods law , and change his ordinances , then comes a curse upon a land , isa . 24. 5 , 6. so that this is but an old trick of the devil and his agents , when they would destroy gods people , to put ugly titles on them , and call them troublers of israel , trumpets of rebellion , enemies to caesar , raisers of sedition , the pests of a nation , &c. thus , as the heathen persecutors did put bear-skins on the backs of the christians , and then bait them like bears ; so the limbs of satan , when crost in their lusts , put ugly titles upon gods people , that so they may take occasion thereby to destroy them . thus elijah was called the troubler of israel , when indeed he was the chariots and horse-men , the stay and strength of israel . jeremiah was counted a common barretor , a man compounded of nothing but contention . amos must come no more to bethel , 't is the kings court , and hee that comes there must bring silken , not sharp and plain language . holy daniel is accused for a factious man , and one that would not observe the kings laws , dan. 6. 12. christ himself , in whom was no sin , yet underwent the revilings and contradictions of sinners ; hee was called a mad-man , an enemy to caesar , a glutton , a wine-bibber , and one that had a devil , joh. 10. 20. and troubled the world , john 19. 12. the disciple is not above his master , nor the servant above his lord , and if they have called the master of the house beelzebub , what may the servants look for ? thus paul was counted a pestilent fellow , a troubler of the state , a babler , a mad-man , a seditious , factious fellow , and yet who freer from these crimes than hee ? hee commanded all men to pray for kings , and those in authority , and commands every soul to bee subject to the higher powers , and commanded titus , cap. 3. v. 1. to teach people subjection to principalities and powers . thus they dealt with the primitive christians , if any calamity fell on the land , they presently cried , away with these christians to the lions , 't is they that are the cause of all our misery . when nero had set rome on fire , hee laid it upon the christians . the martyrs in queen maries time were accused as seditious , factious , turbulent persons , that so they might bee made odious both to prince and people . thus cochlaeus the papist gave out , that luther was begotten by an incubus , and strangled by the devil . thus bolsec tells us , that calvin was a branded sodomite , and consumed with lice . putean saies , that beza died a catholick , with a thousand such like . for popery hath three figures which uphold it ; the first is auxesis , the extolling and advancing of her parafites . 2. meiosis , a debasing of her opposites . 3. pseudologia , lying lustily , for lying and murder are the two props of popery , which plainly shews that it is a devilish religion , john 8. 44. there are some that in print do charge gods people as enemies to peace and truth . the church and state ( saith one ) ever since the reformation , hath found the old puritan faction to bee inveterate and irreconcilable enemies to peace and truth . whither will not malice , and hopes of preferment carry men ! the same author yokes presbytery and popery together , popery and presbytery ( saith hee ) both in opinion and practice differ in many things , onely in terms . this is as true as many other things which hee hath published in that invective . doctors in divinity , should defend the discipline of christ , and his people , and not raise slanders on them . but let such know , that it is not piety , but the want of it which breeds tumults and sedition in a nation . 't is not the godly , but the ungodly ; 't is the swearer that makes the land to mourn , 't is the atheist , the papist , the blasphemer , the fornicator , the drunkard , &c. that trouble israel , and bring calamities upon king and kingdome , 1 sam. 12. ult . a * jesuited papist ( standing to his own principles ) cannot bee a good subject . none can bee an absolute papist , but hee must needs bee an absolute traitor , saith a learned * professor . as for the godly , they are of those that are peaceable in israel , they are indued with the wisdome which is from above , which is pure and peaceable . they are peaceable in themselves , and labour to make and preserve peace amongst others . they are the strength and glory of a land. as sampsons strength lay in his hair , so the governours of judah shall one day say , that in the inhabitants of jerusalem lies our strength , zach. 12. 5. they are the blessings of a nation , and by their prayers they keep off many a judgement . by a letter from breda ( may 10. 1660. ) i finde that his majesty hath oft been heard to say , that the prayers of his subjects will most advantage his cause , and that those who do indeavour to express their affection by debauchery , may ruine themselves , or at least stain his reputation , his majesty desiring no such attendants . an excellent saying , and well becoming a prince . religion makes the best subjects , the best servants , and the best relations . where religion comes in the power of it , there men obey , not for fear ( as wicked ones do ) but for conscience sake . there are no better subjects in the world than these , none more faithfull to their trust , none pray more for their governours , none pay their dues more freely to them , these are they that will venture their lives and estates for their good , when such as serve them for their own ends , will leave them and forsake them ; and though for the present the righteous may bee condemned as traitors , and the wicked bee exalted to honour , yet in gods due time hee will clear the innocency of his servants , as the light , when the names of the wicked shall rot . especially at that great day of revelation , then shall we clearly discern betwixt the righteous and the wicked , between him that feareth the lord , & him that feareth him not . this may comfort us who are faln into the last daies , which are called perilous times , wherein hee that refrains from evil , maketh himself a prey . 't is criminous now adaies amongst many men to bee sober and pious . if a man will not drink healths , or give mony to those that will , if hee will not rant and roar , and run with others into all excess of riot , this is enough ( with some men ) to make a man an enemy to the state. i have a little experience in this kinde my self ; this last may opposing some floralians in their prophane practices ( whom i thought after above twenty years preaching should have learnt better things ) they gave out that i was little better than a quaker , a preacher of false doctrine , and an enemy to the king , and should be thrown out of my place ; and why so ? why because i hindered practical fanaticks in their frantick practices , grande nefas ! see how these people who never studied machiavel , yet are natural machiavelists , one of whose principles is , calumniare audacter , saltem aliquid adhaerebit . lye lustily , some filth will stick . i see sying is coming in fashion apace , i shall therefore ( having this opportunity ) clear my self and my brethren in the ministry ( who are or may bee aspersed in this kinde . ) 1. for quakerism , i have preached , prayed , practised , and printed against it , and openly ( as occasion required ) opposed them and their blasphemous principles , and satanical practices ; and thus hath every faithful minister done ( according to the measure of grace received ) and therefore for shame forbear such gross slanders . 2. for my doctrine ; 't is sufficiently known to the world , the summ and substance of it is in great part publisht to the world . 3. that i am an enemy to the king , is as true as all the rest . i preach for him , i pray for him , i print for him , i pay to him , and command men so to do , and am ready to sacrifize my life for him in an honourable way , and when i cannot yeeld active , yet i shall readily yeeld passive obedience , and shall say with bradford the martyr , if the queen will banish mee , i will thank her ; if shee will imprison mee , i will thank her ; if shee will burn mee , i will thank her . or as chrysostome ( before him ) said to the empresse eudoxia , if the queen will , let her banish mee , the earth is the lords , and the fulness thereof ; if shee will , let her saw mee asunder , esay suffered the same . if shee will , let her cast mee into the sea , i will remember jonah . if shee will , let her cast mee into a burning fiery furnace , or amongst wilde beasts , i will remember daniel , and the three children . if shee will , let her stone mee , or cut off my head , i have st. stephen and the baptist my blest companions . if shee will , let her take away all my goods , naked came i out of my mothers womb , & naked shall i return thither again . thus heroickly hee . for my fidelity to the king , in refusing the engagement , i lost two hundred pound , and ran the hazard of my whole livelihood ; for i had no law to recover a penny . at two publick disputations against sectaries , i ran great hazards , at the first 1650. there was a great rabble of sectaries met together , who gave out untoward speeches against mee . in august 1651. about a week before the king came into worcester , i was called to assist in a disputation against some sectaries , this falling out at that juncture of time , i was look'd upon as an enemy to the common-wealth , and therefore the constable was commanded to bring mee in prisoner to worcester , to be there secured amongst the royalists ; and lately have i been threatned ( from another coast ) with an arrest , for opposing the millenarians and fifth-monarchy-men . i mention these things , not for any sinister ends of fear or favour , but to prevent , or at lest to blunt the edge of those vile aspersions , which are cast upon the presbyterians , as if they were enemies to caesar ; when i dare be bold to say , and it were easie to make it good , that god hath not better servants , nor the king better subjects , than those of this judgement . who were it that god made instruments to bring about the great change which is now wrought in the land ? were it not our brethren of scotland ? who were they that petitioned in print for the life of the late king ? were they not the presbyterian ministers of london , one of them losing his head not long after upon a royal account ! who where they that opposed the engagement with invincible arguments in print , were they not the presbyterians of lancashire ? who are those that strenuously opposed debauchery and prophaneness on the one hand , and sects and heresies on the other , when others were dumb , and did tolerate them ? were they not the men of this judgement ? now those that help to keep sin and errour out of a land , those are the best friends to a land , and the kings best subjects . if any shall ob●ect that wee were for king and parliament , i freely confess it , so wee were , and so wee are still ; and so i think is every honest hearted-subject , who understands any thing of the frame of this government . to this wee are bound by the protestation , covenant , and other obligations . i look upon him as an enemy to the land of his nativity , who goes about to separate the king from the parliament , or the parliament from the king. as for the lawfulness of the parliaments war against those that withdrew the king from the parliament ( for there was not the lea●t intent in them to hurt the person of the king , and therefore they were imprisoned by the army ) that case is very learnedly and modestly cleared by dr. austin in his allegiance not impeached , by the parliaments taking up of arms ( though against the kings personal commands ) for the just defence of the kings person the laws of the land , and liberties of the subject ; yea they are bound by the oath of allegiance , so to do , proved from the words of the oath , from principles of law and nature , and other testimonies ; of this judgement is mr. pryn , mr. rutherford in his lex rex , yea b. bilson ( a man far enough from faction or sedition ) concurs with them , yea so doth grotius and barclay . obj. 7. they are many and mighty that approve of such prophane practices , and 't is wisdome to go with the tide of the times , and the current of the world . answ . indeed , if you mean to perish with the world , you may do so , but if you will bee the lords people , you must not fashion your selves like to the world , for the world like a great beast , lies tumbling in its own filth , 1 john 5. 19. the way to hell is a broad way , and hath many passengers , matth. 7. 13. even seneca that wise moralist could say , that 't is one of the worst arguments that a man can use , to say that the multitude doth so and so , and therefore wee 'l do so too . wee are expresly forbidden to follow a multitude in evil , exod. 23. 2. the more joyn together in sin , the nearer to judgement ; generality in sinning brings generality in suffering . when all the old world was corrupted , then came the flood . when all sodom burnt with lust , then came fire from heaven and consumed them . when the mean man boweth down to idols , and the great man humbles himself before them , god will not pardon , isa . 2. 8 , 9. 2 few great men are good men , 1 cor. 1. 26. and therefore follow not any bee hee never so great or good , any further than hee follows christ ; yea should any command you to break the laws of god , yet you must chuse rather to obey god than man. 't is no dishonour to the kings on earth to see the king of kings obeyed before them , and therefore st. peter bids us first fear god , and then honour the king. obj. 8. if god were displeased with such prophane practices , hee would never have born so long with the wicked , nor suffer them to prosper as they do . answ . 1. you are much deceived in thinking they are not punished , for this prospering in wickedness is the sorest punishment , deus tunc magis irascitur , cum non irascitur , god is never more angry , than when hee seems not to bee angry , but lets the wicked prosper in his way , psal . 81. 11 , 12. hos . 4. 14 , 17. 2. though hee bee slow to wrath , yet is hee great in power , and will by no means acquit the wicked , nahum 1. 3. though hee bear long , hee will not alwayes bear , but as men sin against the lord , so first or last let them bee sure their sin will finde them out ; for as piety ▪ hath the promises , and though no man should reward it , yet 't is a reward it self ; so impiety hath the threatnings annexed unto it , and though no man should punish it , yet 't is its own tormentor . gods forbearance is no acquittance , but the longer hee forbears , the heavier will his wrath bee when it comes , and hee will recompence his patience with the fierceness of his fury ( as i have shewed at large elsewhere . ) i shall conclude all with that sweet and seasonable counsel of samuel , 1 sam. 12 ▪ 24 , 25. only fear the lord , and serve him in truth , with all your heart ; for consider how great things hee hath done for you . but if yee shall still do wickedly , yee shall be consumed , both you ▪ and your king. as a mantissa , and little over-weight , i shall give you a coppy of verses , which have lain long by mee , they will give some light ▪ and some delight to ingenious and ingenuous readers . ho passenger ! knowest thou not mee ? where is thy cap , where is thy knee ? thy betters do mee honour give , and swear they 'l do it while they live : both high and low give mee respect , i can command them at my beck : i think thou art some puritan , or censuring precisian , that loves not may-poles , mirth and plaies , but cries , alas , these wretched daies ! that stop their ears ; and shut their eyes , lest they behold our vanities . but goodman-goosecap , let them know , i do disdain their holy show , their peevish humours i do scorn , and hold them wretches all forlorn : their censures all i do shake off , and at their zeal i freely scoff , i will stand here in spight of such , and joy to hear that they do grutch . but prethee fellow learn of mee , my birth , my worth , my pedigree ▪ my name , my fame , my power , and praise , my state my acts , my honoured daies . i am sir may-pole , that 's my name : men , may , and mirth , give mee the same , dame flora once romes famous whore , did give to rome in daies of yore by her last will great legacies , her yearly feasts to solemnize in may-times sportful pleasantness in lust procuring wantonness , in shews and sights of such delight , as mens affections ravisht quite . in bowers of may-sprigs gaily built with flowers and garlands all bedilt , in tuffs of trees , in shady groves , in rounds of sounds , and wanton loves , and thus hath flora , may , and mirth , begun , and cherished my birth , till time and means so favoured mee , that of a twig , i waxt a tree : then all the people less and more , my height and tallness did adore ; romes idol-gods made much of mee , for favouring their idolatry ; when thus inlarged was my fame , then into other lands i came , and found my pomp and bravery increased much by popery ; sith their will-worship i advanc'd , i was most highly countenanc'd : all townships had mee in request , where ere i came , that place was blest , and to say sooth , i 'me near of kin unto that romish man of sin , and why ? ' cause under heavens cope , there 's none i say so near the pope . wherefore the papists give to mee , next papal , second dignity . hath holy father much adoc when hee is chosen : so have i too : doth hee upon mens shoulders ride ? that honour doth to mee betide ; there 's joy at my plantation , as is at his coronation . men women , children , on an heap , do sing and dance , and frisk and leap ; yea drums and drunkards on a rout , before mee make a hideous shout ; whose loud alarms , and bellowing cryes do fright the earth , and pierce the skies . hath holy pope his noble guard ? so have i too , that watch and ward : for where 't is nois'd that i am come , my followers summon'd are by drum . i have a mighty retinue , the scum of all the rascal crew of fidlers , pedlers , jayi-scap't-slaves , of tinkers , turn-coats , tospot-knaves , of theeves , and scape-thrifts many a one , with bouncing besse , and jolly jone , with idle boyes , and journey-men , and vagrants , that their country run : yea , hobby-horse doth hither prance , maid-marrian , and the morrice-dance . my summons fetcheth far and near all that can swagger , roar and swear , all that can dance , and drab , and drink , they run to mee , as to a sink . these , mee for their commander take , and i do them my black-guard make . the pope doth keep his jubilee , a time of mirth , and merry glee : on such as unto rome will go , great benefits hee doth bestow ; for sins past , yea , and sins to come , hee saith hee can free them from doom : hee brings men to transgression , with hope of absolution : and if they will in him beleeve , do what they list , hee 'l them forgive . i dare avouch in doing this , my power is as great as his . my yearly jubilee keep i , which great concourse doth dignifie , and to all such as it frequent , i procure mirth and great content , i do inlarge their conscience , and qualifie each great offence : i take away all fear of evil , of sin and hell , of death and devil : i tell them 't is a time to laugh , to give themselves free leave to quaff , to drink their healths upon their knee , to mix their talk with ribaldry , to reel and spue , to brawl and fight , to scoff and rail with all their might : i bid men cast off gravity , and women eke their modesty : old crones that scarce have tooth or eye , but crooked back , and lamed thigh must have a frisk , and shake their heel , as if no stitch , nor ache they feel . i bid the servant disobey , the childe to say his parents nay . the poorer sort that have no coin , i can command them to purloin : all this , and more , i warrant good , for 't is to maintain neighbour-hood . the pope's a friend to letchery , witness his stews for venery . in this i come not far behinde , i give them leave to take their kinde , i have allurements for the same , as they do know that love the game : first , mirth doth make their passions warm , then liquor strong their lust doth charm , then dancing gestures , looks , and words , more fewel to their fire affords , and ' cause their works do hate the light , wee take th' advantage of the night , which covers with dark canopy , the means producing bastardy . the pope doth challenge power divine , i next to him may say 't is mine . i can command more countenance than can the lords own ordinance : they do to mee their love convert , that from the church withdraw their heart ; i can command from them great cost , who on the poor would think it lost : for mee they will adventure life , they flye the gospels threatned strife ▪ the honour of the sabbath day , my dancing-greens have ta'en away . let preachers prate till they grow wood , where i am , they can do no good . the pope doth every where beat down the haters of his triple crown : bell , book , and candle do defie such as will not on him relye ; and to effect his dear intent , new locusts still from hell are sent , that fill the world with villanies , and act each where their tragedies ; sometimes mens lands , sometimes their state must pay for 't , ' cause they do him hate . and have not i as powerful wrath , to work the world as great a scath ? have not i vassals like the devil , to pay such with all kinde of evil , that ' gainst mee spake , or dare to frown , much more that say , they 'l pull mee down ? these brave my foes unto their face , and glad this office to imbrace . in colour that they plead for mee , they 'l fight against all honesty : to make their foes seem odious , they 'l first proclaim them factious : they 'l term them rebels to the state , and say they seek to innovate , and breed disorder in each thing , yea , that they hate their soveraign king : and if they be not purg'd , the land , nor church , nor commonwealth can stand . then libels foul are cast abroad when filthy slanders lay on load . incarnate devils wee them call , of men most vile , the worst of all . rogues , theeves and drunkards , saith our pen , compar'd with these , are honest men : and as for papists , oh ! they are subjects more true than these by far : yea , puritans wee do them prove , all such as do not may-poles love ; and if some matter there bee found , that wants good proof to make it sound , wee have whole dozens prest to swear , and freely false witness to bear : yea , when my rogues do victuals want , when mony , cloths , and all grow scant , then forth a forraging they go , and fall upon our common foe . no pillage seemeth half so good , as what is stollen from th' brotherhood . thus do wee joy our foes to grieve , and 't is our death that they do live . and lest you think my stately port , maintain'd alone by th' baser sort : i have some of a better note , that jet it in a silken coat ; i cannot boast much of their grace , but this i le say , they 're men of place , whose country-worship hath great praise for may-polizing now adaies ; though cold enough in better things , in this they reign like parish-kings ; though bit to th' bare by usury , yet prodigal to maintain mee : yea , gentiles of the female kinde , to mee devoted have their mind , they keep my festivals with joy , and fence mee from my foes annoy . themselves sometimes will lead the dance ▪ and tomboy-like , will leap and prance : and though they seem ( o fatal hap ) as light as feathers in their cap , yet how much bound to them am i , to grace mee with their levity ! and more than these , some learned men , perhaps divines , what say you then ? that have disputed oft in schools , i hope these are no simple fools : these stifly do maintain my cause , to bee according to gods laws ; they say , i benefit the poor , and help t' increase the churches store , they 'l make them good , were 't not for mee , all love would perish speedily . they champion-like , dare to maintain , that papists to the church i gain , where neither fear of god nor man , can make them come , these say , i can . o leap for joy , yee papists all , sith these do you my converts call , and cleave no more to popish rites : you are sir may-poles proselites . now traveller learn more grace to show ; and see that thou thy betters know . thou hear'st what i say for my self , i am no ape , i am no elf , i am no base ones parasite , i am this great worlds favorite , and sith thou must now part mee fro , let this my blessing with thee go . there 's not a knave in all the town , nor swearing courtier , nor base clown , nor dancing lob , nor mincing quean , nor popist clerk ▪ bee 't priest or dean , nor knight debaucht , nor gentleman , that follows drabs , or cup or can , that will give thee a friendly look , if thou a may-pole canst not brook . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a45334-e210 a an old roman strumpet the goddess of may-games . b una dolo divúm , &c. aeneid . lib. 4. c the flesh . d adultery . e fornication . f lasciviousness . g drunkenness . h carm. lib. 2. ode 13. notes for div a45334-e790 hodie mihi juppiter esto , cras mihi truncus eris , ficulnus inutile lignum . notes for div a45334-e1310 cantants fremunt , perstrepunt , tumultuantur , & fu●entibus similes insanire videntur . nicol. de clemangis , de novis celebritatibus non instituendis . vetus fabula , novi histriones . quid tristes queremoniae , si non supplicio culpa reciditur , quid leges sine moribus vanae proficiunt ? horat . carm. l. 3. ode 24. against healths . see my comment , on 2 tim. 3. 3. p 94. i have this from an eye-witness , and cannot but mourn to think , that those who should bee teachers of others , have learnt no better themselves , surgunt indocti & rapiunt coelum , &c. yea in some places maids drink healths upon their knees ; 't is vile in men , but abominable in women . there were two persons of quality , that some years since drank this kings health upon their knees , and not long after sought to betray him ; this i have from an eye-witness of good quality . omne tempus clod or , non omnes ( atones feret . sen. epist , 98. v. de croy. conformities chap. 19. conform . 1. p. 44. v. hospinian de orig. festorum p. 99. polydor. virgil. lib. 4. cap. 14. & lib. 5. cap. 2. godwin antiq. lib. 1. sect . 2. c. 9. p. 7 , 8. & l. 2. sect . 3. cap. 3. p. 87. floralia in honorem florae ; è meret●ice deae factae , agebantur à meretricibus exutis , omni cum verborum licentia , motu●mque obscaenitate . farnab . in martial . epig lib. 1. p. 2. v. aug. de civit . dei. lib. 4. cap. 8 the heathens had thirty thousand gods . weemse on 2d . command . chap 5. p. 97. vol. 2. hi ludi celebrantur cum omni laseivia , convenientes memoria meretricis . nauclerus chronogra . volat. gener. 24. p. 48. cui calculum adjecit munster in cosmographi . & rosinus de antiquit , rom. lib. 5. cap. 15. val. maximus lib. 2. c. 20. sect . 8. & seneca epist . 98. quid de effoeminata dicam juventute , quae iuxu illis temporibus ac petualantiâ dissoluta , cunctis flagitiorum generibus implicatur ? clemangis de novis celebritat . non instit . p. 144. our latras ? furem video , philip . dixit . * v. the canterburian self-conviction . * ad deteriora faciles sumus , quia nec dux , nec comes deesse potest ; & res ipsa sine duce , sine comite procedit , non pronum est iter tantum ad vitia , sed praceps . seneca epist . 98. non nisi grande aliquod bonum quod à nerone damnatum tertul. advers . gentes , cap. 5. see reasons to move us to redeem time , in mr. ambrose his sermon on eph. 5. 16. see the danger of carnal pleasures , in my comment . on 2 tim. 3. 4. p. 119 , &c. bis dicitur , quod per similitudinem dicitur . plin nat. hist . l. 18 c. 29. lactant. de falsa relig. l. 1. c. 20. fluvius quidam eloquent : â tulliana lactantius . v. ord. of parliament for the lords day , 1644. the king took it at his coronation in scotland , jan. 1. 1651. as appears by an excellent sermon preached by mr. robert douglas , p. 28. v. dr. griffiths serm. on prov. 24. ●● . p. 12. preached at mercers chap. 1660. ames c●s . cons . l. 5. 6. 39. babington on the 7th commandement . floralia cum maxima lascivia , ludis , atque jocis obscaenis , conviviis luxuriosis , coronis , saltationibus , cultu versicolore & luminibus , celebrati fuere , christianorum cujusmodi sunt hodie floralia eodem mense maio , stuckii antiquit. ovid. fastorum lib. 5. ludi florales in circo sive theatro , celebrati . coronâ cinctis . nemo malum odit , nisi qui distincte videt . barlow exercit . metaphys . p. 28. nullum vitium sine patrocinio . quae major voluptas quam fastidium talis voluptatis ? tertul . de spectac . c. 29. ubi plura . b. halls meditations and vows , cent . 3. med . 47. perkins cas . cons . l. 3. s . 4. q. 1. p. 141. boltons directions for walking . p. 154 , &c. v mr. pryn , in several treatises against episcopacy . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , absurd fellows , a compact of meer incongruities , solecising continually in opinion , speech , action , and whole life , dr. slatyr . in my com. on amos 4. 4 , 5. the great danger that is in little sins , you may see in an accurate little tract . of mr. peck , on that subject . gravissima quaeque persecutio semper suit sub praetextu aliquo honestissimo , queque major erat crudelitas , co semper fuit praetextus speciosior . rolloc . in johan . dr. griffith in his samaritan revived , p. 65. and in his sermon on prov. 24. 21. p. 40 , 41 quis tulerit gracchos de seditione querentes ? juven . * v. dr. davenant , determ . quest . 17. p. 81 * dr. prideaux , higgaion selah sect 7 , 8. p. 17 , 18 , 19. v. mr. pryn , the treachery and disloyalty of papists to their soveraigns . ille est publicus inimicus cui haec voluptas displicet . aug. de civit . dei , l. 2. c. 21. bilson . philand . par . 3. p. 179. grotius de jure belli , l. 1. c. 4. argumentum pessimum est turba . sen. see fifteen reasons against following the world . burroughs on mat. 11. 29. chap. 48. p. 204. rectè fecisse praemium est . sen. maxima peccantium poena , est peccasse . nec ullum scelus licèt fortuna illud exornet muneribus suis , licèt tueatur ac vindicet , impunitum est , quoniam sceleris in scelere supplicium est . senec. epist . 98. in my com. on hos . 13. 12. p. 6 , 7. an arrant thiefe, vvhom euery man may trust in vvord and deed, exceeding true and iust. with a comparison betweene a thiefe and a booke. written by iohn taylor. taylor, john, 1580-1653. 1622 approx. 63 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13419 stc 23728 estc s118181 99853390 99853390 18773 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13419) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 18773) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1010:18) an arrant thiefe, vvhom euery man may trust in vvord and deed, exceeding true and iust. with a comparison betweene a thiefe and a booke. written by iohn taylor. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [44] p. printed by edw: all-de, for henry gosson, and are to bee solde in panier-alley, london : 1622. in verse. signatures: a-b c⁶. running title reads: a thiefe. reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title 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processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -social life and customs -17th century -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2003-04 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-03 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2005-03 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an arrant thiefe , whom euery man may trust : in word and deed , exceeding true and iust. with a comparison betweene a thiefe and a booke . written by iohn taylor . london . printed by edw : all-de , for henry gosson , and are to bee solde in panier-alley . 1622. this water rat , ( or art ) i would commend , but that i know not to begin or end : he read his verses to me , and which more is did moue my muse to write laudem authoris , if for his land discoueries * she should praise him , whether would then his liquid knowledge raise him ? reade his two treatises of theefe and whore , you le thinke it time for him to leaue his oare . yet thus much of his worth i cannot smother , t is well for vs when theeues peach one another . this preface is but poore , 't is by a boy done , that is a scholler of the schoole of croydon , who when he hath more yeares and learning got , hee 'l praise him more or lesse , or not a jot . giuen vpon shroue tuesday from our seate , in the second forme of the famous free schoole of croydon . by richard hatton . when a fresh waterman doth turne salt poet , his muse must prattle all the world must know it : of whores and theiues ( he writes two merry bookes ) he loues them both , i know it by his lookes . alas i wrong him : blame my muse not mee , she neuer spake before , and rude may bee . giuen from the lowe estate of the fift forme neere to the schoole doore at croydon beforesaid , by george hatton . to the hopefvll paire of brethren , and my worthy patrones , master richard , and george hatton , loue , learning , and true happines . your muses , th' one a youth , and one an infant , gaue me two panegericks at one instant : the first pen , the first line it pleasd to walke in , did make my art a rat , and like grimalkin , or a kinde needfull vermin-coursing cat , by art i play , but will not eate your rat. i thanke you that you did so soone determine , to annagram my art into a vermine , for which i vow , if e're you keepe a dayrie , of ( now and then ) a cheese i will impaire yee . kinde mr. george , your muse must be exalted , my poetry you very well haue salted . salt keepes thinges sweet , & make them rellish sauory and you haue powdred well my honest kna &c. i thanke you to , nor will i be ingratefull , whilest rime or reason deignes to fill my patefull , you truely say that i loue whores and thieues well , and halfe your speech i think the world belieues well , for should i hate a theefe , theeues are so common , i well could neither loue my selfe or no man , but for whores loue , my purse would neuer hold out , they 'l heate and picke the siluer and the gold out . you both haue grac'd my thiefe , he bath confessed , you ( like two shrieues ) conuay'd him to be pressed . in mirth you write to me , on small requesting , for which i thanke you both , in harmlesse iesting , and may your studies to such goodnes raise you , that god may euer loue , and good men praise you . yours , when you will , where you will , in what you will , as you will , with your will , again your will ; at this time , at all time , at all times or some●times , in pastimes . iohn taylor to any reader he or shee , it makes no matter what they bee . when you open this first leafe , imagine you are come within the doore of my house , where according as you behaue your selues you are courteously welcome , or you may lay downe the booke , and goe the same way you came : the flattering of readers , or begging their acceptance is an argument that the ware is scarce good which the author meanes to vtter , or that it is a cheape yeare of wit , and his lyes vpon his handes , which makes him pittifully , like a supliant to begin honorably complaineth to your humblenes , ( 't is but mistaken , the first should be last . ) some men haue demanded of me , why i doe write vpon such sleight subiects , as the praise of hempseed . the trauailes of twelue-pence . taylors goose. the antiquity of begging . a cormorant . a cōmon whore. and now an arrant thiefe ? ●o whom i answer heere , that many graue and excellent writers haue imployed their studyes to good purposes in as triuiall matters as my selfe ; and i am assured that the meaner the subiect is , the better the inuention must bee , for ( as tom nash said ) euery foole can fetch water out of the sea or picke corne out of full sheaues , but to wring● oyle out of flint , or make a plentifull haruest with little or no seede , that 's the workman , but that 's not i. and gentlemen , as i lately sent you a whore that was honest , so i haue now sent you a thiefe , that will neuer rob you nor picke your pockets of more then you are willing to part with all . yours at all good times iohn taylor a thiefe . i lately to the world did send a * whore and she was welcom , though she was but poore and being so , it did most strange appeere that pouerty found any welcome heere , but when i saw that many rich men sought , my whore , & with their coine her freedom bought i mus'd , but as the cause i out did ferrit ● found some rich in purse , some poore in merrit some learned schollers , some that scarse could spell : yet all did loue an honest whore , right well , t was onely such as those that entertaind hir , whilst scornful knaues , & wides fooles disdaind hir . now to defend her harmels innocence , i send this thiefe to be her iust defence : against all truemen , and i le vndertake there are not many that dare answer make . then rowze my muse , be valiant , and be briefe , be confident my true and constant thiefe : thy trade is scatt'red , vniuersally , throughout the spacious worlds rotundity , for all estates and functions great and small , are for the most part thieues ingenerall . excepting millers , weauers , taylers , and such true trades as no stealing vnderstand . thou art a thiefe ( my booke ) and being so thou findst thy fellowes wheresoeu'r thou goe , birds of a feather still will hold together and all the world with thee are of a feather : the ods is , thou art a thiefe by nomination , and most of men are thieues in their vocation . thou neither dost cog , cheate , steale sweare or lye or gather'st goods by false dishonesty , and thou shalt liue when many of the crue shall in a halter bid the world adue . and now a thought into my minde doth fall to proue whence thieues haue their originall : i finde that iupiter did wantonly on maya get a sonne call'd mercurye , to whom the people oft did sacrifice , accounting him the god of marchandize : of elloquence , and rare inuention sharpe , and that he first of all deuisd the harpe . the god of tumblers , iuglers , fooles & iesters , of thieues , and fidlers that the earth bepesters , faire venus was his sister , and i finde he was to her so much vnkindely kinde , that hee on her begat hermophrodite as ouid very wittily doth write : his wings on head and heeles true emblems bee how quick he can inuent , how quickly ●lee : by him are thieues inspirde , and from his guift they plot to steale and run away most swift : in their conceites and sleights , no men are sharper , each one as nimble finger'd as a harper . thus thieuing is not altogether base but is descended from a lofty race . moreouer euery man , himselfe doth showe to be the sonne of addam , for we knowe he stole the fruite , and euer since his se●de , to steale from one another haue agreede . our infancy is theft , t is manyfest we crie and rob our parents of their rest : our childe-hood robs vs of our infancy , and youth doth steale our childe-hood wantonly : then man-hood pilfers all our youth away , and middle-age , our manhood doth conuay vnto the thieuing hands of feeble age , thus are we all thieues , all our pilgrimage , in all which progresse , many times by stealth strange sicknesses doth rob vs of our health . rage steales our reason , enuy thinkes it fit to steale our loue , whilst folly steales our wit. pride filcheth from vs our humillity , and leachery doth steale our honesty , base auarice , our conscience doth purloin , whilst sloath to steale our mindes from work doth ioyne time steales vpon vs , whilst we take small care , and makes vs olde before we be a ware : sleepe and his brother death conspire our fall the one steales halfe our liues , the other all . thus are we robb'd by morpheus , and by mors till in the end , each corps is but a coarse , note but the seasons of the yeare , and see how they like thieues to one another be from winters frozen face , through snow & showers the spring doth steale roots , plāts , buds & flowers , then sommer robs the spring of natures sute , and haruest robs the sommer of his fruite , then winter comes againe , and he bereaues the haruest of the grayne , and trees of leaues , and thus these seasons robs each other still round in their course , like horses in a mill . the elements , earth , vvater , ayre , and fire to rob each other daily doe conspire : the fiery sun from th' ocean , and each riuer exhales their waters , which they all deliuer : this water , into clowdes the ayre doth steale where it doth vnto snow or haile conicale , vntill at last earth robs the ayre againe of his stolne treasure haile , sleete , snow or raine . thus be it hot or cold , or dry , or wet , these thieues , from one another steale and get . night robs vs of the day , and day of night : light pilfers darknes , and the darknes light . thus life , death , seasons , and the elements and day & night , for thieues are presidents . two arrant thieues we euer beare about vs the one within , the other is without vs , all that we get by toyle , or industry our backs and bellies steale continually , for though men labour with much care & carke , lie with the lamb downe , rise vp with the lark . ●weare and forsweare , deceaue , and lie and cog , and haue a conscience worse then any dog , ●e most vngracious , extreame vile and base , and ( so he gaine ) not caring for disgrace : let such a man or woman count their gaines they haue but meat , & rayment for their paines . no more haue they that do liue honestest those that can say their consciences are best , their bellies and their backs , day , night and hower , the fruites of all their labours do deuower : these thieues do rob vs , with our owne good will , and haue dame natures warrant for it still , ●omtimes these sharks do work each others wrack the rauening belly , often robs the back : will feed like diues , with quaile , raile , & pheasant and be attir'd all tatter'd like a peasant , ●ometimes the gawdy back , mans belly pines , ●or which he often with duke humphrey dines : ●he whilst the minde defends this hungry stealth and sayes a temp'rate dyet mainetaines health , ●et corland crie , let guts with famine mourne , the maw's vnseene , good outsides must be worne , thus do these thieues rob vs , and in this pother the minde consents , and then they rob each other : our knowledge and our learning ( oft by chance ) doth steale and rob vs of our ignorance : yet ignorance may sometimes gaine promotion where it is held the mother of deuotion ) but knowledge ioynd with learning , are poor things that many times a man to begg'ry brings : and fortune very oft doth iustly fit some to haue all the wealth , some all the wit. tobacco robs some men , if so it list it steales their coyne ( as thieues do ) in a mist : some men to rob the pot will neu'r refraine vntill the pot rob them of all againe , a prodigall can steale exceeding briefe , picks his owne purse , and is his owne deare thiefe : and thus within vs , and without vs we are thieues , and by thieues alwayes pillagde be . first then vnto the greatest thieues of all whose thecu'ry is most high and capitall : you that for pomp , and titles transitory rob your almighty maker of his glory , and giue the honour due to him alone vnto a carued block , a stock or stone , an image , a similytude , or feature of angell , saint , or man , or any creature , to alters , lamps , to holly bread , or waters , to shrines , or tapers , or such iugling matters , to relliques , of the dead , or of the liuing this is the most supreamest kind of theiuing . besides they all commit this fellonie that breake the saboath day malliciouslie , god giues vs sixe dayes and himselfe hath one , wherein he would ( with thanks ) be calld vpon : and those that steale that day to bad abuses , robs god of honour , without all excuses : vnto these thieues , my thiefe doth plainely tell that though they hang not here , they shall in hell ●xcept repentance , ( and vnworthy guerdon ●hrough our redemers merits ) gaine their pardon . ●hen ther 's a crew of thieues that prie and lu●ch ●nd steale and share the liuings of the church ; ●hese are hells factors , marchants of all euill , ●obs god of soules , and giue them to the deuill . ●or where the tythe of many a parish may ●llowe a good sufficient preacher paye , ●et hellish pride , or lust , or auarice , ●r one or other fowle licentious vice , ●obs learning robs the people of their teaching who in seauen yeares perhaps doth heare no preaching when as the parsonage by accounts is found ●earely worth two , 3. or 4. hundred pound , ●et are those soules seru'd , or else staru'd i feare ●ith a poore reader for eight poundes a yeare . preacher breakes to vs the heau'nly bread ●hereby our straying soules are taught and fed : ●nd for this heau'nly worke of his , 't is sence ●hat men allow him earthly recompence . ● shall he giue vs foode that 's spirituall ●nd not haue meanes to feede him corporall ? 〈◊〉 ; ( of all men ) t is most manifest , ●ainefull churchman earnes his wages best . ●●ose that keepe back the tythes , i tell them true 〈◊〉 arrant thieues in robbing god , of'is due : 〈◊〉 he that robs gods church ( 't encrese their pelse ) ●is most apparent , they rob god himselfe . the patron oft deales with his minister as dionisius did with iupiter he stole his golden cloake , and put on him a coate of cotton , ( nothing neere so trim ) and to excuse his theft , he said the gold was ( to be worne ) in winter time , too cold , but in the summer , t was too hot and heauy , and so some patrones vse the tribe of leuy : that for the winters cold , or summers heate , they are so pold , they scarse haue cloathes & meat . amongst the rest , there may some pastors be , who enter in through cursed simonie : but all such are notorious thieues therefore they climb the wall , & not com through the dore , thus menelaus did the priesthood win from iason by this simonayck sinn , for he did pay three hundred tallents more then iason would ( or could ) disburse therefore . and many a mitred pope and cardinall this way haue got their state pontificall : these rob and steale , ( for which all good men grieu●● and make the house of praier , a den of thieues . but though the hangman , heere they can outface yet they shall all hang in a worser place . then there are thieues who make the church their gaines vvho can preach wel , yet will not take the paines : dumb dogs , or rau'ning wolues , whose careles care doth fat themselues , & keep their flocks most bare . besides churchwardens , with a griping fist like thieues may rob their vestry , if they list . the poores neglector ( o i pardon craue ) collector i should say , may play the knaue , the thiefe i would haue said , but chuse you whether he may be both , and so he may be neither . so leauing church thieues , with their cursed stealth , he now descend vnto the common-wealth . and yet me thinkes i should not passe the court , but sure thieues dare not thither to resort . but of all thieues in any kings dominion , a flatterer is a cutpurse of opinion , that like a pick-pocket , doth lye and wayte , to steale himselfe into a mans conceit . this thiefe will often dawbe a great mans vice , or rate his vertue at too lowe a price , or at too high a pitch his worth will raise , to fill his eares with flatt'ry any wayes . ●urueyors , and purueyors , now and then may steale , and yet be counted honest men . when men doe for their liuing labour true , ●e's a base thiefe that payes them not their due . they are all thieues , that liue vpon the fruites of monnopollies if vngodly suites . ●he iudge or iustice that doe bribes desire like thieues , deserue a halter for their hire . ● reuerend father , worthy of beleeuing , ●aid taking bribes was gentleman like thieuing . ● marchant now and then his goods may bring , and steale the custome , and so rob the king. thieues they are all , that scrape and gather treasures , by wares deceitfull , or false weights or measures . that landlord is a thiefe that rackes his rents , and mount the price of rotten tenements , almost vnto a damned double rate , and such a thiefe as that , my selfe had late . a paire of louers , are starke thieues , for they doe kindely steale each others hearts away . extortioners , i thieues may truely call , who take more int'rest , then the principall . executors , and ouer-seers thieuing , haue often wrong'd the dead , and rob'd the liuin● all those within the ranke of thieues must bee , that trust their wares out from 3. monthes to thre● and makes their debtors thrice the worth to pay , because they trust them , these are thieues i say , that doe sell time , which vnto god belongs , and begger whō they trust most , with these wron● he is a thiefe , and basely doth purloyne , who borroweth of his neighbours goods , or coyn● and can , but will no satisfaction giue , these are the most notorious thieues that liue , vpon such thieues ( if law the same allow'd ) a hanging were exceeding well bestow'd . a farmer is a thiefe , that hoards vp graine in hope of dearth , by either drouth or raine , he steales gods treasures , and doth quite forget , that ouer them hee 's but a steward set , and for his rob'ry he deserues to weare a riding knot an inch below his eare. of drinking thieues exceeding store there are , that steale themselues drunke e're they be aware these are right rob-pots , rob-wits , and rob-purses , to gaine diseases , begg'ry , and gods curses . drawers , and tapsters too , are thieues i thinke , that nick their pots , and cheate men of their drinke , ●nd when guests haue their liquor in their braine , ●●eale pots halfe full , to fill them vp againe . though this be thieu'ry yet i must confesse , ●is honest theft to punish drunkennes . ●nd of small thieues , the tapster i preferre , ●e is a drunkards executioner , ●or whilest his money lasts he much affects him , ●hen , with the rod of pouerty corrects him . ● chamberlaine vnto his guests may creepe ●nd pick their pockets , when th' are drunke asleepe ▪ ●ut amongst thieues , that are of lowe repute ●n hostler is a thiefe , most absolute : ●e with a candles end horse teeth can grease , ●hey shall eate neither hay , oates , beanes , or pease , ●esides a hole i th maunger , and a bag ●ang'd vnderneath may cozen many a nag , ●nd specially , if in a stable darke , ●one doe not the hostlers knau'ry marke . ●e will deceiue a man , before his face , ●n the peck's bottome , some few oates hee 'l place which seemes as if it to the brim were full , ●nd thus the knaue both man and horse will gull. ●he breake horsebread , he can thus much doe , ●mongst fiue loaues , his codpiece swallowes two , ●he hostler sayes the horse hath one good tricke , ●uicke at his meate , he needs must trauell quicke . if men , at full racke for their horsmeat pay , so hard into the racke hee 'l tread the hay , that out , the poore beasts cannot get a bit , and th'hostler held an honest man for it , for who would thinke the horses want their right , when as the racke is still full , day and night ? with bottles , if men will haue horses fed , to each a groates worth ere they goe to bed , the thieuish hostler can rob horse and men , and steale the bottles from the racke agen , and put in hay that 's pist vpon , i wot , which being dry'd , no horse will eate a jot , and all such hostlers , wheresoe're they bee , deserue a horses nightcap for their fee. one stole a wife , and marryed her in post , a hanging had bin better stolne , almost : by her he night and day was long perplex'd , cornuted , scolded at , defam'd , and vex'd , that ( in comparison of all his paine ) a friendly hanging had bin mighty gaine . there 's an olde speech , a tayler is a thiefe , and an olde speech he hath for his reliefe , i le not equiuocate , i 'le giue him 's due he ( truly ) steales not , or he steales not , true , those that report so , mighty wrong doth doe him , for how can he steale that , that 's brought vnto him and it may be they were false idle speeches , that one brought cotton once , to line his breeches and that the tayler layde the cotton by , and with olde painted cloath , the roome supply , ●hich as the owner ( for his vse ) did weare , nayle , or sceg , by chance his breech did teare , 〈◊〉 which he saw the linings , and was wroth ; ●r diues and lazarus on the painted cloath , ●he gluttons dogs , and hels fire hotly burning , ●ith feinds & fleshooks , whence ther 's no returning , ●e rip'd the other breech , and there he spide , ●he pamper'd prodigall on cockhorse ride : ●here was his fare , his fidlers , and his whores , ●is being poore , and beaten out of doores , ●is keeping hogs , his eating huskes for meate , ●is lamentation , and his home retreat , ●is welcome to his father , and the feast , ●he fat calfe kill'd , all these thinges were exprest . ●hese transformations fild the man with feare , ●hat he hell fire within his breech * should beare , ●e mus'd what strange inchantments he had bin in , ●hat turn'd his linings , into painted linnen . ●is feare was great , but at the last to rid it , 〈◊〉 wizard tolde him , 't was the tayler did it . ●ne tolde me of a * miller that had power ●ometimes to steale 5. bushels out of foure : ●s once a windmill ( out of breath ) lack'd winde , ● fellow brought foure bushels there to grinde , ●nd hearing neither noyse of knap or tiller , ●ayd downe his corne , and went to seeke the miller : ●ome two flight-shoot to th'alehouse he did wag , ●nd left his sacke in keeping with his nag , ●he miller came a by-way vp the hill , and saw the sacke of corne stand at the mill , perceiuing none that could his theft gaine-say , for toll tooke bag and grist , and all away . and a crosse way vnto the alehouse hy'd him , whereas the man that sought him , quickly spide him kinde miller ( quoth the man ) i left but now a sacke of wheate , and i intreat that thou wilt walke vp to the mill where it doth lye , and grinde it for me now the winde blowes hye . so vp the hill they went , and quickly found the bag & corn , stolne from the ground vngrown the poore man with his losse was full of griefe , he , and the miller went to seeke the theefe , or else the corne , at last all tyr'd and sad , ( seeking both what he had not , and he had ) the miller ( to appease or ease his paine ) solde him one bushell of his owne againe . thus out of 4. the man fiue bushels lost , accounting truely all his corne and cost . to mend all of this thieuing millers brood , one halfe houres hanging would be very good . but there 's a kinde of stealing misticall , pickpocket wits , silch lines sophisticall , villaines in vearse , base runagates in rime , false rob-wits , and contemned slaues of time , purloyning thieues , that pilfer from desart the due of study , and reward of art. pot poets , that haue skill to steale translations , and ( into english ) filch strange tongues and natio● and change the language of good wits vnknown● these thieuish rascals print them for their owne . ●istake me not good reader any wayes , ●ranslators doe deserue respect and praise , ●or were it not for them , we could not haue ● bible , that declares our soules to saue , ●nd many thousands worthy workes would lye ●ot vnderstood , or in obscurity , ● they by learned mens intelligence , were not translated with great diligence : honour such , and he that doth not so , ●ay his soule sin●ke to euerlasting woe . speake of such as steale regard and fame , who doe translate , and hide the authors name , or such as are so barren of inuention , that cannot write a line worth note , or mention , ●et vpon those that can will belch their spite , and with malitious tongues their names backbite . ●o this effect i oft haue wrote before , ●nd am inforced now this one time more , ●o take my pen againe into my fist , and answer a deprauing emblemist , ● spare to name him , but i tell him plaine , ●e're he dare abuse me so againe , ●e whip him with a yerking satyres lash , ●ang'd like th' inuectiue muse of famous nash. that he shall wish he had not beene , or beene hang'd , e're he mou'd my iust incenced spleene . he hath reported most malitiously , 〈◊〉 sundry places amongst company , that i doe neither write , nor yet inuent the thinges that ( in my name ) doe passe in print . but that some scholler spends his time and braine , and let me haue the glory and the gaine . is any poet in that lowe degree , to make his muse worke iourney-worke to me ? or are my lines with eloquence imbellish'd , as any learning in them may be relish'd ? those that thinke so , they either iudge in hast , or else their iudgements pallat's out of tast . my pen in hellicon , i ne're did dip , and all my schollership is schullership , i am an english-man , and haue the scope to write in mine owne countries speech ( i hope ) for homer was a grecian , and i note that all his workes in the greeke tongue he wrote ▪ virgill , and ouid , neither did contemne to vse that speech , their mother 's taught to them . du bartas , petrarcke , tasso , all their muses , did vse the language that their countrey vses . and though i know but english , i suppose i haue as many tongues as some of those . their studies were much better , yet i say i vse my countries speech , and so did they . because my name is taylor , some doe doubt , my best inuention comes by stealing out from other vvriters workes , but i reply , and giue their doubtfull diffidence the lye . to close this point i must be very briefe , and call them knaues , that calls me poet thiefe . but yet a poets theft , i must not smother , for they doe often steale from one another : they call it borrowing , but i thinke it true , to tearme it stealing , were a style more due . there is a speech , that poets still are poore , ●ut ne're till now i knew the cause wherefore : vvhich is , when their inuentions are at best , then they are dayly rob'd , 't is manifest , for noble thieues , and poore thieues all conjoyne , from painefull writers studies to purloyne , and steale their flashes , and their sparkes of wit , still vtt'ring them at all occasions fit , as if they were their owne , and these men are for their stolne stuffe esteemed wise and rare . they call it borrowing , but i tell them plaine ●tis stealing , for they neuer pay againe . the vse of money 's ten i' th hundred still , and men in bonds bound , as the owner will , but wit and poetry ( more worth then treasure ) is from the owners borrowed , at mens pleasure , and to the poets lot it still doth fall , to loose both interest and principall . this is the cause that poets are poore men , th' are rob'd , and lend , and ne're are payde agen . t is said that iacob ( counsel'd by his mother ) did steale his fathers blessing from his brother , this was a theft which few will imitate , their fathers blessings are of no such rate , for though some sonnes might haue them for the crauing , yet they esteeme them scarcely worth the hauing , their fathers money they would gladly steale , but for their blessings they regard no deale . and by their waters , you may guesse and gather ; that they were sick , and grieued of the father : but on such thieues as those , i plainely say a hansom hanging were not cast away . some thieues may through an admirable skill , an honest common wealth both poll and pill : these fellowes steale secure as they were millers , and are substanciall men , their countries pillers : purloyning polers , or the barbars rather , that shaue a kingdome , cursed wealth to gather ; these pillers , or these caterpillers swarmes grow rich , and purchase goods by others harmes ▪ and liue like feinds , extreamely fear'd , and hated and are , and shal be euer execrated . a king of britaine once catellus * nam'd vpon record his charity is fam'd : his iustice , and his memory was so ample he hang'd vp all opressors , for example . if that lawe once againe were in request then , of all trades a hangman were the best . these are the broode of barrabas , and these can rob , and be let loose againe at ease , whilst christ ( in his poore members ) euery day , doth suffer ( through their theaft ) and pine away . and sure all men , of whatsoere degree of science , art , or trade or mysterie , or occupation , whatsoere they are for truth cannot with watermen compare . i know ther 's some obiections may be made , how they are rude , vnciuill in their trade , ●ut that is not the question i propounde ● say no theaft can in the trade be founde , our greatest foes by no meanes can reueale , which way we can deceiue , or cheate , or steale : we take men in , and land them at their pleasure , and neuer bate them halfe an inch of measure , still at one price our selues we waste and weare , though all things else be mounted double deare , and in a word , i must conclude and say a waterman can be a thiefe no way . except one way , which i had halfe forgot he now and then perhaps may rob the pot , steale himselfe drunke , and be his owne purspicker , and chimically turnes his coyne to liquer : this is almost a vniuersall theaft a portion fathers to their sonnes haue left , men are begot , and doe like their begetters and watermen doe learne it of their betters . ther 's nothing that doth make them poore and bare , but cawse they are such true men as they are : for if they would but steale , like other men the gallowes would deuoure them now and then whereby their number quickly would be lesse , which ( to their wants ) would be a good redresse , their pouerty doth from their truth proceede their way to thriue were to be thieues indeede , if they would steale and hang as others doe those that suruiue it were a healpe vnto , truth is their trade , and truth doth keepe them poore but if their truth were lesse their wealth were more , all sortes of men worke all the meanes they can , to make a thiefe of euery water-man : and as it were in one consent they ioyne , to trot by land i' th' dirt , and saue their coyne . carroaches , coaches , iades and flanders mares , doe rob vs of our shares , our wares , our fares . against the ground we stand and knocke our heeles , whilest all our profit runnes away on wheeles , and whoseuer but obserues and notes the great increase of coaches , and of boates : shall finde their number more then e're they were , by halfe and more within these thirty yeare . then watermen at sea had seruice still , and those that stay'd at home had worke at will , then vpstart helcart-coaches were to seeke , a man could scarce see twenty in a weeke , but now i thinke a man may dayly see , more then the whirryes on the thames can be . when queene elizabeth , came to the crowne , a coach in england , then was scarcely knowne , then 't was as rare to see one , as to spy a tradesman that had neuer tolde a lye . but now , like plagues of aegipt , they doe swarme , as thicke as frogs , or lice , vnto our harme . for though the king , the counsell , and such states , as are of high superiour ranckes , and rates : for port or pleasure , may their coaches haue , yet 't is not fit that euery whore or knaue , and fulsome madams , and new scuruy squires , should iolt the streets in pomp , at their desires , like great tryumphant tamberlaines , each day , drawne with the pamper'd iades of belgia , that almost all the streets are choak'd out-right , where men can hardly passe from morne 'till night . whilest watermen want worke , and are at ease , to carry one another , if they please , or else sit still , and poorely starue and dye . for all their liuings on foure wheeles doe flye . good reader thinke it not too long , or much that i thus amply , on this point doe tutch , now we are borne , we would our worke apply to labour , and to liue vntil we dye , and we could liue well , but for coaches thieuing . that euery day doe rob vs of our liuing . if we , by any meanes , could learne the skill to rob the coachmen , as they rob vs still : then in the sessions booke it would appeare , they would be hang'd fiue hundred in a yeare . besides it is too manifestly knowne , they haue the sadlers trade almost o'rethrowne , and the best leather in our kingdome they consume and waste ; for which poore men doe pay . our bootes and shooes to such high price they reare , that all our profit can buy none to weare . ● in bohemia saw , that all but lords , or men of worth , had coaches drawne with cords : and i my necke vnto the rope would pawne , that if our hackney ratlers were so drawne , with cords , or ropes , or halters , chuse yee whether it quickly would bring downe the price of leather . then watermen should haue more worke i hope , when euery hireling coach drawne with a rope , would make our gallants stomack at the matter and now and then to spend their coyne by water . without all flattery , here my minde i breake , the prouerb saies , giue loosers leaue to speake : they carry all our fares , and make vs poore that to our boates we scarce can get a whore , some honest men and women , now and then will spend their moneyes amongst watermen , but we are growne so many , and againe our fares so few , that little is our gaine . yet for all this ( to giue the deuill his due ) our honest trade can no wayes be vntrue . if some be rude amongst the multitude 't is onely want of worke that makes them rude , 't is want of money and of manners to that makes them do as too too oft they doe and euery good thing that in them is scant it still must be imputed to their want . but leauing true men , i must turne my stile to paltry thieues , whose glory is their guile : for thrice three hundred of them from one tooke some of them ready money , some a booke , and set their hands to billes , to pay to me when i from scotland should returned be . crouns , pounds or angels , what thy pleas'd to writ i haue their fists to shewe in blacke and white . and after that , i to bohemia went , and gaue out money , and much money spent : and for these things , those thieues ingenerall , will neither giue me gaine or principall . ● lately wrought a pamphlet to the crue , ●hat spake their due , for keeping of my due : wherein i gaue them thankes that had me paide , ●nd pardond , those that in their graues were laid : ●o those that were exceeding poore , or fled , except good words ) i very little sed , ● praid for them that onely would and could not ●nd i inueigh'd at those that could and would not . ●nd let those shifters their owne iudges be ●f they haue not bin arrant thieues to me , ●or first and last they tooke ( with their good ) wills ●eere fifteene hundred bookes vpon their bills , ●nd all their hands ( if i the truth may vtter ) ●re worse then obligations seald with butter : ●or i haue in my store ( not worth a lowse ) ●s many bills as well may thatch a house , ●nd there i haue the hands of knights and squiers : ●nd omnium gatherum cheating knaues and liers , ●eauen hundred in a galleymawfrey , close which i would sell for fifteene pence the groce , ●hei'le neyther pay , with comming , nor with sending ●nd are like olde bootes , past all hope of mending . ●●rst they did rob me of my expectation ●nd made me walke along perambulation , ●nd as my royall maister when i came ●he good prince , and my lord of buckingham with many more of honour , worship , and ●en of inferiour callings in this land , were bountifull to me at my returne , yet i like one , that doth one candle burne in seeking of another , spent their guifts to finde out sharkes , and complements and shift theft is the best name i can giue their crime , they rob me of my bookes , my coyne , and time , of others bounty , and mine owne good hopes , and for this theft i leaue them to the ropes , i speake to those that can and will not pay , when in the streets i meete them euery day , they doe not much mistake if they doe thinke i wish them hang'd , for keeping of my chinke . thus haue i touch'd a crue of thieuing fellowes , that rob beyond the compasse of the gallowes : whilest many little thieues are hang'd vp dead that onely steale for need , to finde them bread , as pharaoh's fat kine , did the leane deuoure , so great thieues swallow small ones by their power and sure i thinke , that common burglaries , pick-pockets , high-way thieues , and pilferies , and all that thus felloniously doe thieue , are thieues whose labours many doe relieue . who but poore thieues doe iaylors wants supply ? on whom doe vnder keepers still rely ? from thieuing , money still is gotten thus , for many a warrant and a mittimus , and if men were not apt to filch and thieue , 't were worse for many a high , and vnder-shrieue the halter-maker , and the smith are getters for fatall twist , and pond'rous bolts and petters . ●e carman hath a share amongst the rest , ●hough not voluntary , yet hee 's prest . 〈◊〉 ballad-maker doth some profit reape , 〈◊〉 makes a tiburne dirge , exceeding cheape , 〈◊〉 whil'st the printers , and the dolefull singers , 〈◊〉 in these gainefull busines dip their fingers . 〈◊〉 very hangman hath the sleight and skill , 〈◊〉 extract all his goods from others ill , 〈◊〉 is the epilogue vnto the law , 〈◊〉 from the jawes of death his life doth draw . 〈◊〉 last , the hangmans broaker reapes the fruit , 〈◊〉 selling to one thiefe anothers sute . ●●sides thieues are sit members , for 't is knowne , ●hey make men carefull how to keepe their owne , 〈◊〉 were it not for them , we still should lye ●●ck'd in the cradle of security . ●ll'd in base idlenes , and sluggish sloath , 〈◊〉 to all ill , and to all goodnes loath . ●hich would infect vs , and corrupt the blood , ●nd therefore for our health's sake , thieues are good . ●nd some men are so prone to steale , i thinke 〈◊〉 as nat'rall as their meate and drinke , ●hey are borne to 't , and cannot doe withall , ●nd must be filching still , what e're befall . ●wispe of rushes , or a clod of land , 〈◊〉 any wadde of hay that 's next to hand ●hey'l steale , and for it haue a good excuse , ●hey doe 't to keepe their hands in vre , or vse . ●ut not t' excuse a thiefe in any case , 〈◊〉 there are some crimes , as voyde of grace , on whom men scarce haue feeling or a thought , nor e're like thieues are to the gallowes brought those that obey false gods commit offence , against th' eternall gods omnipotence . those that doe grauen images adore , are worse then thieues , yet are not hang'd therefo●● t is treason high , to take gods name in vaine , yet most men doe 't , through frailty , or for gaine ▪ the saboth is prophan'd continually , whil'st the offenders pay small penalty . and parents are dishonour'd , without awe , the whil'st the children doe escape the law. and murther , though 't be ne're so foule and dead is oft times made man-slaughter or chance-med adultery's neighbourhood , and fornication , may be conniu'd at , with a tolleration . a witnes , that false testimony beares , t is a great wonder if he loose his eares , but sure , the prouerbe is as true as briefe , a lyer's euer worser then a thiefe , and 't is call'd thrift , when men their mindes doe to couet how their neighbours goods to get . to be vaine-glorious , and ambitious proude are gentleman-like partes , must be allow'd . to beare an enuy base and secretly , t is counted wisedome , and great pollicy . to be a drunkard , and the cat to whip , is call'd the king of all good fellowship . but for a thiefe , the whole world doth consent that hanging is the fittest punishment . 〈◊〉 if that law were put in execution , ●hinke it would be mankindes dissolution : ●nd then we should haue land and tenements 〈◊〉 nothing , or for very easie rents , ●hereby we see that man his wealth esteemes , 〈◊〉 better then his god , his soule it deemes : ●or let god be abusde , and let his soule ●●nne greedily into offences foule , 〈◊〉 scarcely shall be question'd for 't , but if ●mongst his other sinnes ) he play the thiefe ●nd steale mens goods , they all will sentence giue , 〈◊〉 must be hang'd , he is vnfit to liue . 〈◊〉 the low countryes , if a wretch doe steale 〈◊〉 bread , or meate , to feed himselfe a meale , ●hey will vnmercifully beat and clowt him , ●●le , pull , and teare , & spurne , & kicke , & flowt him , ●ut if a drunkard be vnpledg'd a kan ●●awes out his knife and basely stabs a man , 〈◊〉 runne away the rascall shall haue scope , ●one holdes him , but all cry lope scellum lope , ●hus there 's a close conniuence for all vice , ●xcept for theft , and that 's a hanging price . ●ne man 's adicted to blaspheme and sweare , ● second to carowse , and domineere : ● third to whoring , and a fourth to fight , ●nd kill and slay , a fift man to backbite , ● sixt and seauenth , with this or that crime caught , ●nd all in generall much worse then nought . ●nd amongst all these sinners generall , ●he thiefe must winne the halter from them all , when if the matter should examin'd be they doe deserue it all , asmuch as he . nor yet is thieuery any vpstar sinne , but it of long antiquity hath bin : and by this trade great men haue not disdain'd , to winne renowne , and haue their states maintain great alexanders conquests , what were they but taking others goods and lands away : ( in manners ) i must call it martiall dealing , but truth will tearme it rob'ry , and flat stealing , for vnto all the world it is well knowne , that he by force , tooke what was not his owre . some writers are with tamberlaine so briefe , to stile him with the name of scithian thiefe . licurgus lou'd , and granted guifts beside to thieues that could steale , and escape vnspide : but if they taken with the manner were , they must restore , and buy the bargaine deere . thieues were at all times euer to be had exampled by the good thiefe and the bad. and england still hath bin a fruitfull land of valiant thieues , that durst bid true men stand one bellin dun , a famous thiefe suruiu'd , from whom the towne of dunstable's deriu'd : and robin hood with little iohn agreed to rob the rich men , and the poore to feede . the priests had heere such small meanes for there●o● that many , of them were inforc'd to thieuing . once the fift henry could rob exc'llent well , when he was prince of wales , as stories tell . ●hen fryer tucke a tall stoute thiefe indeed , ●ould better rob and steale , then preach or reed . 〈◊〉 gosselin deinuill , with 200. more , 〈◊〉 fryers weedes , rob'd , and were hang'd therefore . ●hus i in stories , and by proofe doe finde ●hat stealing 's very olde , time out of minde , ●re i was borne , it through the world was spread , ●nd will be when i from the world am dead . but leauing thus , my muse in hand hath tooke , to shew which way a thiefe is like a booke . a comparison betweene a thiefe and a booke . comparisons are odious , as some say , but my comparisons are so no way , in the pamphlet which i wrote before , compar'd a booke most fitly to a whore : ●nd now , as fitly my poore muse alludes , ● thiefe t' a booke in apt similitudes , a good booke steales the minde from vaine pretences , from wicked cogitations , and offences : 〈◊〉 makes vs know the worlds deceiuing plesures , and set our hearts on neuer ending treasures . so when thieues steale , our cattle , coyne or ware , it makes vs see how mutable they are . puts vs in mind that we should put our trust , where fellon cannot steale , or canker rust . bad bookes through eyes and eares doe break & enter , and takes possession of the hearts fraile center . infecting all the little kingdome man , with all the poyso'nous mischiefe that they can , till they haue rob'd and ransack'd him of all those thinges which men may iustly goodnes call , robs him of vertue , and heau'nly grace and leaues him begger'd , in a wretched case . so of our earthly goods , thieues steale the best , and richest iewels , and leaue vs the rest . men know not thieues from true men by their look● nor by their outsides , no man can know bookes . both are to be suspected , all can tell , and wisemen e're they trust , will try them well . a booke may haue a title good and faire , though in it one may finde small goodnes there : and so a thiefe , whose actions are most vile , steales good opinion , and a true mans stile . some bookes ( prophane ) the sacred text abuse , with common thieues , it is a common vse . some bookes are full of lyes , and thieues are so , one hardly can beleeue their yea or no. some bookes are scurrilous , and too obsceane , and hee 's no right thiefe that loues not a queane . some book 's not worth the reading for their fruites some thieues not worth the hanging , for their sutes some bookes are briefe , and in few wordes declare compendious matter , and acutenesse rare , and so some thieues will breake into a house , or cut a purse whilst one can cracke a lowse . some bookes are arrogant and impudent , so are most thieues in christendome and kent . some bookes are plaine and simple , and some thie●●● are simply hang'd , whil'st others get reprieues . some bookes like foolish thieues , their faults are sp●● some thieues like witty bookes , their faults can hide ●ome bookes are quaint and quicke in their conceits ▪ ●ome thieues are actiue , nimble in their sleights . ●ome bookes with idle stuffe the author fills , ●ome thieues will still be idle , by their wills . ●ome bookes haue neither reason , law , or sence , no more haue any thieues for their offence . ● booke 's but one , when first it comes to th'presse , 〈◊〉 may encrease to numbers numberlesse , and so one thiefe perhaps may make threescore and that threescore may make ten thousand more , thus from one thiefe , thieues may at last amount like bookes from one booke past all mens account . and as with industry , and art , and skill , one thiefe doth dayly rob another still , so one booke from another ( in this age ) steales many a line , a sentence or a page . thus amongst bookes , good fellowship i finde , all thinges are common , thieues beare no such minde . and for this thieuing bookes with hue and cry are sought , ( as thieues are ) for their fellony . as thieues are chasde and sent from place to place , so bookes , are alwayes in continuall chase. as bookes are strongly boss'd , and clasp'd & bound , so thieues are manacled , when they are found : as thieues are oft examin'd , for their crimes , so bookes are vsde , and haue bin at all times . as thieues haue oft at their arraignment stood , so bookes are tride if they be bad or good . as iuries and graund iuries , with much strife . giue vp ( for thieues ) a verdict , death or life . so as mens fancies euidence doe giue , the shame or fame of bookes , to dye or liue : and as the veriest thiefe may haue some friend , so the worst bookes , some knaue will still defend . as thieues their condemnation must abide , bookes are deem'd true somtimes , somtimes bely'd . as thieues are iudged , so haue bookes agen , as many censures ( almost ) as are men . and as their faults are different in degree , some thieues are hang'd , some bookes are burnt w● 〈◊〉 some thieues are for their small offences whip't , all bookes are prest , except a manuscript . as thieues are buryed , when the lawe is paide , so some bookes in obliuions graue are laide . the iaylors keepe the thieues , and much regards the strength of fetters , locks , bolts , grates & wards and will knowe when and how abroad they goe , and vnto bookes the stacioners are so . still bookes and thieues in one conceit doe ioyne : for , if you marke them , they are all for coyne . some thieues exceeding braue a man may finde in sattin , and their cloakes with veluet linde : and some bookes haue gay coates vnto their backe when as their insides , goods and goodnes lackes . some bookes are all bet●tterd , torne and 〈◊〉 , some thieues endure a rugged punishment ▪ some thieues may come ( their sorowes to increase ) before a shallowe officer of peace , one that can cough , call kn●ue , & with non sense commit , before be knowe for what offence : a booke somtimes doth proue a thieues true friend , and doth preserue him from a hanging end : for let a man at any sessions looke , and still some thieues are saued by their booke . and so some bookes to coxcombs hands may come , who can crye pish , and mew , and tush , and hum , condemne ere they haue read , or throughly scand , abusing what they cannot vnderstand . some thieues are like a horne-booke , and begin their a. b. c. of filching , with a pin ; their primer is a poynt , and then their psalter may picke a pocket , and come neere a halter . then with long practise in these rudiments , to breake a house may be his accidence , and vsing of his skill ( thus day by day ) by grammer he may rob vpon the way , vntill at last , to weare ( it be his hap ) a tiburne tippet , or olde stories cap. that is the high'st degree which they can take , an end to all their studies there they make : for amongst thieues , not one amongst a score , ●f they be rais'd so high , they 'l steale no more . thus the comparisons holdes still you see , to whores and theiues , bookes may compared bee . all are like actors , in this wauering age , they enter all , vpon the worlds great stage : some gaine applause , and some doe acte amisse , and exit from the scaffold with a hisse . now if my whore or theife play well their parts , giue them their due , applaud their good deserts . if ill , to newgate hisse them , or bridewell , to any place , hull , halifax or hell. and thus the thiefe and booke ioyne both in one ; both hauing made an end , they both haue don . thus hauing treated sufficiently of whores and whoring , and thieues and thieuing , i doe purpo●● shortly , to set forth a pamphlet , in the commendat●●ons of iaylors and iayles , with the necessity of hangiing , and the hangmans art or mystery , compend●●ously described . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a13419-e110 the annagram of rat is art. * i touch not his trauailes to scotland germany , or bohemia or the paper boate. notes for div a13419-e560 this gentleman was pleased annagrāmatically to call me water-rat , or water art , which i doe annagrammatize water-rat , to bee a trew art. notes for div a13419-e1200 * a booke i writ called a whore. in the 93. page of a booke , called the spirit of detraction the author cites 12. parishes in one hundred in wales in this predicament . iupiters idol in scracusa in sicitia . the dore is christ. one that 8 years since bought many houses , where i & many poore men dwelt , & presently raised our rents , from 3. l. to 5. l. but i changed him quickly for a better . he cannot steale truly , or truly he cannot steale . * this fellowes breches were not lynde with apochri●ha . i heard of one that had the picture of the deuill in the back linings of his dublet witnes at the swan in st. mar●ids . * this miller kept a windmill not many yeres since at purflet in essex . some say that he sold him the 4. bushels againe , and then stole one bushell for toll . * he was the 40 . th king after brute & he raigned before christs ' birth 171. yeares . the annagram of waterman is a trew man. the wher●yes were wont to haue all the whores till the coaches robd them of their custom . it is cald a kicksie winsie , or a lerrio cun●●wang . to whom i in all humillity must euer , acknowledg my obedience and dutiful thankfulnes and seruice . i have 700. billes of their hands which in all co●●es to neer ; 00. l. the trade of thieuing is very profitable to many men . or none at all . run thiefe runne . platarch . hen. 1. rich. 2. edw. 3. edw. 2. notes for div a13419-e12210 there is od● betwixt a keeper & a iaylor the stationer keepes bookes against his wil , the iaylor holdes thieues with his will. the pennyles pilgrimage, or the money-lesse perambulation, of iohn taylor, alias the kings majesties water-poet how he trauailed on foot from london to edenborough in scotland, not carrying any money to or fro, neither begging, borrowing, or asking meate, drinke or lodging. with his description of his entertainment in all places of his iourney, and a true report of the vnmatchable hunting in the brea of marre and badenoch in scotland. with other obseruations, some serious and worthy of memory, and some merry and not hurtfull to be remembred. lastly that (which is rare in a trauailer) all is true. taylor, john, 1580-1653. 1618 approx. 96 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 27 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a13485 stc 23784 estc s118255 99853462 99853462 18845 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a13485) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 18845) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 941:5) the pennyles pilgrimage, or the money-lesse perambulation, of iohn taylor, alias the kings majesties water-poet how he trauailed on foot from london to edenborough in scotland, not carrying any money to or fro, neither begging, borrowing, or asking meate, drinke or lodging. with his description of his entertainment in all places of his iourney, and a true report of the vnmatchable hunting in the brea of marre and badenoch in scotland. with other obseruations, some serious and worthy of memory, and some merry and not hurtfull to be remembred. lastly that (which is rare in a trauailer) all is true. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [54] p. printed by edw: all-de, at the charges of the author, london : 1618. partly in verse. signatures: a-g⁴ (-g4). running title reads: taylors pennilesse pilgrimage. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -description and travel -early works to 1800. scotland -description and travel -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-06 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2003-05 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2004-11 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2004-11 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the pennyles pilgrimage , or the money-lesse perambulation , of iohn taylor , alias the kings majesties water-poet . how he travailed on foot from london to edenborough in scotland , not carrying any money to or fro , neither begging , borrowing , or asking meate , drinke or lodging . with his description of his entertainment in all places of his iourney , and a true report of the vnmatchable hunting in the brea of marre and badenoch in scotland . with other obseruations , some serious and worthy of memory , and some merry and not hurtfull to be remembred . lastly that ( which is rare in a trauailer ) all is true . london printed by edw : all de , at the charges of the author . 1618. to the trvly noble , and right honorable lord , george marquesse of buckingham , viscount villeirs , baron of whaddon , iustice in eyre of all his maiesties forrests , parkes , and chases beyond trout , master of the horse to his maiesty , and one of the gentlemen of his highnesse royall bed-chamber , knight of the most noble order of the garter , and one of his majesties most honorable priuie councell of both the kingdomes of england and scotland . right honorable , and worthy honour'd lord , as in my trauailes , i was entertain'd , welcom'd , and relieu'd by many honourable lords , worshipfull knights , esquires , gentlemen , and others , both in england , & scotland . so now your lordships inclination hath incited , or inuited my poore muse to shelter herselfe vnder the shadow of your honourable patronage , not that there is any worth at all in my sterill inuention , but in all humilitie i acknowledge that it is onely your lordships acceptance , that is able to make this nothing , something , and withall engage me euer . your honours , in all obseruance : iohn taylor . to all my louing aduenturers , by what name or title so euer , my generall salutation . reader , these trauailes of mine into scotland , were not vndertaken , neither in imitation , or emulation of any man , but onely deuised by my selfe , on purpose to make triall of my friends , both in this kingdome of england , and that of scotland , and because i would be an eye witnesse of diuers things which i had heard of that country ; and whereas many shallow-brain'd critickes , doe lay an aspersion on me , that i was set on by others , or that i did vndergoe this project , either in malice , or mockage of maister beniamin ionson , i vow by the faith of a christian , that their imaginations are all wide , for he is a gentleman , to whom i am so much obliged for many vndeserued courtesies that i haue receiued from him , and from others by his fauour , that i durst neuer to be so impudent or ingratefull , as either to suffer any mans perswasions , or mine owne instigation , to incite me , to make so bad a requitall , for so much goodnesse formerly receiued ; so much for that , and now reader , if you expect that i should write of cities scituations , or that of countries i should make relations : of brooks , crooks , nooks ; of riuers , boorns and rills , of mountaines , fountaines , castles , towers & hills , of shieres , and pieres , and memorable things , of liues and deaths of great commanding kings : i touch not those , they not belong to mee , but if such things as these you long to see , lay downe my booke , and but vouchsafe to reede the learned camden , or laborious speede. and so god speede you and me , whilst i rest yours in all thankfulnes : iohn taylor . taylors pennilesse pilgrimage . list lordings , list ( if you haue lust to list ) i write not here a tale of had i wist : but you shall heare of trauels , and relations , descriptions of strange ( yet english ) fashions . and he that not beleeues what here is writ , let him ( as i haue done ) make proofe of it . the yeare of grace , accounted ( as i weene ) one thousand , twice three hundred and eighteene , and to relate all things in order duly , 't was tuesday last ; the fourteenth day of iuly , saint reuels day , the almanacke will tell ye the signe in virgo was , or neere the belly : the moone full three dayes old , the winde full south ; at these times i began this trick of youth . i speake not of the tide ; for vnderstand , my legges i made my oares , and rowed by land , though in the morning i began to goe , good fellowes trooping , flock'd me so , that make what hast i could , the sunne was set , e're from the gates of london i could get . at last i tooke my latest leaue , thus late at the bell inne , that 's extra aldersgate . there stoode a horse that my prouant should carie , from that place to the end of my fegarie , my horse , no horse , or mare , but guelded nagge , that with good vnderstanding bore my bagge : and of good cariage he himselfe did show , these things are ex'lent in a beast , you know . there , in my knapsack , ( to pay hungers fees ) i had good bacon , bisket , neates-tongue , cheese , with roses , barbaries , of each conserues , and mithridate , that vigrous health preserues ; and i entreate you take these words for no-lyes , i had good aqua vita , rosa so-lies : with sweet ambrosia , ( the gods owne drinke ) most ex'lent geere for mortalls , as i thinke . besides , i had both vineger and oyle , that could a daring sawcie stomack foyle . this foresaid tuesday night 'twixt eight and nine , well rigg'd and ballac'd , both with beere and wine , i stumbling forward , thus my iaunt begun , and went that night as farre as islington . there did i finde , ( i dare affirme it bold ) a maydenhead of twenty fiue yeeres old , but surely it was painted , like a whore , and for a signe , or wonder , hang'd at ' dore , which shewe , a maidenhead , that 's kept so long , may be hang'd vp , and yet sustaine no wrong . there did my louing friendly host begin to entertaine me freely to his inne : and there my friends , and good associates , each one to mirth himselfe accommodates . at well head both for welcome , and for cheere , hauing a good new tonne , of good stale beere : there did we trundle downe health , after health ( which oftentimes impaires both health and wealth . ) till euery one had fill'd his mortall trunke , and onely nobody was three parts drunke . the morrow next , wednesday saint swithins day , from ancient islington i tooke my way . at hollywell i was inforc'd carrowse , ale high , and mightie , at the blinde-mans house . but ther 's a helpe to make amends for all , that though the ale be great , the pots be small . at high-gate hill to a strange house i went , and saw the people were to eating bent , i neither borrow'd , crau'd , ask'd , begg'd or bought , but most laborious with my teeth i wrought . i did not this cause meate or drinke was scant , but i did practise thus before my want ; like to a tilter that would winne the prize , before the day hee 'le often excercise . so i began to put in vre , at first these principles 'gainst hunger , and 'gainst thirst , close to the gate , their dwelt a worthy man , that well could take his whiffe , and quaffe his canne , right robin good-fellow , but humors euill doe call him robin pluto , or the deuill . but finding him a deuill , freely harted , with friendly farewels i tooke leaue and parted . and as alongst i did my iourney take , i dranke at broomes-well , for pure fashions sake . two miles i trauelled then , without a bayte , the sarazens head at whetstone entring straight , i found an host , might lead an host of men , exceeding fat , yet named lean , and few , and though we make small reckoning of him heere , hee 's knowne to be a very great man there . there i tooke leaue , of all my company , bade all farewell , yet spake to no-body . good reader thinke not strange , what i compile , for no-body was with me all this while . and no-body did drinke , and winke , and scinke , and on occasion freely spend his chinke . if any one desire to know the man , walke , stumble , trundle , but in barbican . ther 's as good beere and ale as euer twang'd , and in that street kinde no-body is hang'd , but leauing him , vnto his matchlesse fame , i to st. albanes in the euening came , where mr. taylor , at the sarazens head , vnask'd ( vnpaid for ) me both lodg'd and sed . the tapsters , hostlers , chamberlaines , and all , sau'd mee a labour , that i need not call , the iugges were fild and fild , the cups went round , and in a word great kindnes there i found , for which both to my cosen , and his men , i le still be thankefull in word , deed , and pen. till thursday morning there i made my stay , and then i went plaine dunstable high-way . my very hart with drought me thought did shrinke , i went twelue miles , and no one bad me drinke . which made me call to minde , that instant time , that drunkennes was a most sinful crime . when puddle-hill i footed downe , and past a mile from thence i found a hedge at last . there stroke we sayle , our bacon , cheese and bread we drew like fidlers , and like farmers fed , and whilst 2. houres we there did take out ease , my nagge made shift to mump greene pulse and pease . thus we our hungry stomacks did supply , and dranke the water of a brooke hard by . a way t'ward hockley in the hole , we make , when straight a horsman did me ouer-take , who knew me , and would saine haue giuen me coyne , i said my bonds did me from coyne inioyne . i thank'd and prayd him to put vp his chinke , and willingly i wisht it drownd in drinke . away rode he , but like an honest man , i found at hockley standing at the swan , a formall tapster , with a iugge and glasse , who did arest mee , i most willing was to try the action , and straight put in bale , my fees were paide before , with sixe-pence ale. to quitt this kindnesse , i most willing am the man that paide for all , his name is dam at the greene dragon , against grayes-iune gate , he liues in good repute , and honest state . i forward went in this my roauing race , to stony stratford i toward night did pace , my minde was fixed through the towne to passe , to finde some lodging in the hay or grasse , but at the queenes armes from the window there , a comfortable voyce i chaunc'd to heare , call taylor , taylor and be hang'd come hither , i look'd for small intreaty and went thither , there were some friends , which i was glad to see , who knew my iourney ; lodg'd , and boorded me . on friday morne , as i would take my way , my friendly host entreated me to stay , because it rain'd he tolde me i should haue , meate , drinke , and horse-meate and not pay or craue . i thank'd him , and for 's loue remaine his debter , but if i liue , i will requite him better . ( from stony stratford , the way hard with stones ) did founder me , and vexe me to the bones , in blustring weather , both for winde and raine , through tocetter i trotted , with much paine , two miles from thence , we satt vs downe and dynde , well bulwark'd by a hedge , from raine and winde . we hauing fed , away incontinent , with weary pace toward dauentry we went , foure miles short of it , one o're-tooke me there , and tolde me he would leaue a iugge of beere , at dauentry at the horse-shoe , for my vse , i thought it no good manners to refuse , but thank'd him , for his kinde vnasked gift , whilest i was lame as scarce a leg could lift , came ilmping after to that stony towne , whose hard streetes , made me almost halt tight downe . there had my friend performed the words he saide , and at the doore a iugge of liquor staide the folkes were all informed , before i came , how , and wherefore my iourney i did frame , which caused mine hostesse from her doore come out , ( hauing a great wart rampant on her snowt . ) the tapsters , hostlers , one another call , the chamberlaines with admiration all , were fild with wonder , more then wonderfull , as if some monster sent from the mogull , some elephant from affricke , i had beene , or some strange beast from th' amazonian queene . as buzards , widgions , woodcocks , and such fowle , doe gaze and wonder at the broad-fac'd owle , so did these brainlesse asses , all-amaz'd , with admirable non sence talk'd and gaz'd . they knew my state , ( although not tolde by me , ) that i could scarcely goe , they all did see , they dranke of my beere , that to me was giuen , but gaue me not a drop , to make all eeuen . and that which in my minde was most amisse , my hostesse she stood by and saw all this , had she but said , come neere the house my friend , for this day heere shall be your iourneys end , then had she done , the thing which she did not , and i in kinder wordes had paid the shot . i doe intreat my friends , ( as i haue some ) if they to dauentry doe chance to come , that they will balke that inne ; or if by chaunce , or accident into that house they glaunce , kinde gentlemen , as they by you reape profit , my hostesse care of mee , pray tell her of it . yet doe not neither , lodge there when you will , you for your money shall be welcome still . from thence that night , although my bones were sore , i made a shift to hobble seau'n miles more : the way to dunchurch , foule with dirt and mire , able , i thinke , both man and horse to tire . on dunsmore heath , a hedge doth there enclose grounds , on the right hand , there i did repose . wits whetstone , want , there made vs quickly learne , with kniues to cut downe rushes , and greene fearne , of which we made a field-bed in the field , which fleepe , and rest , and much content did yeeld . there with my mother earth , i thought it fit to lodge , and yet no incest did commit : my bed was curtain'd with good wholesome ayres , and being weary , i went vp no stayres : the skie my canopy , bright pheabe shinde , sweet bawling zephirus breath'd gentle winde , in heau'ns starre chamber i did lodge that night , tenne thousand starres , me to my bed did light ; there baracadoed with a banke lay wee below the lofty branches of a tree , there my bed-fellowes and companions were , my man , my horse , a bull , foure cowes , two steere : but yet for all this most confused rowt , we had no bed-staues , yet we fell not out , thus nature , like an ancient free vpholster , did furnish vs with bedstead , bed , and bolster ; and the kinde skies , ( for which high heau'n be thanked , allow'd vs a large couering and a blanket : aurora's face gan light our lodging darke . we arose and mounted , with the mounting larke , through plashes , puddles , thicke , thinne , wet and dry , i trauail'd to the citie couentry . there maister doctor holland caus'd me stay the day of saturne , and the sabaoth day . most friendly welcome , he did me affoord , i was so entertain'd at bed and boord , which as i dare not bragge how much it was , i dare not be ingrate and let it passe , but with thankes many i remember it ( in stead of his good deedes ) in words and writ , he vs'd me like his sonne , more then a friend , and he on monday his commends did send to newhall , where a gentleman did dwell , who by his name is hight sacheuerell . the tuesday iulyes one and twenteth day , i to the citie lichfield tooke my way , at sutton coffill with some friends i met , and much adoe i had from thence to get , there i was almost put vnto my trumps , my horses shooes were worne as thinne as pumps ; but noble vulcan , a mad smuggy smith , all reparations me did furnish with . the shooes were well remou'd , my palfrey shod , and he referr'd the payment vnto god. i found a friend , when i to lichfield came , a ioyner , and iohn piddock is his name , he made me welcome , for he knew my iaunt , and he did furnish me with good prouant : he offred me some money , i refus'd it , and so i tooke my leaue , with thanks excus'd it . that wednesday i a weary way did passe , raine , winde , stones , dirt , and dabling dewie grasse , with here and there a pelting scatter'd village , which yeelded me no charity , or pillage : for all the day , nor yet the night that followed , one drop of drinke i 'm sure my gullet swallowed . at night i came t' a stonie towne call'd stone , where i knew none , nor was i knowne of none : i therefore through the streetes held on my pace , some two miles farther to some resting place : at last i spide a meddow newly mowde , the hay was rotten , the ground halfe o're-flowde : we made a breach , and entred horse and man , there our pauillion , we to pitch began , which we erected with greene broome and hay t' expell the colde , and keepe the raine away ; the skie all muffled in a cloud gan lowre , and presently there sell a mighty showre , which without intermission downe did powre , from tenne at night , vntill the mornings foure . we all that time close in our couch did lye , which being well compacted , kept vs dry . the worst was , we did neither sup nor sleepe , and so a temperate dyet we did keepe . the morning all enroab'd in drisling fogges , we being as ready as we had beene dogges : we neede not stand vpon long ready making , but gaping , stretching , and our eares well shaking : and for i found my host and hostesse kinde , i like a true man left my sheetes behinde . that thursday morne , my weary course i fram'd , vnto a towne that is newcastle nam'd , ( not that newcastle standing vpon tine ) but this townes scituation doth confine neere cheshiere , in the famous county stafford , and for their loue , i owe them not a straw for 't ; but now my versing muse craues some repose , and whilst she sleepes i le spowt a little prose . in this towne of newcastle , i ouertooke an hostler , and i asked him what the next towne was called , that was in my way toward lancaster , he holding the end of a riding rod in his mouth , as if it had beene a fluit , piped me this answere , and said , talke on the hill ; i asked him againe what hee said , talke on the hill : i demaunded the third time , and the third time he answered me as he did before , talke on the hill . i began to grow chollericke , and asked him why hee could not talke , or tell mee my way as well there , as on the hill ; at last i was resolued , that the next towne was foure miles off mee , and the name of it was , talke on the hill . i had not trauailed aboue two miles farther : but my last nights supper ( which was asmuch as nothing ) my mind being enformed of it by my stomacke . i made a vertue of necessity , and went to breakfast in the sunne : i haue sared better at three sunnes many a time before now , in aldersgate streete , creeplegate , and new fishstreete ; but here is the oddes , at those sunnes they will come vpon a man with a tauerne bill , as sharpe cutting as a taylors bill of items : a watch-mans blil , or a welch-hooke falles not halfe so heauy vpon a man ; besides , most of the vintners haue the law in their owne hands , and haue all their actions , cases , bills of debt , and such reckonings tried at their owne barres ; from whence there is no appeale . but leauing these impertinencies , in the materiall sunne-shiee , wee eate a substantiall dinner , and like miserable guestes wee did budget vp the reuersions . and now with sleepe , my muse hath eas'd her braine . i 'le turne my stile from prose , to verse againe . that which we could not haue , we freely spar'd , and wanting drinke , most soberly we far'd . we had great store of fowle ( but 't was foule way ) and kindly euery step entreates me stay , the clammy clay sometimes my heeles would trip , one foote went forward , th' other backe would slip . this weary day , when i had almost past , i came vnto sir vrian legh's at last , at adlington , neere macksfield he doth dwell , belou'd , respected , and reputed well . through his great loue , my stay with him was fixt , from thursday night , till noone on monday next , at his owne table i did dayly eate , whereat may be suppos'd , did want no meate , he would haue giu'n me gold or siluer either , but i with many thankes , receiued neither . and thus much without flatterie i dare sweare , he is a knight beloued farre and neere . first he 's beloued of his god aboue , ( which loue , he loues to keepe , beyond all loue ) next with a wife and children he is blest , each hauing gods feare planted in their brest . with faire demaines , reuennue of good lands , hee 's fairely blest by the almighties hands , and as hee 's happy in these outward things , so from his inward minde , continuall springes fruits of deuotion , deeds of piety , good hospitable workes of charity , iust in his actions , constant in his word , and one that wonne his honour with his sword . hee 's no carranto , capr'ing , carpet knight , but he knowes when , and how to speake or fight . i cannot flatter him , say what i can , hee 's euery way a compleat gentleman . i write not this , for what he did to me , but what mine eares , and eyes did heare and see , nor doe i pen this to enlarge his fame , but to make others imitate the same . for like a trumpet were i pleasd to blow , i would his worthy worth more amply show , but i already feare haue beene too bolde , and craue his pardon , me excusd to holde . thankes to his sonnes and seruants euery one , both males and females all , excepting none . to beare a letter he did me require , neere manchester , vnto a good esquire : his kinsman edmond prestwitch , he ordain'd , that i at manchester was entertain'd two nights , and one day , ere we thence could passe , for men and horse , rost , boyl'd , and oates , and grasse : this gentleman , not onely gaue me harbor , but in the morning sent to me his barber , who lau'd , and shau'd me , still i spard my purse , yet sure he left me many a haire the worse . but in conclusion , when his worke was ended , his glasse informd , my face was much amended . and for the kindnesse he to me did show , god grant his customers beards faster grow , that though the time of yeare be deere or cheape , from fruitfull faces hee may mowe and reape . then came a smith , with shoes , and tooth and nayle , he searched my horse hooues , mending what did faile , yet this i note , my nagge , through stones and dirt , did shift shoes twice , ere i did shift one shirt : can these kinde thinges be in obliuion hid ? no , mr. prestwitch , this and much more did , his friendship did command , and freely gaue all before writ , and more then i durst craue . but leauing him a little , i must tell , how men of manchester , did vse me well , their loues they on the tenter-hookes did racke , rost , boyld , bak'd , too too much , white , claret , sacke , nothing they thought too heauy or too hot , canne follow'd canne , and pot succeeded pot , that what they could doe , all they thought too little , striuing in loue the traueller to whittle . we went vnto the house of one iohn pinners , ( a man that liues amongst a crew of sinners ) and there eight seuerall sorts of ale we had , all able to make one starke drunke or mad . but i with courage brauely flinched not , and gaue the towne leaue to discharge the shot . we had at one time set vpon the table , good ale of hisope , 't was no esope fable : then had we ale of sage , and ale of malt , and ale of worme-wood , that can make one halt , with ale of rosemary , and bettony , and two ales more , or else i needes must lye . but to conclude this drinking a lye tale , we had a sort of ale , called scuruy ale. thus all these men , at their owne charge and cost , did striue whose loue might be expressed most . and farther to declare their boundlesse loues , they saw i wanted , and they gaue me gloues , in deed , and very deede , their loues were such , that in their praise i cannot write too much ; they merit more then i haue here compil'd , i lodged at the eagle and the childe , whereas my hostesse , ( a good auncient woman ) did entertaine me with respect , not common . she caus'd my linnen , shirts , and bands be washt , and on my way she caus'd me be refresht , she gaue me twelue silke poyntes , she gaue me baken , which by me much refused , at last was taken , in troath shee prou'd a mother vnto me , for which , i euermore will thankfull be . but when to minde these kindnesses i call , kinde mr. prestwitch author is of all , and yet sr. vrian leigh's good commendation was the maine ground of this my recreation . from both of them ; there what i had , i had , or else my entertainment had bin bad . o all you worthy men of manchester , true bred blouds of the county lancaster ) when i forget what you to me haue done , then let me head-long to confusion runne . to noble mr. prestwach i must giue thankes , vpon thankes , as long as i doe liue , his loue was such , i ne're can pay the score , he farre surpassed all that went before , a horse and man he sent , with boundlesse bounty , to bring me quite through lancasters large county . which i well know is fifty miles at large , and he defrayed all the cost and charge . this vnlook'd pleasure , was to me such pleasure , that i can ne're expresse my thankes with measure . so mistresse saracoale , hostesse kinde , and manchester with thankes i left behinde . the wednesday being iulyes twenty nine , my iourney i to preston did confine , all the day long it rayned but one showre , which from the morning to the ene'n did powre , and i , before to preston i could get , was sowsd , and pickeld both with raine and sweat . but there i was supply'd , with fire and food , and any thing i wanted , sweete and good . there , at the hinde , kinde mr. hinde mine host , kept a good table , bak'd and boyld , and rost , there wedensday , thursday , friday i did stay , and hardly got from thence on saturday . vnto my lodging often did repaire , kinde mr. thomas banister , the mayor , who is of worship , and of good respect , and in his charge discreet and circumspect . for i protest to god i neuer saw , a towne more wisely gouern'd by the law. they tolde me when my soueraigne there was last , that one mans rashnes , seem'd to giue distast ▪ it grieu'd them all , but when at last they found , his majesty was pleasd , their ioyes were crown'd , he knew the fairest garden hath some weedes , he did accept their kinde intents , for deedess one man there was , that with his zeale too hot . and furious hast , himselfe much ouer ▪ shot . but what man is so foolish , that desires to get good fruit , from thistles , thornes and bryers ? thus much i thought good to demonstrate heere , because i saw how much they grieued were . that any way , the least part of offence , should make them seeme offensiue to their prince . thus three nights was i staide and lodg'd in preston , and saw nothing ridiculous to iest on , much cost and charge the mayor vpon me spent , and on my way two miles , with me he went , there ( by good chance ) i did more friendship get , the vnder shriefe of lancashire , we met , a gentleman that lou'd , and knew me well , and one whose bounteous minde doth beare the bell . there , as if i had beene a noted thiefe , the mayor deliuered me vnto the shriefe . the shriefes authority did much preuaile , he sent me vnto one that kept the iayle . thus i perambulating , poore iohn taylor , was giu'n from mayor to shriefe , from shriefe to iaylor , the iaylor kept an inne , good beds , good cheere , where paying nothing , i found nothing deere . for the vnder shriefe kinde maister couill nam'd , ( a man for house-keeping renown'd and fam'd ) did cause the towne of lancaster afford me welcome , as if i had beene a lord. and 't is reported , that for dayly bounty , his mate can scarce be found in all that county . th'extreames of mizer , or of prodigall he shunnes , and liues discreete and liberall , his wiues minde , and his owne are one , so fixt , that argos eyes could see no oddes betwixt , and sure the difference , ( if there diff'rence be ) is who shall doe most good , or he , or she . poore folks reports , that for releeuing them , he and his wife , are each of them a iem ; at th'inne , and at his house two nights i staide , and what was to be paid , i know he paide ; if nothing of their kindnesse i had wrote , ingratefull me the world might iustly note : had i declar'd all i did heare and see , for a great flatt'rer then i deem'd should be , he and his wife , and modest daughter besse , with earth and heau'ns felicity , god blesse . two dayes a man of his at his command , did guide me to the midst of westmerland , and my conductor , with a liberall fist to keepe me moyst , scarce any alehouse mist. the fourth of august ( weary , halt , and lame ) we in the darke , t a towne call'd sebder came , there maister borrowd , my kinde honest host , vpon me did bestow vnasked cost . the next day i held on my iourney still , sixe miles vnto a place call'd carling hill , where maister edmond branthwaite doth recide , who made me welcome , with my man and guide . our entertainement , and our fare was such , it might haue satisfied our betters much ; yet all too little was , his kinde heart thought , and fiue miles on my way himselfe me brought , at orton he , i , and my man did dine with maister corney , a good true diuine , and surely maister branthwait's well belou'd , his firme integrity is much approu'd : his good effects , doth make him still affected of god and good men , ( with regard ) respected . he sent his man with me , o're dale and downe , who lodg'd , and borded me at peereth towne , and such good cheere , and bedding there i had , that nothing , ( but my weary selfe ) was bad ; there a fresh man , ( i know not for whose sake ) with me a iourney would to carlile make ; but from that citie , about two miles wide good sir iohn dalston lodg'd me and my guide . of all the gentlemen in england bounds , his house is neerest to the scottish grounds , and fame proclaimes him , farre and neere , aloud , he 's free from being couetous , or proud : his sonne sir george , most affable , and kinde , his fathers image , both in forme and minde : on saturday to carlile both did ride , where ( by their loues and leaues ) i did abide , where of good entertainement i found store , from one that was the mayor the yeare before , his name is maister adam robinson , i the last english friendship with him won . he ( gratis ) found a guide to bring me thorough , from carlile to the citie edinborough : this was a helpe , that was a helpe alone , of all my helps inferiour vnto none . fight miles from carlile runnes a little riuer , which englands bounds , from scotlands grounds doth seuer . without horse , bridge , or boate i o're did get on foote , i went yet scarce my shooes did wet . i being come to this long look'd for land , did marke , remarke , note , renote , viewd and scand : and i saw nothing that could change my will , but that i thought my selfe in england still . the kingdomes are so neerely ioyn'd and fixt , there scarcely went a paire of sheares betwixt ; there i saw skie aboue , and earth below , and as in england , there the sunne did shew : the hills with sheepe repleate , with corne the dale , and many a cottage yeelded good scotch ale ; this county ( avandale ) in former times , was the curst climate of rebellious crimes : for cumberland and it , both kingdomes borders , were euer ordred , by their owne disorders , such sha king , shifting , cutting throates , and thieuing , each taking pleasure , in the others grieuing ; and many times he that had wealth to night , was by the morrow morning beggerd quite : to many yeares this pell-mell furie lasted , that all these borders were quite spoyl'd and wasted , confusion , hurly-burly raign'd and reueld , the churches with the lowly ground were leueld ; all memorable monuments defac'd , all places of defence o'rethrowne and rac'd . that who so then did in the borders dwell , liu'd little happier then those in hell . but since the all-disposing god of heauen , hath these two kingdomes to one monarch giuen , blest peace , and plenty on them both hath showr'd exile , and hanging hath the theeues deuowr'd , that now each subiect may securely sleepe , his sheepe , and neate , the blacke the white doth keepe , for now those crownes are both in one combinde those former borders , that each one confinde , appeares to me ( as i doe vnderstand ) to be almost the center of the land , this was a blessed heauen expounded riddle , to thrust great kingdomes skirts into the middle . long may the instrumentall cause suruiue from him and his , succession still deriue true heires vnto his vertues , and his throane , that these two kingdomes euer may be one . this county of all scotland is most poore , by reason of the outrages before , yet mighty store of corne i saw there growe , and as good grasse as euer man did mowe : and as that day i twenty miles did passe , i saw eleuen hundred neat at grasse , by which may be coniectur'd at the least , that there was sustenance for man and beast . and in the kingdome i haue truly scand , there 's many worser parts , are better mand , for in the time that theeuing was in vre , the gentles fled to places more secure . and left the poorer sort , t' abide the paine , whilest they could ne're finde time to turne againe . that shire of gentlemen is scarce and dainty , yet there 's reliefe in great aboundance plenty , twixt it and england , little oddes i see , they eate , and liue , and strong and able bee , so much in verse , and now i le change my stile , and seriously i 'le write in prose a while . to the purpose then ; my first nights lodging in scotland was at a place called mophot , which they say is thirty miles from carlile , but i suppose them to be longer then forty of such miles as are betwixt london and s. albanes , ( but indeed the scots doe allow almost as large measure of their miles , as they doe of their drinke , for an english gallon either of ale or wine , is but their quart , and one scottish mile now and then may well stand for a mile and a halfe or two english ) but howsoeuer short or long , i found that dayes iourney the weariest that euer i footed ; and at night being come to the towne , i found good ordinary countrey entertainment ; my fare , and my lodging was sweete and good , and might haue serued a far better man then my selfe , although my selfe haue had many times better : but this is to be noted , that though it rained not all the day , yet it was my fortune to be well wet twise , for i waded ouer a great riuer called eske in the morning , somewhat more then 4. miles distance from carlile in england , and at night within two miles of my lodging , i was faine to wade ouer the riuer of annan in scotland , from which riuer the county of annandale hath it's name . and whilst i waded on foote , my man was mounted on horse-backe , like the george without the dragon . but the next morning , i arose and left mophot behind me , and that day i trauailed twenty one miles to a sory village called blithe , but i was blithe my selfe to come to any place of harbour or succour , for since i was borne , i neuer was so weary , or so neere being dead with extreame trauell ; i was founderd and refounderd of all foure , and for my better comfort , i came so late , that i must lodge without doore all night , or else in a poore house where the good wife lay in child-bed , her husband being from home , her owne seruant mayd being her nurse . a creature naturally compacted and artificially adorned with incomparable homelines ; but as thinges were i must either take or leaue , and necessity made me enter , where we gat egges and ale by measure and by tale . at last to bed i went , my man lying on the floore by me , where in the night there were pidgeons did very bountifully mute in his face : the day being no sooner come , and i hauing but fifteene miles to ederborough , mounted vpon my ten toes , and began first to hobble , and after to amble , and so being warme , i fell to pace by degrees ; all the way passing through a most plentifull , and firtill countrey for corne and cattle : and about two of the clocke in the afternoone that wednesday , being the thirteenth of august , and the day of clare the virgin ( the signe being in virgo ) the moone foure dayes olde , the winde at , west , i came to take rest , at the wished , long expected , auncient famous citty of edenborough , which i entred like pierce penilesse , altogether monyles , but i thanke god not friendlesse ; for being there , for the time of my stay i might borrow , ( if any man would lend ) spend if i could get , begge if i had the impudence , and steale if i durst aduenture the price of a hanging , but my purpose was to house my horse , and to suffer him and my apparell to lye in durance , or lauender in stead of litter , till such time , as i could meete with some valiant friend that would desperately disburse . walking thus downe the street , ( my body being tyred with trauell , and my minde attyred with moody , muddy , moore-ditch melancholly ) my contemplation did deuoutly pray , that i might meete one or other to prey vpon , being willing to take any slender acquaintance of any man whatsoeuer , viewing , and circumuiewing euery mans face i met , as if i meant to draw his picture , but all my acquaintance was non est inuentus , ( pardon me reader , that latine is none of mine owne , i sweare by priscians pericranion , an oath which i haue ignorantly broken many times . ) at last i resolu'd , that the next gentleman that i met withall , should be acquaintance whether he would or no , and presently fixing mine eyes vpon a gentleman-like obiect , i looked on him as if i would suruay something through him , and make him my perspectiue : and he much musing at my gazing , and i much gazing at his musing , at last hee crost the way and made toward me , and then i made downe the streete from him , leauing him to encounter with my man who came after me leading my horse , whome hee thus accosted . my friend ( quoth hee ) doth yonder gentleman , ( meaning mee ) know mee that he lookes so wistly on me ; truely sr. said my man i thinke not , but my mr. is a stranger come from london , and would gladly meete with some acquaintance to direct him where he may haue lodging and horse-meate : presently the gentleman , ( being of a generous disposition ) ouer-tooke me with vnexpected and vndeserued courtesie , brought me to a lodging , and caused my horse to bee put into his owne stable , whilest we discoursing ouer a pinte of spanish . i related asmuch english to him as made him lend me ten shillings , ( his name was mr. iohn maxwell ) which money i am sure was the first that i handled after i came from out the walles of london : but hauing rested two houres and refreshed my selfe , the gentleman and i walked to see the citty , and the castle , which as my poore vnable and vnworthy pen can , i will truely discribe . the castle on a loftie rocke is so strongly grounded , bounded , and founded , that by force of man it can neuer bee confounded ; the foundation and walles are vnpenetrable , the rampiers impregnable , the bulwarkes inuincible , no way but one to it is or can be possible to be made passable . in a word , i haue seene many straights and fortresses , in germany , the netherlands , spaine , and england , but they must all giue place to this vnconquered castle both for strength and scituation . amongst the many memorable thinges which i was shewed there , i noted especially a great peece of ordinance of iron , it is not for batterie , but it will serue to defend a breach , or to tosse balles of wilde-fire against any that should assaile or assault the castle ; it lyes now dismounted . and it is so great within , that it was tolde mee that a childe was once gotten there , but i to make tryall crept into it , lying on my backe , and i am sure there was roome enough and spare for a greater then my selfe . so leauing the castle , as it is both defenciue against any opposition , and magnificke for lodging and receite , i descend lower to the citty , wherein i obserued the fairest and goodliest street that euer mine eyes beheld , for i did neuer see or heare of a streete of that length , ( which is halfe an english mile from the castle to a faire port which they call the neather-bow ) and from that port the streete which they call the kenny-hate is one quarter of a mile more : downe to the kings pallace called holy-rood-house , the buildings on each side of the way being all of squared stone , fiue , sixe , and seauen storyes high , and many by lanes and closes on each side of the way , wherein are gentlemens houses , much fairer then the buildings in the high streete , for in the high-street the marchants and tradesmen doe dwell , but the gentlemens mansions and goodliest houses are obscurely founded in the aforesaid lanes : the walles are eight or ten foote thicke , exceeding strong , not built for a day , a weeke , or a month , or a yeare ; but from antiquitie to posteritie , for many ages ; there i found entertainment beyond my expectation or merite , and there is fish , flesh , bread and fruite , in such variety , that i thinke i may offencelesse call it superfluitie , or sacietie . the worst was , that wine and ale was so scarce , and the people there such mizers of it , that euery night before i went to bed , if any man had asked mee a ciuill question , all the wit in my head could not haue made him a sober answer . i was at his maiesties pallace , a stately and princely seate , wherein i saw a sumptuous chappell most richly adorned , with all apurtenances belonging to so sacred a place , or so royall an owner . in the inner court , i saw the kings armes cunningly carued in stone , and fixed ouer a doore aloft on the wall , the red lyon being the crest , ouer which was written this inscription in latine , nobis haec inuicta miserunt , 105. proaui . i enquired what the english of it was ? it was told me as followeth , which i thought worthy to be recorded . 106. fore-fathers hath left this to vs vnconquered . this is a worthy and a memorable motto , and i thinke few kingdomes or none in the world can truly write the like , that notwithstanding so many inroades ▪ incursions , attempts , assaults , ciuill warres , and forraigne hostilities , bloodie battels , and mightie foughten fields , that maugre the strength and pollicie of enemies , that royall crowne and scepter hath from one hundred and seauen descents , keepe still vnconquered , and by the power of the king of kings ( through the grace of the prince of peace ) is now left peacefully to our peacefull king , whom long in blessed peace , the god of peace defend and gouerne . but once more , a word or two of edinborough , although i haue scarcely giuen it that due which belongs vnto it , for their lofty and stately buildings , and for their faire and spacious streete , yet my minde perswades me that they in former ages that first founded that citie , did not so well in that they built it in so discommodious a place ; for the sea , and all nauigable riuers , being the chiefe meanes for the enriching of townes and cities , by the reason of traffique with forraigne nations , with exportation , transportation , and receite of variety of marchantdizing ; so this citie had it beene built but one mile lower on the sea side , i doubt not but it had long before this beene comparable to many a one of our greatest townes and cities in europe , both for spaciousnesse of bounds , port , state , and riches . it is said that king iames the fifth ( of famous memorie ) did graciously offer to purchase for them , and to bestow vpon them freely , certaine lowe and pleasant grounds a mile from them on the sea shore , with these conditions , that they should pull downe their citie , and build it in that more commodious place , but the citizens refused it : and so now it is like ( for me ) to stand where it doth , for i doubt such another proffer of remoueall will not be presented to them , till two dayes after the faire . now haue with you for leeth , whereto i no sooner came , but i was well entertained by mr. barnard lindsay , one of the groomes of his maiesties bed-chamber , hee knew my estate was not guilty , because i brought no guilt with mee ( more then my sinnes , and they would not passe for current there ) hee therefore did replenish the vaustity of my emptie purse , and discharged a peece at mee with two bullets of gold , each being in value worth eleuen shillings white money : and i was credibly informed that within the compasse of one yeare , there was shipped away from that onely port of leeth , fourescore thousand boles of wheate , oates , and barley , into spaine , france , and other forraigne parts , and euery bole containes the measure of foure english bushels , so that from leeth onely hath beene transported three hundred and twenty thousand bushels of corne ; besides some hath beene shipped away from st. andrewes , from dundee , aberdeene , disert , kirkady , kinghorne , burnt-iland , dunbar , and other portable townes , which makes mee to wonder that a kingdome so populous as it is , should neuerthelesse sell so much bread corne beyond the seas , and yet to haue more then sufficient for themselues . so i hauing viewed the hauen and towne of leeth , tooke a passage boate to see the new wondrous well , to which many a one that is not well , comes farre and neere in hope to be made well : indeede i did heare that it had done much good , and that it hath a rare operation to expell or kill diuers maladies ; as to prouoke appetite , to helpe much for the auoyding of the grauell in the bladder , to cure sore eyes , and olde vlcers , with many other vertues which it hath , but i ( through the mercy of god hauing no neede of it , did make no great inquisition what it had done , but for nouelty i dranke of it , and i found the taste to be more pleasant then any other water , sweet almost as milke , yet as cleare as cristall , and i did obserue that though a man did drinke a quart , a pottell , or as much as his belly could containe , yet it neuer offended or lay heauie vpon the stomacke , no more then if one had dranke but a pint or a small quantity . i went two miles from it to a towne called burnt-iland , where i found many of my especiall good friends , as m. robert hay , one of the groomes of his maiesties bed-chamber , maister dauid drummond , one of his gentlemen pentioners ▪ maister iames acmooty , one of the groomes of the priuie chamber , captaine m●rray , sir henry witherington knight , captaine tyrie , and diuers others ▪ and there master hay , maister drummond , and the good olde captaine murray , did very bountifully furnish mee with gold for my expences , but i being at dinner with those aforesaid gentlemen , as we were discoursing , there befell a strange accident , which i thinke worth the relating . i know not vpon what occasion they began to talke of being at sea in former times , and i ( amongst the rest ) said i was at the taking of cales , whereto an english gentleman replied , that he was the next good voyage after at the ilands : i answered him that i was there also . he demanded in what ship i was ? i tolde him in the rainebowe of the queenes , why ( quoth hee ) doe you not know mee ? i was in the same ship , and my name is witherington . sir , said i , i doe remember the name well , but by reason that it is neere two and twenty yeeres since i saw you , i may well forget the knowledge of you : well , said hee , if you were in that ship , i pray you tell me some remarkable token that happened in the voyage : whereupon i tolde him two or three tokens which hee did know to be true . nay then said i , i will tell you another which ( perhaps ) you haue not forgotten ; as our ship and the rest of the fleete did ride at anchor at the i le of flores ( one of the isles of the azores ) there were some fourteene men and boyes of our ship , that for nouelty would goe a shore , and see what fruit the i land did beare , and what entertainement it would yeeld vs : so being landed , wee went vp and downe and could finde nothing but stones , heath and mosse , and wee expected oranges , limonds , figges , muske-millions , and potatoes : in the meane space the winde did blow so stiffe , and the sea was so extreame rough , that our ship-boate could not come to the land to fetch vs , for feare she should be beaten in pieces against the rockes ; this continued fiue dayes , so that wee were all almost famished for want of foode : but at last ( i squandring vp and downe ) by the prouidence of god i happened into a caue or poore habitation , where i found fifteene loaues of bread , each of the quantity of a penny loafe in england , i hauing a valiant stomacke of the age of almost 120. houres breeding , fell too , and eate two loaues and neuer said grace : and as i was about to make a horse-loafe of the third loafe , i did put 12. of them into my breeches , and my sleeues , and so went mumbling out of the caue , leaning my backe against a tree , when vpon the sodaine a gentleman came to me and saide , friend what are you eating , bread quoth i , for gods sake said hee giue me some , with that i put my hand into my breech , ( beeing my best pantrey ) and i gaue him a loafe , which hee receiued with many thankes , and saide that if euer hee could requite it hee would . i had no sooner tolde this tale but sr. henry witherington did acknowledge himselfe to bee the man that i had giuen the loafe vnto 22. yeares before , where i found the prouerbe true that men haue more priuiledge then mountaines in meeting . in what great measure , hee did requite so small a courtesie , i will relate in this following discourse in my returne through northumberland : so leauing my man at the towne of burnt iland , i tolde him , i would but goe to sterling , and see the castle there , and withall to see my honourable friends the earle of marr , and sir william murray knight , lord of abercarny , and that i would returne within two dayes at the most : but it fell out quite contrary ; for it was fiue and thirtie dayes before i could get backe againe out of these noble-mens company . the whole progresse of my trauell with them , and the cause of my stay , i cannot with gratefulnesse omit ; and thus it was . a worthy gentleman , named master iohn fenton , did bring mee on my way sixe miles , to dumfermling , where i was well entertained , and lodged at master iohn gibb his house , one of the groomes of his maiesties bed-chamber , and i thinke the oldest seruant the king hath : withall i was well entertained there by master crighton at his owne house , who went with mee , and shewed mee the queenes palace ; ( a delicate and a princely mansion ) withall i saw the ruines of an auncient and stately built abbey , with faire gardens , orchards , and medowes belonging to the palace : all which with faire and goodly reuenues , by the suppression of the abbey , were annexed to the crowne . there also i saw a very faire church , which though it be now very large and spacious , yet it hath in former times been much larger . but i taking my leaue of dumfermling , would needs goe and see the truely noble knight sir george bruce , at a towne called the cooras : there hee made mee right welcome , both with varietie of fare , and discourse ; and after all , hee commaunded three of his men to direct mee to see his most admirable cole-mines ; which ( if man can or could worke wonders ) is a wonder : for my selfe neither in any trauels that i haue been in , nor any history that i haue read , or any discourse that i haue heard , did neuer see , reade , or heare of any worke of man that might parallell or be equiualent with this vnfellowed and vnmatchable worke : and though all i can say of it , cannot describe it according to the worthinesse of his vigilant industry , that was both the occasion , inuentor , and maintainer of it : yet rather then the memory of so rare an enterprise , and so accomplisht a profit to the common-wealth shall bee raked and smothered in the dust of obliuion , i will giue a little touch at the description of it , although i amongst writers , am like he that worst may , holds the candle . the mine hath two wayes into it , the one by sea and the other by land ; but a man may go into it by land , and returne the same way if he please , and so he may enter into it by sea , and by sea hee may come foorth of it : but i for varieties sake went in by sea , and out by land. now men may obiect , how can a man goe into a mine , the entrance of it being in the sea , but that the sea wil follow him and so drown the mine . to which obiection thus i answer , that at a low water , the sea being ebd away , and a great part of the sand bare ; vpon this same sand ( beeing mixed with rockes and cragges ) did the master of this great worke build a round circular frame of stone , very thicke , strong , and ioyned together with glutinous or bitunous matter , so high withall ▪ that the sea at the highest flood , or the greatest rage of storme or tempest , can neither dissolue the stones so well compacted in the building , or yet ouerflowe the height of it . within this round frame , ( at all aduentures ) hee did set workemen to digge vvith mattockes , pickaxes , and other instruments fit for such purposes . they did digge more then fourtie foot downeright , into and through a rocke . at last they found that which they expected , which was sea-cole , they following the veine of the mine , did digge forward still : so that in the space of eight and twentie , or nine and twenty yeares they haue digged more then an english mile under the sea , that when men are at worke belowe , an hundred of the greatest shippes in britaine may saile ouer their ●●●ads . besides , the mine is most artificially cut like an arch or a vault all that great length , vvith many nookes and by-wayes in it : and it is so made , that a man may walke vpright in the most places , both in and out . many poore people are there set on worke , which otherwise through the want of imployment would perish . but when i had seene the mine , and was come foorth of it againe ; after my thankes giuen to sir george bruce , i tolde him , that if the plotters of the powder treason in england had seene this mine , that they ( perhaps ) would haue attempted to haue left the parliament house , and haue vndermined the thames , and so to haue blowne vp the barges and wherries , wherein the king , and all the estates of our kingdome were . moreouer , i said that i could affoord to turne tapster at london : so that i had but one quarter of a mile of his mine to make mee a celler , to keepe beere and bottle-ale in . but leauing these iestes in prose , i will relate a few verses that i made merrily of this mine . i that haue wasted months , weekes , dayes and howers in viewing kingdomes , countreys , townes and towers , without all measure , measuring many paces , and with my pen describing sundrie places , with few additions of my owne deuizing , ( because i haue a smacke of coriatizing . ) our mandeuill , primaleon , don quixot , great amadis , or huon traueld not as i haue done , or beene where i haue beene , or heard and seene , what i haue heard and seene ; nor britaines odcomb ( zanye braue vlissis ) in all his ambling saw the like as this is . i was in ( would i could describe it well ) a darke , light , pleasant , profitable hell , and as by water i was wafted in , i thought that i in charons boate had bin : but being at the entrance landed thus , three men there ( in the stead of cerberus ) conuaid me in , in each ones hand a light to guide vs in that vault of endlesse night . there young and old with glim'ring candles burning , digge , delue , and labour , turning and returning , some in a hole with baskets and with baggs , resembling furies , and infernall haggs : there one like tantall feeding , and there one , lake sisiphus he rowles the restlesse stone . yet all i saw was pleasure mixt with profit , which prou'd it to be no tormenting tophet ; for in this honest , worthy , harmelesse hell , there ne're did any damned diuell dwell : and th' owner of it gaines by 't more true glory , then rome doth by fantastick purgatory . a long mile thus i past , downe , downe , steepe steepe , in deepenesse farre more deepe , then neptunes deepe , whilst o're my head ( in fourefould stories hye ) was earth , and sea , and ayre , and sun , and skie : that had i dyed in that cimerian roome . foure elements had couered ore my tombe : thus farther then the bottome did i goe , ( and many englishmen haue not done so ; ) where mounting porposes , and mountaine whales , and regiments of fish with finnes and scales , twixt me and heauen did freely glide and slide , and where great ships may at an anchor ride : thus in by sea and out by land i past , and tooke my leaue of good sir george at last . the sea at certaine places doth leake , or soake into the mine , which by the industry of sir george bruce , is all conueyd to one well neere the land ; where hee hath a deuise like a horsemill that with three horses and a great chaine of iron , going downeward many fadomes , with thirty sixe buckets fastened to the chaine , of the which eighteene goes downe still to be filled , and eighteene ascends vp to be emptied , which doe empty themselues ( without any mans labour ) into a trough that conueyes the water into the sea againe ; by which meanes he saues his myne which otherwise would be destroyed with the sea , beside he doth make euery weeke ninety or an hundred tuns of salt , which doth serue part of scotland , some hee sends into england , and very much into germany : all which shewes the painefull industry with gods blessings to such worthy endeauours : i must with many thankes remember his courtesie to mee , and lastly , how he sent his man to guide me ten miles on the way to sterling , where by the way i saw the outside of a faire and stately house called allaway , belonging to the earle of marr , which by reason that his honor was not there , i past by and went to sterling , where i was entertained and lodged at one mr. iohn archibalds , where all my want was that i wanted roome to containe halfe the good cheere that i might haue had there ; hee had me into the castle , which in few words i doe compare to windsor for scituation , much more then windsor in strength , and somewhat lesse in greatnes ; yet i dare affirme , that his majesty hath not such another hall to any house that he hath neither in england nor scotland , except westminster hall which is now no dwelling hall for a prince being long since metamorphosed into a house for the law and the profits . this goodly hall was built by king iames the fourth , that married king henry the eights sister and after was slaine at flodden field ; but it surpasses all the halls for dwelling houses that euer i saw , for length , breadth , height and strength of building , the castle is built vpon a rocke very lofty , and much beyond edenborough castle in state and magnificence , and not much inferiour to it in strength , the roomes of it are lofty , with carued workes on the seelings , the doores of each roome beeing so high that a man may ride vpright on horsebacke into any chamber or lodging . there is also a goodly faire chappell , with cellers , stables , and all other necessary offices , all very stately and besitting the maiestie of a king. from sterling i rode to saint iohnston , a fine towne it is , but it is much decayed , by reason of the want of his maiesties yearely comming to lodge there . there i lodged one night at an inne , the goodman of the house his name being patrick pettcarne , where my entertainement was with good cheere , good drinke , good lodging , all too good to a bad weary guest . mine host tolde mee that the earle of marr and sir william murray of abercarny were gone to the great hunting to the brea of marre ; but if i made hast i might perhaps finde them at a towne called breekin , or breechin , two and thirty miles from saint iohns stone , wherevpon i tooke a guide to breekin the next day , but before i came , my lord was gone from thence foure dayes . then i tooke another guide , which brought mee such strange wayes ouer mountaines and rockes , that i thinke my horse neuer went the like ; and i am sure i neuer saw any wayes that might fellow them . i did goe through a country called glaneske , where passing by the side of a hill , so steepe as is the ridge of a house , where the way was rocky , and not aboue a yard broad in some places , so fearefull and horrid it was to looke downe into the bottome , for if either horse or man had slipt , he had fallen ( without recouery ) a good mile downe-right ; but i thanke god , at night i came to a lodging in the lard of eggells land , where i lay at an irish house , the folkes not being able to speake scarce any english , but i sup'd and went to bed , where i had not laine long but i was enforced to rise , i was so stung with irish musketaes , a creature that hath sixe legs , & liues like a monster altogether vpon mans flesh , they doe inhabite and breed in most sluttish houses , and this house was none of the cleanliest , the beast is much like a louse in england , both in shape and nature ; in a word they were to me the a. and the z. the prologue and the epilogue , the first and the last that i had in all my trauells from edenborough ; and had not this highland irish house helped mee at a pinch , i should haue sworne that all scotland had not beene so kind as to haue bestowed a louse vpon me : but with a shift that i had , i shifted off my caniballs , and was neuer more troubled with them . the next day i trauelled ouer an exceeding high mountaine , called mount skeene , where i found the valley very warme before i went vp it ; but when i came to the top of it , my teeth beganne to daunce in my head with colde , like virginall iackes ; and withall , a most familiar mist embraced mee round , that i could not see thrice my length any way : withall , it yeelded so friendly a deaw , that it did moysten through all my clothes : where the olde prouerbe of a scottish miste was verified , in wetting mee to the skinne . vp and downe , i thinke this hill is sixe miles , the way so vneuen , stonie , and full of bogges , quagmires , and long heath , that a dogge with three legs will outrunne a horse with foure : for doe what we could , wee were foure houres before we could passe it . thus with extreame trauell , ascending and descending , mounting & alighting , i came at night to the place where i would bee , in the brea of marr , which is a large countie , all composed of such mountaines , that shooters hill , gads hill , highgate hill , hampsted hill , birdlip hill , or maluerne hilles , are but mole ▪ hilles in comparison , or like a liuer , or a gizard vnder a capons wing , in respect of the altitude of their toppes , or perpendicularitie of their bottomes . there i saw mount benawne , with a furr'd mist vpon his snowie head in stead of a nightcap : ( for you must vnderstand , that the oldest man aliue neuer saw but the snow was on the top of diuers of those hilles , both in summer , as well as in winter . ) there did i finde the truely noble and right honourable lords , iohn erskin earle of marr , iames stuart earle of murray , george gordon earle of engye , sonne and heire to the marquesse of huntley , iames erskin , earle of bughan , and iohn lord erskin , sonne and heire to the earle of marre , and their countesses , with my much honoured , and my best assured and approoued friend , sir william murray knight , of abercarnye , and hundred of others knights , esquires , and their followers ; all and euery man in generall in one habit , as if licurgus had beene there and made lawes of equalitie : for once in the yeare , which is the whole moneth of august , and sometimes part of september ; many of the nobilitie and gentry of the kingdome ( for their pleasure ) doe come into these high-land countreyes to hunt , where they doe all conforme themselues to the habite of the high-land men , who for the most part speake nothing but irish ; and in former time were those people which were called the redshankes : their habite is shooes with but one sole apiece ; stockings ( which they call short hose ) made of a warme stuffe of diuers colours , which they call tartane : as for breeches , many of them , nor their forefathers neuer wore any , but a ierkin of the same stuffe that their hose is of , their garters beeing bands or wreathes of hay or straw , with a plead about their shoulders , which is a mantle of diuers colours , much finer and lighter stuffe then their hose , with blew flat caps on their heads , a handkerchiefe knit with two knots about their neckes : and thus are they attyred . now their weapons are long bowes , and forked arrowes , swords and targets , harquebusses , muskets , durks and loquhabor axes . with these armes i found many of them armed for the hunting . as for their attire , any man of what degree soeuer that comes amongst them , must not disdaine to weare it : for if they doe , then they will disdaine to hunt , or willingly to bring in their dogges : but if men bee kinde vnto them , and bee in their habit ; then are they conquered with kindnesse , and the sport will be plentifull . this was the reason that i found so many noblemen and gentlemen in those shapes . but to proceed to the hunting . my good lord of marr hauing put me into that shape , i rode with him from his house , where i saw the ruines of an olde castle , called the castle of kindroghit . it was built by king malcolm canmore ( for a hunting horse ) who raigned in scotland when edward the confessor , harold , and norman william raigned in england : i speake of it , because it was the last house that i saw in those parts ; for i was the space of twelue dayes after , before i saw either house , corne fielde , or habitation for any creature , but deere , wilde horses , wolues , and such like creatures , which made mee doubt that i should neuer haue seene a house againe . thus the first day wee traueld 8. miles , where there were small cottages built on purpose to lodge in , which they call lonquhards , i thanke my good lord erskin , he commanded that i should alwayes bee lodged in his lodging , the kitchin being alwayes on the side of a banke , many kettles and pots boyling , and many spits turning and winding , with great variety of cheere : as venison bak't , sodden , rost , and stu'de beefe , mutton , goates , kid , hares , fresh salmon , pidgeons , hens , capons , chickins , partridge , moorecoots , heathcocks , caperkellies and termagants ; good ale , sacke , white and claret , tent ( or allegant ) with most potent aqua vitae . all these and more then these wee had continually , in superfluous aboundance , caught by faulconers , foulers , and fishers , and brought by my lords tenants and purueyers to victuall our campe , which consisted of fourteene or fifteene hundred men and horses ; the manner of the hunting is this . fiue or sixe hundred men doe rise early in the morning , and they doe disperse themselues diuers wayes , and 7.8 . or 10. miles compasse they doe bring or chase in the deere in many heards , ( two , three , or foure hundred in a heard ) to such or such a place as the noblemen shall appoint them ; then when day is come , the lords and gentlemen of their companies , doe ride or goe to the said places , sometimes wading vp to the middles through bournes and riuers : and then they being come to the place , doe lye downe on the ground , till those foresaid scouts which are called the tinckhell do bring downe the deere : but as the prouerbe sayes of a bad cooke , so these tinkhell men doe lick their owne fingers ; for besides their bowes and arrowes which they carry with them , wee can heare now and then a harguebuse or a musquet goe off , which they doe seldome discharge in vaine : then after wee had stayed three houres or thereabouts , wee might perceiue the deere appeare on the hills round about vs , ( their heads making a shew like a wood ) which being followed close by the tinkhell , are chased downe into the valley where wee lay ; then all the valley on each side being way-laid with a hundred couple of strong irish grey-hounds , they are let loose as occasion serues vpon the heard of deere , that with dogges , gunnes , arrowes , durks and daggers , in the space of two houres fourescore fat deere were slaine , which after are disposed of some one way and some another , twenty or thirty miles , and more then enough left for vs to make merry withall at our rendeuouze . i liked the sport so well , that i made these two sonnets following . why should i wast inuention to endite , ouidian fictions , or olympian games ? my misty muse enlightened with more light , to a more noble pitch her ayme she frames . i must relate to my great maister iames , the calydonian anuall peacefull warre ; how noble mindes doe eternize their fames by martiall meeting in the brea of marr : how thousand gallant spirits come neere and farre , with swords and targets , arrowes , bowes and gunnes , that all the troope to men of iudgement , are the god of warres great neuer conquered sonnes . the sport is manly , yet none bleed but beasts , and last , the victors on the vanquisht feasts . if sport like this can on the mountaines bee , where phoebus flames can neuer melt the snow : then let who lift delight in vales below , skie-kissing mountaine pleasures are for me : what brauer obiect can mans eyesight see , then noble , worshipfull , and worthy wights , as if they were prepard for sundry fights , yet all in sweet society agree : through heather , mosse , 'mongst frogs , and bogs , and fogs , mongst craggy cliffes , and thunder battered hills , hares , hindes , buckes , rees are chas'd by man and dogs , where two howres hunting fourescore fat deere killes . low lands , your sports are low as is your seate , the high-land games and minds , are high and great . beeing come to our lodgings , there was such baking , boyling , rosting , and stewing , as if cooke ruffian had beene there to haue scalded the deuill in his feathers : and after supper a fire of firre wood as high as an indifferent may-pole : for i assure you , that the earle of marre will giue any man that is his friend , for thankes , as many firre trees ( that are as good as any shippes mastes in england ) as are worth ( if they were in any place neere the thames , or any other portable riuer ) the best earledome in england or scotland either : for i dare affirme hee hath as many growing there , as would serue for mastes ( from this time to the end of the world ) for all the shippes , carackes , hoyes , galleyes , boates , drumlers , barkes , and water-craftes , that are now , or can bee in the world these fourtie yeares . this sounds like a lie to an vnbeleeuer ; but i and many thousands doe knowe that i speake within the compasse of truth : for indeede ( the more is the pitie ) they doe growe so farre from any passage of water , and withall in such rockie mountaines , that no way to conuey them is possible to bee passable either with boate , horse , or cart. thus hauing spent certaine dayes in hunting in the brea of marr , wee went to the next countie called bagenoch , belonging to the earle of engye , where hauing such sport and entertainement as wee formerly had ; after foure or fiue dayes pastime , wee tooke leaue of hunting for that yeare ; and tooke our iourney toward a strong house of the earles , called ruthen in bagenoch , where my lord of engye and his noble countesse ( being daughter to the earle of argile ) did giue vs most noble welcome three dayes . from thence wee went to a place called ballo castle , a faire and stately house ; a worthy gentleman beeing the owner of it , called the lard of graunt ; his wife beeing a gentlewoman honourably descended , being sister to the right honourable earle of atholl , and to sir patricke murray knight ; shee beeing both inwardly and outwardly plentifully adorned with the guifts of grace and nature : so that our cheere was more then sufficient ; and yet much lesse then they could affoord vs. there staied there foure dayes , foure earles , one lord , diuers knights and gentlemen , and their seruants , footemen and horses ; and euery meale foure long tables furnished with all varieties : our first and second course beeing threescore dishes at one boord ; and after that alwayes a banquet : and there if i had not forsworne wine till i came to edinbrough , i thinke i had there dranke my last . the fifth day with much adoe wee gate from thence to tarnaway , a goodly house of the earle of murrayes , ●●here that right honourable lord and his ladie did welcome vs foure dayes more . there was good cheere in all varietie , with somewhat more then plentie for aduantage : for indeed the countie of murray is the most pleasantess , and plentifullest countrey in all scotland ; being plaine land , that a coach may bee driuen more then foure and thirtie myles one way in it , all alongst by the sea-coast . from thence i went to elgen in murray , an auncient citie , where there stood a faire and beautifull church with three steeples , the walles of it and the steeples all yet standing ; but the roofe , windowes , and many marble monuments and toombes of honourable and worthie personages all broken and defaced : this was done in the time when ruine bare rule , and knox knock'd downe churches . from elgen we went to the b. of murray his house which is called spinye , or spinaye . a reuerend gentleman hee is , of the noble name of dowglasse , where wee were very well welcomed , as befitted the honour of himselfe and his guests . from thence wee departed to the lord marquesse of huntleyes , to a sumptuous house of his , named the bogg of geethe , where our entertainement was like himselfe , free , bountifull and honourable . there ( after two dayes stay ) with much entreatie and earnest suite , i gate leaue of the lords to depart towards edinbrough : the noble marquesse , the earles of marr , murray , engie , bughan , and the lord erskin ; all these , i thanke them , gaue me gold to defray my charges in my iourney . so after fiue and thirtie dayes hunting and trauell , i returning , past by another stately mansion of the lord marquesses , called stroboggy , and so ouer carny mount to breekin , where a wench that was borne deafe and dumbe came into my chamber at mid-night ( i beeing asleepe ) and shee opening the bed , would faine haue lodged with mee : but had i beene a sardanapalus , or a heliogobalus , i thinke that either the great trauell ouer the mountaines had tamed me ; or if not , her beautie could neuer haue mooued me . the best parts of her were , that her breath was as sweet as sugar-carrion , being very well shouldered beneath the waste ; and as my hostesse tolde mee the next morning , that shee had changed her maiden-head for the price of a bastard not long before . but howsoeuer , shee made such a hideous noyse , that i started out of my sleepe , and thought that the deuill had beene there : but i no sooner knewe who it was , but i arose , and thrust my dumbe beast out of my chamber ; and for want of a locke or a latch , i staked vp my doore with a great chaire . thus hauing escaped one of the seuen deadly sinnes at breekin , i departed from thence to a towne called forfard ; and from thence to dundee , and so to kinghorne , burnt iland , and so to edinbrough , where i stayed eight dayes , to recouer my selfe of falles and bruises which i receiued in my trauell in the high-land mountainous hunting . great welcome i had shewed mee all my stay at edinbrough , by many worthy gentlemen , namely , olde master george todrigg , master henry leuingston , master iames henderson , master iohn maxwell , and a number of others , who suffered me to want no wine or good cheere , as may be imagined . now the day before i came from edinbrough , i went to leeth , where i found my long approoued and assured good friend master beniamin iohnson , at one master iohn stuarts house : i thanke him for his great kindnesse towards mee : for at my taking leaue of him , hee gaue mee a piece of golde of two and twentie shillings to drinke his health in england . and withall , willed mee to remember his kinde commendations to all his friendes : so with a friendly farewell , i left him , as well , as i hope neuer to see him in a worse estate : for hee is amongst noble-men and gentlemen that knowes his true worth , and their owne honours , where with much respectiue loue hee is worthily entertained . so leauing leeth , i return'd to edinbrough , and within the port or gate , called the netherbowe , i discharged my pockets of all the money i had : and as i came pennilesse within the walles of that citie at my first comming thither ; so now at my departing from thence , i came monesse out of it againe ; hauing in my company to conuey mee out , certaine gentlemen , amongst the which was master iames acherson , laird of gasford , a gentleman that brought mee to his house , where with great entertainement hee and his good wife did welcome me . on the morrowe he sent one of his men to bring mee to a place , called adam , to master iohn acmootye his house , one of the groomes of his maiesties bed-chamber ; where with him , and his two brethren , master alexander , and master iames acmootye , i found both cheere and welcome not inferiour to any that i had had in any former place . amongst our viands that wee had there , i must not forget the sole and goose , a most delicate fowle , which breedes in great aboundance in a little rocke called the basse , which stands two miles into the sea. it is very good flesh , but it is eaten in the forme as wee eate oysters , standing at a side-boord , a little before dinner , vnsanctified without grace ; and after it is eaten , it must be well liquored with two or three good rowses of sherrie or canarie sacke . the lord or owner of the basse doth profite at the least two hundred pound yearely by those geese ; the basse it selfe being of a great height , and neere three quarters of a mile in campasse , all fully replenished with wildfowle , hauing but one small entrance into it , with a house , a garden , and a chappell in it ; and on the toppe of it a well of pure fresh water . from adam mr. iohn and mr. iames acmootye went to the towne of dunbarr with mee , where tenne scottish pintes of wine were consumed and brought to nothing for a farewell : there at master iames baylies house i tooke leaue , and master iames acmootye comming for england , said , that if i would ride with him , that neither i nor my horse should want betwixt that place and london . now i hauing no money or meanes for trauell , beganne at once to examine my manners , and my want : at last my want perswaded my manners to accept of this worthy gentlemans vndeserued courtesie . so that night hee brought mee to a place called cober spath , where wee lodged at an inne , the like of which i dare say , is not in any of his maiesties dominions . and for to shewe my thankfulnesse to master william arnet and his wife , the owners thereof , i must a little explaine their bonntifull entertainement of guests , which is this : suppose tenne , fifteene , or twentie men and horses come to lodge at their house , the men shall haue flesh , tame and wild-fowle , fish , with all varietie of good cheere , good lodging , and welcome ; and the horses shall want neither hay or prouender : and in the morning at their departure the reckoning is iust nothing . this is this worthy gentlemans vse , his chiefe delight beeing onely to giue strangers entertainement gratis : and i am sure , that in scotland beyond edinbrough ▪ i haue beene at houses like castles for building ; the master of the house his beauer being his blew bonnet , one that will weare no other shirts , but of the flaxe that growes in his owne ground ; and of his wiues , daughters , or seruants spinning ; that hath his stockings , hose , and ierkin of the wooll of his owne sheepes backes ; that neuer ( by his pride of apparell ) caused mercer , draper , silke-man , embroyderer , or haberdasher to breake and turne bankerupt : and yet this plaine home-spunne fellow keepes and maintaines thirtie , fourtie , fiftie seruants , or perhaps more , euery day releeuing three or fourescore poore people at his gate ; and besides all this , can giue noble entertainement for foure or fiue dayes together to fiue or sixe earles and lords , besides knights , gentlemen & their followers , if they be three or foure hundred men and horse of them , where they shall not onely feed but feast , and not feast but banquet , this is a man that desires to know nothing so much as his duty to god and his king whose greatest cares are to practise the works of piety , charity , and hospitality : hee neuer studies the consuming art of fashionlesse fashions , hee neuer tries his strength to beare foure or fiue hundred acres on his backe at once , his legges are alwayes at liberty , not being fettered with golden garters , and manacled with artificiall roses , whose weight ( sometime ) is the last relliques of some decayed lordship : many of these worthy house-keepers there are in scotland , amongst some of them i was entertained ; from whence i did truely gather these aforesaid obseruations . so leauing coberspath we rode to barwicke , where the worthy old soldier and ancient knight , sir william bowyer , made me welcome ; but contrary to his will , we lodged at an inne , where mr. iames acmooty paid all charges : but at barwicke there was a grieuous chance hapned , which i think not fit the relation to be omitted . in the riuer of tweed , which runnes by barwicke are taken by fishermen that dwell there , infinite numbers of fresh salmons , so that many housholds and families are relieued by the profit of that fishing ; but ( how long since i know not ) there was an order that no man or boy whatsoeuer should fish vpon a sunday : this order continued long amongst them , till some eight or nine weekes before michaelmas last , on a sunday , the salmons plaid in such great aboundance in the riuer , that some of the fishermen ( contrary to gods law and their owne order ) tooke boates and nettes and fished , and caught neere three hundred salmons ; but from that time vntill michaelmas day that i was there which was nine weekes , and heard the report of it , and saw the poore peoples miserable lamentations , they had not seene one salmon in the riuer ; and some of them were in despaire that they should neuer see any more there ; affirming it to be god , iudgement vpon them for the prophanation of the saboth . the thirtieth of september wee rode from barwicke to belford , from belford to anwick the next day from anwick to newcastle , where i found the noble knight , sir henry witherington ; who , because i would haue no gold nor siluer , gaue mee a bay mare , in requitall of a loafe of bread that i had giuen him two and twenty yeares before , at the lland of flores , of the which i haue spoken before . i ouertooke at newcastle a great many of my worthy friends , which were all comming for london , namely , maister robert hay , and maister dauid drummond , where i was well welcom'd at maister nicholas tempests house . from newcastle i rode with those gentlemen to durham , to darington , to northallerton , and to topeliffe in yorkshire , where i tooke my leaue of them , and would needs try my pennilesse fortunes by my selfe , and see the citty of yorke , where i was lodged at my right worshipfull good friends , maister doctor hudson one of his maiesties chaplaines , who went with me , and shewed me the goodly minster church there , and the most admirable , rare-wrought , vnfellowed chapter house . from yorke i rode to doncaster , where my horses were well fed at the beare , but my selfe found out the honourable knight , sir robert anstruther at his father in lawes , the truely noble sir robert swifts house , hee being then high sheriffe of yorkeshire , where with their good ladies , and the right honourable the lord sanquhar , i was stayed two nights and one day , sir robert anstruther ( i thanke him ) not onely paying for my two horses meat , but at my departure , hee gaue mee a letter to newarke vpon trent , twenty eight miles in my way , where mr. george atkinson mine host made me as welcome as if i had beene a french lord , and what was to bee paid , as i cal'd for nothing , i paid as much ; and left the reckoning with many thankes to sir robert anstruther . so leauing newarke , with another gentleman that ouertooke mee , wee came at night to stamford , to the signe of the virginitie ( or the maydenhead ) where i deliuered a letter from the lord sanquhar ; which caused master bates and his wife , being the master and mistresse of the house , to make mee and the gentleman that was with mee great cheare for nothing . from stamford the next day wee rode to huntington , where wee lodged at the post-masters house , at the signe of the crowne ; his name is riggs . hee was informed who i was , and wherefore i vndertooke this my pennilesse progresse : wherefore hee came vp into our chamber , and sup'd with vs , and very bountifully called for three quarts of wine and sugar , and foure lugges of beere . hee did drinke and beginne healths like a horse-leech , and swallowed downe his cuppes without feeling , as if he had had the dropsie , or nine pound of spunge in his maw . in a word , as hee is a poste , hee dranke poste , striuing and calling by all meanes to make the reckoning great , or to make vs men of great reckoning . but in his payment hee was tyred like a iade , leauing the gentleman that was with mee to discharge the terrible shott , or else one of my horses must haue laine in pawne for his superfluous calling , and vnmannerly intrusion . but leauing him , i left huntington , and rode on the sunday to packeridge , where master holland at the faulkon , ( mine olde acquaintance ) and my louing and auncient hoste gaue mee , my friend , my man , and our horses excellent good cheere , and welcome , and i paid him with , not a penie of money . the next day i came to london , and obscurely comming within moore-gate , i went to a house and borrowed money : and so i stole backe againe to islington , to the signe of the mayden-head , staying till wednesday that my friendes came to meete mee , who knewe no other , but that wednesday was my first comming : where with all loue i was entertained with much good cheere : and after supper wee had a play of the life and death of guy of warwicke , plaied by the right honourable the earle of darbie his men . and so on the thursday morning beeing the fifteenth of october , i came home to my house in london . the epilogve to all my aduenturers and others . thus did i neither spend , or begge , or aske , by any course , direct , or indirectly : but in each tittle i perform'd my taske , according to my bill most circumspectly . i vow to god i haue done scotland wrong , ( and ( iustly ) gainst me it may bring an action ) i haue not giuen 't that right which doth belong , for which i am halfe guilty of detraction : yet had i wrote all things that there i saw , misiudging censures would suppose i flatter , and so my name i should in question draw , where asses bray , and pratling pies doe chatter : yet ( arm'd with truth ) i publish with my pen , that there th' almighty doth his blessings heape , in such aboundant food for beasts and men ; that i ne're saw more plenty or more cheape : thus what mine eyes did see , i doe beleeue ; and what i doe beleeue i know is true : and what is true vnto your hands i giue , that what i giue may be beleeu'd of you . but as for him that sayes i lye or dote , i doe returne , and turne the lye in 's throate . thus gentlemen , amongst you take my ware , you share my thankes , and i your moneyes share . yours in all obseruance and gratefulnesse , euer to be commanded . iohn taylor . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a13485-e560 my thankes to sir iohn & s. george dalstone , with sir hen : gurwin ouer eskl waded . the afore named knightes had giuen money to my guile of which hee left some part at euery ale-hoose . a catalogue of the nobility of england, scotland, and ireland with an addition of the baronets of england, the dates of their patents, the seuerall creations of the knights of the bath, from the coronation of king iames, to this present. collected by t.w. most exact catalogue of the nobilitie of england, scotland, and ireland walkley, thomas, d. 1658? 1630 approx. 84 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14671 stc 24974 estc s101308 99837124 99837124 1434 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14671) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 1434) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 979:08) a catalogue of the nobility of england, scotland, and ireland with an addition of the baronets of england, the dates of their patents, the seuerall creations of the knights of the bath, from the coronation of king iames, to this present. collected by t.w. most exact catalogue of the nobilitie of england, scotland, and ireland walkley, thomas, d. 1658? [2], 14, [28] p. printed [by eliz. allde] for t. walkley, london : 1630. t.w. = thomas walkley. printer's name from stc. printer's device (mckerrow 310) on title page. another edition of stc 24973.5, published in 1628 with title: a most exact catalogue of the nobilitie of england, scotland, and ireland. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng heraldry -great britain -early works to 1800. england -nobility -registers -early works to 1800. scotland -nobility -registers -early works to 1800. ireland -nobility -registers -early works to 1800. great britain -nobility -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a catalogve of the nobility of england , scotland , and ireland . vvith an addition of the baronets of england , the dates of their patents , the seuerall creations of the knights of the bath , from the coronation of king iames , to this present . collected by t. w. london , printed for thomas walkley , and are to be sold at his shop at the signe of the eagle and child at brittaines bursse . 1630. a catalogue of the nobiliti● of england . duk●s . george villers duke , marque●se , and earle of buckingham , and couentry , viscount villers , baro● of whadden , i●fra atatem . marquesses . iohn pawlet marquesse of winchester , earle of wiltshire , and lord st. iohn of basing . earles . thomas howard earle of arundell and surrey , earle marshall of england , and knight of the garter . robert vere earle of oxford , viscount bulbec , lord samford , and vadilsmere . henry percy earle of northumberland , lord poy●ings , fitz-payne , and brian , knight of the garter . george talbot earle of shrewesbury , lord talbot● furniuall , verdon , and strange of blakemere . henry gray earle of kent , lord ruthin . william stanley earle of derby , lord stanley , strange of knoking , and of the i le of man , knight of the garter . henry somerset earle of worcester , lord herbert of chepstow , ragland , and gower . francis mannors earle of rutland , lord ros of hamelake , beluoir , and trusbut , knight of the garter . francis clifford earle of cumberland , lord clifford● westmerland , and vesey . edward radcliffe earle of sussex , viscount fitz-wal●er , lord egremont , and burnell . henry hastings earle of huntington , lord hastings hungerford , botreaux , moeles , and molyns , edward bourchier earle of bath , and lord fitz-warin . thomas wriothesley , earle of southampton , and baron wrioth●sley of titchfield . francis russell earle of bedford , and lord russell . philip herbert earle of pembroke and montgomery● baron ●erbert of cardiffe and shirland , lord parre and roos , of kenda● , marmion , and st. quintin , lord cham●erlaine of his maiesties houshold , and knight of the gar●er . william seymour earle of hartford , and baron beauchamp . rob●rt deuereux earle of essex , viscount hereford , and bourchier , lord ferrers of chartly , bourchier , and louayne . theophilus fynes earle of lincolne , and lord clinton . charles howard earle of nottingham , and lord howard of e●●ingham . earles made by king iames . theophilus howard earle of suffolke , lord howard of walden , and knight of the garter . edward sackuile earle of dorset , and baron buckhurst , knight of the garter , and lord chamberlaine to the queenes maiestie . william cecill earle of salisbury , viscount cramborne , and baron cecill of essinden , knight of the garter . william cecill earle of exceter , baron burghley , knight of the garter . robert carr earle of somerset , viscount rochester , and baron of branspath , knight of the garter . iohn egerton earle bridgewater , viscount brackley , and baron ellesmere . robert sidney earle of leicester , viscount lifle , and baron sidney of penshurst . spencer compton earle of northampton , baron compton of compton . robert rich earle of warwicke , and lord rich of leeze . william cauendish earle of deuonshire , and baron cauendish of hardwicke , infra aetatem . iames hamilton earle of cambridge , marquesse of hamilton , earle of arran , baron of euen , and aberbroth , master of the horse to his maiestie . iames stuart earle of march , duke of lenox , lord aubigny , baron of leighton , bromeswold , lord darnley , mertiuen , and st. andrews . iames hay earle of carlile , viscount doncaster , lord hay of sauley , and knight of the garter . william fielding earle of denbigh , viscount fielding , and baron of newenham-padox . iohn digby earle of bristoll , and baron digby of shirborne . leonell cranfield earle of middlesex , and baron cranfield of cranfield . charles villers earle of anglesey , lord dauentrey . henry rich earle of holland , baron kensington , of kensington , capt. of the gard , and knight of the garter . iohn hollis earle of clare , lord houghton of houghton . oliuer st. iohn earle of bullingbroke , lord st. iohn of bletso . mildmay fane earle of westmerland , lord le de-spencer , and burghwash . earles made by king charies . william knowles earle of banbery , viscount wallingford , and lord knowles of grayes , knight of the garter . henry montague earle of manchester , viscount mandeuile , and lord kymbolton , lord priuy seale . thomas howard earle of barkeshire , viscount ando●ner , and lord charlton , knight of the garter . thomas wentworth earle of cleueland , lord wentworth of nettelsted . edmond she●●ield , earle of mulgraue , lord she●field of butterwick , and knight of the garter . henry danuers earle of danby , lord danuers of dantzy . robert cary earle of monmouth , lord cary of lepington . henry ley earle of marleburgh , and lord ley of ley. edward denny earle of norwich , and lord den●y of waltham . thomas darcie earle riuers , viscount colchester , and lord darcie of chich. robert bartu earle of lindsey , and lord willoughby of eresby , lord great chamberlaine , knight of the garter . william cauendish earle of new-ca●tell , viscount mansfield , lord boulfouer , and ogle . henry cary earle of douer , viscount rochford , and lord hunsdon . iohn mordant earle of peterborough , lord mordant of turuey . henry gray earle of standford , lord gray of groby , bonuille , and harington . elizabeth finch countesse of winchelsey , and viscountesse maidstone . robert perpoint earle of kingston vpon hull , viscount newarke vpon trent , and lord perpoint of hobnes perpoint . robert dormere earle of carna●uan , viscount asco● , and lord dormere of wing . mount-ioy blount earle of newport , lord mount-ioy of thurueston . philip stanhop earle of chesterfield , and lord stanhop of shelford . nicholas tufton earle of the i le of thanet , and lord tufton of tufton . richard de burgh earle of st. albons● and clanrickard , viscount tunbridge , and galloway , baron of somerhill , and imanuey . viscounts . anthony browne viscount montague of cowdrey . viscounts made by king iames . iohn villers viscount purbecke , lord of stoke . william ●ines viscount say and seale , lord say , and seale . viscounts made by king charles . edward cecill viscount wimbleton , and baron cecill of putney . thomas sauage viscount rock sauage . edward conway viscount conway , and killultagh , and baron conway of ragley , lord president of his maiesties priuie councell . paul baynening viscount baynening of sudbury , and lord baynening of hookesley . edward noell viscount camden , baron noell of ridlington . dudley carleton viscount dorchester , and lord carleton of imbercourt , principall secretarie . thomas wentworth viscount wentworth , baron wentworth of wentworth , wood-house , new-march , and ouer●ley . bishops . george abbot , archbishop of canterbury . samuel harsnet , archbishop of yorke . william laude , bishop of london . iohn howson bishop of durham . richard neile , bishop of winchester . thomas doue , bishop of peterborough . francis godwine , bishop of hereford . iohn thorneburgh , bishop of worcester . iohn buckridge , bishop of ely. thomas morton , bishop of couentry and lichfi●ld . lewes baily , bishop of bangor . iohn bridgeman , bishop of chester . theophilus field , bishop of st. dauids . iohn williams , bishop of lincolne . iohn dauenant , bishop of salisbury . robert wright , bishop of bristoll . godfrey goodman , bishop of gloucester . f●ancis white , bishop of norwich . io●uah hall , bishop of exeter . william murray , bishop of landaffe . richard mountagu , bishop of chichester . walter curle , bishop of bath and wells . richard corbet , bishop of oxford . barnabas potter , bishop of carlile . iohn owen , bishop of st. ashaph . iohn bowle , bishop of rochester . barons . henry clifford , lord clifford elde●t sonne of francis earle of cumberland . henry neuill lord abergauenny . maruin touchet lord awdeley of highleigh . algernon percie , lord percie , eldest sonne of henry earle of northumberland . iames stanley , lord strange , eldest sonne of william earle of derby . charles west lord delaware , infra aetatem . g●orge barkeley , lord barkeley of barkeley castle . henry parker , lord morley and montegle . richard lennard , lord dacres of hurst-monseux . henry stafford , lord stafford of stafford , infra ●tat●● . edward sutton , lord dudley of dudley castle . edward stourton , lord stourton of stourton . iohn darcie , lord darcie , and mennell . edward vaux , lord vaux of of harrowden . thomas windsor , lord windsor of bradenham . thomas cromwell , lord cromwell of ockha● . william eure , lord eure of whitton . philip wharton , lord wharton of wharton . william willoughby , lord willoughby of parham● william paget , lord paget of beaudesert . dudley north , lord north of carthlage . george bridges , lord shandos of sudley , infra ●ta●●● . barons made by king iam●s . william peter , lord peter of writtell . dutton gerard , lord gerard of gerards bro●ley . william spencer , lord spencer of wormleighto● . charles stanhop , lord stanhop of harrington . thomas arundell , lord arundell of wardour . christopher roper , lord tenham of tenham , infra aetatem . edward montagu , lord montagu of kimbolton , eldest sonne of henry earle of manchester . basell fielding , lord newnham paddocks , eldest so● of william earle of denbigh . robert greuill , lord brooke of bea●champ court. edward montagu lord montagu of boughto● . william gray , lord gray of warke . francis leake , lord denicourt of s●tton . richard roberts , lord roberts of truro . edward conway , lord conway of rag●ey , eldest sonne of edward visco●nt conway . barons made by king charles . horace v●re , lord vere of ti●bury , master of the ordnance . oliuer st. iohn , lord tregoze of highworth . william crauen , lord crauen of hamsteed marsh●ll . thomas bellassise , lord falconbridge of yarom . richard louelace , lord louelace of hurley . iohn pawlet , lord pawlet of hinton st. george . william h●rny , lord herny of kidbrooke . thomas brudenell , lord brudenell of stouton . william maynard , lord maynard of estaines . thomas couentry , lord couentry of alesborough , lord keeper of the great seale of england . edward howard , lord howard of est●ricke . richard weston , lord weston of ●eyla●d , lord high treasur●r of england , knight of the garter . ●eorge gor●ing , lord goreing of hurstperpoint . iohn mohun● lord mohun of o●●hampton . iohn sa●ill● lord sauill of pomfret . iohn bu●ler , lord butler of bram●ield . f●ancis l●igh , lord dunsemore . william h●rbert , lord powys of powys . edward herbert , lord herbert of chierbury . a catalogue of the dukes , marquesses , e●rles , viscounts , and barons of scotland . dukes . iames stuart duke of lennox , earle of march , lord da●ley● methuen , st. andrews , and aubigny , and ad●irall and chamberla●ne of scotland by inheritance . marqu●sses . iames hamiltone marquesse hamilton , earle of arran , and cambridge , lord auen , inordaill , and aberbroth , master of the horse to his maiestie . george gordoun marquesse huntley , earle of enzy , and lord strathbolgie . earles . william douglas earle of angus , lord douglas , and t●ntallon . archbald campbell earle of argyle , lord lorne , and kintine . george lindesey earle of crauford , lord glenesh , and fineuin . francis hay earle of erroll , lord hay of slains , con●table of scotland by inheritance . william keith earle mar●hall , lord dunoter , and marshall of scotland by inh●ritance . iohn gordon earle of sutherland , lord strathn●uer , and dunrobin . iohn erskeine earle of ma●r , and carioch , lord erskeine● and breichin , trea●u●er of scotland . iohn grahame earle of menteeth , lord , &c. iohn lesley earle of rothes , lord lesley , and ba●breigh . william douglas earle of morton , lord dalkeith , and aberdour . iames grahame earle of montros , lord kincairne , and mugdock . alexander seton earle of eglenton , lord mountgomery . iohn keneday earle of cassils , lord keneday . george st. claire earle ca●teynes , lord b●rredaill . alexander cunnighame earle of glencarne , lord kilmauris . iames erskeine earle of buchan , lord aughter●ous . iames stuart earle of murray , lord donne , and st. columb●inch . iohn mu●ray earle of athole , lord , &c. earles made by king iames . robert maxwell earle of ni●hisdale , lord maxwell , and cartauerock . george setone earle of wintoun , and lord setone . alexander leuinstone earle of linlithgou , lord kalendar . iames hume earle of hume , lord dungals . iohn drumond earle of perth , lord drumond , and hobhall . charles setone earle of dunfermeline , lord fyuie , and vrquarte . fl●iming earle of vigtoune , lord cumber●●rd . iohn layon earle of kingorne . iames hamilton earle of abercorne , lord dasley , iames kere earle of louthian , lord heubotill . patrick murray earle of tullibardine , lord murray . robert kere earle of roxbrugh , lord c●ssfing . thomas erskeine earle of kelly , viscount fentone , lord diriltone . walter scot earle of buckcleuch , lord , &c. thomas hamilton earle of hadingtoune , lord byning , and byris , lord priuy seale . alexander stuart earle of galloway , lord garleis . collen mac-enzie earle of seafort , lord kintaill . iohn murray earle of anandill , viscount anan , lord lochmabine . iohn maitland earle of lauderdale , viscount maitland , and lord thirilstone , and lethingtone . iames stuart earle of carrick , lord kincleuine . viscounts . henry carey , viscount falkland . henry cunstable , viscount dunbar . dauid murray , viscount stormouth , lord scone . william crightone , viscount aire , lord sanquhair . george hay , viscount dupleine , lord hay of kinfauns , lord high chamberlaine of scotland . iohn gordon , viscount melgum , lord aboyne . william douglas , viscount drumlanrick , &c. barons . lindesay , lord lindesay . iohn forbes , lord forbes . ab●rnete , lord saltoun . andrew gray , lord gray of fouils . iames stuart , lord vchiltrie . ca●hcarte , lord cathc●rte . lord caruill● iohn hay lord yester . iames semple , lord s●mple . henry st. clair , lord st. clair of rauensheogh . maxewell , lord heries . alexander elphingstone , lord elphingstone . lawrence oliphant , lord oliphant . simon foaser , lord lo●at . iames ogiluey , lord ogiluey . borthwick , lord borthwick● robert rosse , lord rosse . thomas boyde , lord boyde . sandelius , lord torphichen . alexander lindesay , lord spynnie . patrick lesley , lord londoers . cambell , lord loudon . thomas bruce , baron kinlosse . iohn elphingstone , lord balmerinoch . iames colueill , lord colueill . iames stuart , lord blantyre . robert balfour , lord burleigh . adam bothuell , lord holyrudehouse . iohn drumund , lord madertie . iames elphingstone , lord cooper . iohn cranstone , lord cranstone . ogiluey , lord deskford . robert melueill , lord melueill . dauid carnagay , lord carnagay . iohn ramsay , lord ramsay . carr , lord iedbrough . campbell , lord kintyir . naiper , lord naiper of marcheston . thomas fairfax , lord cameron . edward barret , lord newbrough . walter aston , lord forfare . iohn weymes , lord weymes . elizabeth richardson , baronesse of craumond , wife to sir thomas richardson , chiefe iustice of his maiesties court of common pl●●s . iohn stuart , lord traquair . donald macky , lord rae . robert dalzell , lord dalzell . a catalogue of the earles , viscounts , & barons of ireland● george fitz-gerald earle of kildare . walt●r butler earle of ormond . henry obri●n earle of thomond . richard burgh earle of clanricard . mernen to●chet earle of castell-hauen . richard boyle earle of corke . randall mac-donell earle of antrim . richard nugent earle of westmeath . iames dillon earle of roscomman . thomas ridgway earle of london derry . william brabazen earle of eastmeath . dauid barry earle of barrymore , & viscount ●o●teuant . gorge fielding earle of desmond & viscount callon . iohn vaughan earle of carbury , and lord vaughan of mol●ingar . william pope earle of downe , and baron bealterbert . luc●s plunket earle of ●inga●le , & lord of killene . viscounts . i●●ico p●eston viscount of gormanston . d●●id ●●che viscount of fermoy . richard ●●tler● viscount mo●ntgarret . richa●d wing●ield viscount powerscourt . o●●●er st. iohn viscount grandison . charles wilmot viscount wilmot of athlone . henry poore viscount of valentia . garret moore viscount of drogh●da . chris●opher dillon viscount dillon of costellagh-galni● nicholas netteruill viscount netteruill of dowthe . hugh montgomery viscount montgomery of the ardes . iames hamilton viscount clanhughboy . adam loftus viscount loftus of ely. thomas beaumont viscount beaumont of swords . anth. mac-enos alias magennis , visc. magennis of euagh . thomas cromwell viscount l●cale . edward chichester viscount chichester of carigfergus . dominick sarsfield viscount sarsfield of roscarbery . robert neede●am viscount kilmurry . thomas somerset viscount somerset of cassell . edward conway viscount of killultagh . nicholas sanderson vis●ount of castl●towne . thomas roper viscount of baltinglas . theobald burgh viscoun● of maio. lewes boyle viscount boyle of kynalmeaky . roger iones viscount of rannelagh . george chaworth viscount chaworth of ardmagh . barnham swift visco●●t carlingford . thomas sauile viscount sauile of castle-bar . iohn scudamore , baron scudamore of dromore , and viscount scudamore of sligo . robert cholmundeley visco . cholmundeley of kellis . thomas smith viscount strangford . richard lumley viscount lumley of waterford . richard wenman viscount wenman of tuan , and baron wenman of kilmanham . iohn taffe viscount corine , and baron of ballimote . william mounson viscount mounson of castle-mayne , and baron mounson of bellinguard . charles mac-carty viscount of muskry . richard mulenux viscount mulenux of mariburgh . thomas fairfax viscount fairfax of emmely . thomas fitz-william viscount fitz-william of meryung , and baron fitz-william of thorne-castle . perce butler viscount kerine . barons . richard bermingham , lord bermingham of athenry . iohn courcy , lord courcy of kinsale . thomas fitz-morrice , lord of kerry , and lixnawr . thomas fleming , lord of slane . nicholas st. lawrence , lord of hothe . patrick plunket , lord of dunsany . robert barnwell , lord of trimleston . edmund butler , lord of dunboyne . teige mac-gilpatrik , lord of vpper o●sery . oliuer plunket , lord of lough . iohn power , lord corraghmore . morrogh obrien , lord of inchequin . edmund burgh , lord burgh of castle-connell . thomas butler , lord of cahir . mont-ioy blunt , lord mont-ioy of mont-ioy fort. oliuer lambert , lord lambert of cauan . theobald burgh , lord burgh of britas . andrew steward , lord of castle-steward . iames balfoure , lord balfoure of clan-awley . henry folliet , lord folliet of ballishenam . william maynard , lord maynard of wicklogh . edward gorges , lord gorges of dundalke . robert digby , lord digby of geshell . william heruy , lord heruy of rosse . william fitz-william , lord fitz-william of liffer . william caufield , lord caufield of charlemont . henry docwray , lord docwray of culmore . edward blany , lord blany of monagham . francis aungier , lord aungier , of long-ford . lawrence esmond , lord esmond of lymerick . dermond omallum , lord omallum of glan omallum . william br●rton , lord brerton of laghlin . edward herbert lord herbert of castle-iland . george caluert , lord baltimore . hugh hare , lord colerane of colerane . william sherard , lord sherard of letrim . roger boyle , lord boyle , baron of broghill . brian mac-guier , baron of iniskillin . francis ansley , lord mount-norris . the names of baronets made by king iames and king charles , at seuerall times ; as followeth . anno 9. & 44. iacobi regis , 1611. sir nicholas bacon of redgraue , in the county of ●●●●folke knight , created baronet the 22. day of may , anno praedicto . sir richard molineux of se●ton in the county of lancaster knight , created baronet the 22. day of may , anno praedicto . sir thomas maunsell of morgan , in the county of clamorgan knight , created baronet the 22. day of may anno praedicto . george shyrley of staunton , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 22. day of may , vt supra . sir iohn stradling of st. donates , in the county of glamorgan knight , teste vt supra . thomas pe●ham of lawghton , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir francis leake of sutton , in the county of derby knight , teste vt supra . sir richard houghton of houghton-tower , in the county of lancaster knight , teste vt supra . sir henry hobart of intwood , in the county of norfolke knight , teste vt supra . sir george booth of dunham massie in the county of chester knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn peyton of hisman , in the county of cambridge knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . lionell talmache of h●mingham , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir i●ruis clifton of clif●on , in the county of derby knight , created baronet , teste v● supra . sir thomas gerrard of brim in the county of lancaster knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir walter aston of titfall , in the county of stafford kn●ght , created baronet , teste vt supra . philip kneuet of bucknam esquire , in the county of norfolke , teste vt supra . sir iohn s● . iohn of lediard tregos , in the couty of wilts knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . iohn shelly of michelgroue , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn sauage of rock-sauage , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno 9. & 44. iacobi regis , anno praedicte . sir francis barington of barington-hall , in the county of essex knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , v● supra anno praedicto . henry berkley of wymondham , in the county of l●icester esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praedicte . william wentworth of wentworth woodhouse , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iune , vt ante an . praed . sir richard musgraue of hartley-castle , in the county of vvestmerland knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . edward seimoure of bury-castle , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir miles finch of eastwell , in the county of kent knig. created baronet , teste vt supra . sir anthony cope of harwell , in the county of oxford knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas mounson of carleton , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . george griesley of drakelow , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . paul tracy of stanway , in the county of glocester esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn wentworth of g●ffield , in the county of essex knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir henry bellassis of newbrough , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . william constable of flambrough , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas legh of stoneley , in the county of vvarwicke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir edward noell of brooke , in the county of rutland knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir robert cotton of connington , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . robert cholmondeleigh of cholmondeleigh , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . iohn molineux of teuershalt , in the county of notting●am esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir francis wortley of vvortley , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir george sauile the elder of thornehill , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . william kniueton of mircaston , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet , ●este vt supra . sir philip woodhouse of ●imberley-hall , in the county of norfolke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william pope of vvilcot , in the county of of oxford knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iames harrington of ridlington , in the county of rutland knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praed . sir henry sauile of metheley , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . henry willoughby of risley , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . lewis tresham of rushton , in the county of northhampton esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . thomas brudenell of de●ne , in the county of northampton esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir george st. paul of snarford , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir philip tirwhit of s●amefield , in the county of lincolne kight , created baro●et , t●ste vt supra . sir rog●r da●lison o● laughton , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno pred . sir edward carre of sleford , in the county of lincolne knight , creat●d baro●et , teste vt supra . sir edward h●ssey of henington , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . le strange mord●nt of massi●gham parua , in the county of nor●●lke esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iun● . anno pred . thomas bendish of steeple bumsteed , in the county of essex esquire , creat●d baronet the 29. day of iune , anno predicto vt supra . sir iohn winne of gwidder , in the county of carnaruon knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william throckmorton of t●rtworth , in the county of gloucester knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir richard worsley of appledorecombe , in the county of southampton knight created baronet , teste vt supra . richard fleet-wood of cakewish , in the county of stafford e●quire , created baronet , teste vt supra . thomas spencer of yardington , in the county of oxford esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir iohn tufton of hothfield , in the county of k●nt knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praedictae . sir samuel peyton of knowlton , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir charles morrison of cashiobury , in the county of hertford , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir henry baker of sissinghurst , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste v● supra ● roger appleton of southbemsteet , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet , teste vt sup . sir william sedley of ailesford , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william twisden of east-peckham , in the county of kent knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir edward hales of woodchurch , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , vt william monyus of walwa●sher , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . thomas milemay of mulsham , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william maynard of easton parua , in the county of essex knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praedicto . henry lee of quarrendon , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . these last baronets which be in number 52. beare date all 29. day of iune , anno supradicto . and the other 18. which be first , doe all beare date 22. day of may , an. supradicto . anno 10. & 45. iacobi regis , 1612. sir iohn portman of orchard , in the county of somerset knight , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno pred . sir nicholas saunderson of saxby , in the county of lincolne , created baroned the 25. day of nouember the an. praed . sir miles sandes of wilberton within the i le of ely knight , created baronet , teste vt surra . william gostwicke of willington , in the county of bedford esquire , created baronet the 25. day of nouember anno praedicto . thomas puckering of weston , in the county of hertford esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william wray of glentworth , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir william ailoffe of braxted magna , in the county of essex knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir marmaduke wiuell of custable-burton , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet , the 25. day of nouember , anno pred . iohn peshall of horsley , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . francis englefield of wotton basset , in the county of wilts esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas ridgway of torre , in the county of deuon knight , created baronet , teste vt supra william essex of bewcot , in the county of berkeshire esquire , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno praed . sir edward gorges of langford , in the county of wilts knight , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno praed . edward deuereux of castle bramwitch , in the county of warwicke , esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . reginald mohun of buckonnock , in the county of cornwall esquire , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir harbottle grimstone of bradfield , in the county of essex knight , created baronet , teste vt supra . sir thomas holt of aston iuxta byrmingham , in the county of warwicke knight , created baronet the 25. day of nouember , anno praed . sir robert napar alias sandy of lewton-how , in the county of bedford knight , created baronet , teste 24● day of september , anno pred . paul bayning of in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the sir thomas temple of in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the day of thomas peneystone of in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the anno 13. & 48. iacobi regis 1615. thomas blackston of blackston , in the county and bishopiicke of durham , created baronet the 8. day of iune , anno praed . sir robert dormer of wing , in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the 10. day of iune , anno praed . and created baron dormer of wing , the thirty of iune , anno praed . anno 15. & 50. iacobi regis , 1616. sir rowland egerton of egerton , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 5. day of aprill an pred . roger towneshend of rainham , in the county of norffo●ke esquire , created baronet the 16. day of aprill , anno praed . simon clerke of sulford , in the county of warwicke esquire , created baronet the first day of may , anno pred . anno 15. & 51. iacobi regis , 1617. sir richard lucy of broxborne , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 11. day of march , anno praed . anno 16. & 51. iacobi regis , 1618. sir mathew boynton bramston in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 25. day of may. an . praed . thomas littleton of fr●nkley , in the county of worcester esquire , created baronet the 25. day of iuly , anno praed . anno 16. & 52. iacobi regis , 1618. sir francis leigh of newneham , in the county of warwicke knight , created baronet , the 24. day of december , anno praed . george morton of st. andrewes milborne , in the county of dorset esquire , created baronet the first day of march , an . praed . anno 17. & 52. iacobi regis , 1619. sir william heruy knight , created baronet the 31. day of may , an . praed . thomas mackworth of normanton , in the county of rutland esquire , created baronet the 4. day of iune , an . prad . william grey esquire , sonne and heire of sir ralph grey of chillingham in the county of northumberland knight , created baronet the 15. day of iune , an . praed . william villiers of brookesby , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 19. day of iuly , an . praed . sir iames ley of westbury , in the county of vvilts knight , created baronet the 20. day of iuly , an . pred . william hicks of beuerston , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 21. day of iuly , an . pred . anno 17. & 53. iacobi regis . sir thomas beamont of coleauerton , in the county of leicester knight , created baronet the 17. day of september , an . pred . henry salisbury of leweny , in the county of denbigh esquire , created baronet the 10. day of nouember , an . pred . erasmus driden of canons ashby , in the county of northampton esquire , created baronet the 16. day of nouember , an . pred . william armine esquire , sonne of sir william armine of osgodby , in the county of lincolne knight , created baronet the 28. of nouember , an . pred . sir william bamburgh of howson , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the first day of december , an . pred . edward hartoppe of freathby , in the county of leicester esquire , created baronet the 2. day of december , an . pred . iohn mill of camons-court , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 31. day of december , anno pred . francis radcliffe of darentwater , in the county of cumberland esquire , created baronet the 31. day of ianuary , an . pred . sir dauid foulis of ingleby , in the county of of yorke knight , created baronet the 6. day of february , an . pred . thomas philips of barrington , in the county of somerset esquire , created baronet the 16. day of february , an . pred . sir claudius forster of bambrough-castle , in the county of northumberland knight , created baronet the 7. day of march , an . praed . anthony chester of chicheley , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet the 23. day of march , an . praed . sir samuel tryon or layre-marney , in the county of essex knight , created baronet the 28. day of ma●ch , an . praed . anno 18. & 53. iacobi regis , 1620. adam newton of charleton , in the county of kent , esquire , created baronet the 2. day of aprill , an . pr. sir iohn boteler of hatfield-woodhall , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 12. day of aprill , an . pred . gilbert gerrard of harrow super montem , in the county of middlesex esquire , created baronet the 13. day of aprill , an . praed . humfrey lee of langley , in the county of salop esquire , created baronet the 3. day of may , an . praed . richard berney of park-hall in redham , in the county of norffolke esquire , created baronet the 5. day of may , an . praed . humfrey forster of aldermaston , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 20. day of may , anno praed . thomas biggs of lenchwicke , in the county of vvorcester esquire , created baron●t the 29. day of may , anno praed . henry bellingham of helsington , in the county of westmerland e●quire , created baronet the 30. day of may , an . praed . william yeluerton of rougham , in the county of norfolke esquire , cr●ated baronet the 31. day of may , anno praed . iohn scudamore of home lacy ● in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the first day of iune , anno praed . sir thomas gore of stitman , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 2. day of iune , an . praed . iohn packington of alesbury , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet the 22. day of iune , an . praed . raphe ashton of leuer , in the county of lancaster esquire , created baronet the 28. of iune , an . praed . sir baptist hicks of campden , in the county of glocester knight , created baronet the first day of iuly , anno praed . sir thomas roberts of glassenbury , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 3. day of iuly , anno praed . iohn hamner of hamner , in the county of flint esquire , creat●d baronet the 8. day of iuly , anno praedicto . edward osborne of keeton , in the county of yorke , esquire , created baronet the 13. day of iuly , anno praedicto . henry felton of playford , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet , the 20. day of iuly , an . praed . william chaloner of ginsborough , in the county of york● esquire , created baronet , the 21. day of iuly , an . praedicto . edward fryer of water-eaton , in the county of oxford esquire , created baronet the 22. day of iuly● an . praed . sir thomas bishop of parham , in the county of sussex knight , created baronet the 24. day of iuly , an . praed . sir francis vincent of stockdawe-barton , in the county of surrey knight , created baronet the 26. day of iuly , anno praed . anno 18. & 54. iacobi regis , 1620. henry clere of ormesby , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 27. day of february , an . praed . sir baniamin titchbourne of titchbourne , in the county of southampton knight , created baronet , the 8. day of march , an . praed . anno 19. & 54. iacobi regis , 1621. sir richard wilbraham of woodhey , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 5. day of may , anno praed . sir thomas delues of duddington in the county of chester knight , created baronet , the 8. day of may , an. praed . sir lewis watson of rockingham castle , in the county of northampton knight , created baronet , the 23. day of iune , an. praed . sir thomas palmer of wingham , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 29. day of iune , anno praed . sir richard roberts of trewro , in the county of cornwall knight , created baronet the 3. of iuly , an . praed . iohn riuers of chafford , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 19. day of iuly , an . praed . anno 19. & 55. iacobi regis , 1621. henry iernegan of cossey , alias cossese in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 16. day of august , anno praed . thomas darnell of heyling , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 6. day of september , an . praed . sir isaack sidley of great charte , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 14. day of september , anno praed . robert browne of walcot , in the county of northampton esquire , created baronet the 21. day of september , an . praed . iohn hewet of headley-hall , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet , the 11. day of october , an . praed . sir nicholas hide of albury , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 8. day of nouember , an . praed . iohn philips of picton , in the county of pembroke esquire , created baronet the 9. day of nouember , an . praed . sir iohn stepney of pr●ndergast , in the county of pembroke knight , created baronet the 24. day of nouember , an . prad . baldwin wake of cleuedon , in the county of somerset esquire , created baronet the 5. day of december , anno praed . william masham of high-lauer , in the county of essex , created baronet the 19. day of december , anno praed . iohn colbrond of borham , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 21. day of december , an . praed . sir iohn hotham of scorborough , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 4. day of ianuary , an . praed . francis mansell of mudlescombe , in the county of carmarthen esquire , created baronet the 14. day of ianuary , anno pred . edward powell of penkelley , in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the 18. day of ianuary , an . praed . sir iohn garrard of lamer , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 16. day of february , an . praed . sir richard groseuenor of eaton , in the county of chester knight , created baronet the 23. day of february , an . praed . sir henry mody of garesdon , in ●he county of welts knight , created baronet the 11. day of march , anno praed . iohn barker of grimston-hall in trimley , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the 17. day of march , an . praed . sir william button of alton , in the county of wilts knight , created baronet , the 18. day of of march , anno praed . anno 20. & 52. iacobi regis 1622. iohn gage of ferle , in the county of sussex esquire , ●reated baronet the 26. day of march , anno praedicto . william goring esquire , son and heire of sir henry goring of burton , in the county of sussex knight , created baronet the 14. day of may , anno pred . peter courten of aldington alias aun●on , in the county of worcester esquire , created baronet the 18. day of may , an . praed . sir richard norton of rotherfield , in the county of southampton knight , created baronet the 23. day of may , anno praed . sir iohn leuenthorpe of shinglehall , in the county of hertford knight , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praed . capell bedell of hamerton , in the county of huntington esquire , created baronet the 3. day of iune , anno praed . iohn darell of westwoodhey , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 13. day of iune , an . praed . william williams of veynoll , in the county of carnaruon esq. created baronet , the 15. day of iune , an . praed . sir francis ashley of hartfield , in the county of midlesex , knight created baronet the 18. day of iune , an . praed . sir anthony ashley of st. giles wimborne , in the county of dorset knight , created baronet , the 3. day of iuly , anno pred . iohn couper of rocbourne , in the county of southampton , created baronet the 4. day of iuly , an . praed . edmund prideaux of netherton , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 17. of iuly , an . praed . sir thomas heselrigge of noseley , in the county of leicester knight , created baronet the 21. day of iuly , an . praed . sir thomas burton of stockerston , in the county of leicester kni. created baronet the 22. day of iuly , anno praed . francis foliambe of walton , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet the 24. day of iuly , an . praed . edward yate of buckland in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 30. day of iuly , an . praed . anno vicesimo & 56. iacob regis . george chudleigh of ashton , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the first day of august , anno praed . francis drake of buckland , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 20. day of august , anno praed . william meredith of stanstie , in the county of denbigh esquire , created baronet the 13. day of august , anno praed . hugh middleton of ruthyn , in the county of denbigh esquire , created baronet the 22. day of october , anno praed . gifford thornehurst of ague-court , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 12. day of nouember , anno praed . percy herbert sonne and heire of sir william herbert of red-castle , in the county of montgomery knight , created baronet the 16. day nouember , an . praed . sir robert fisher of packington , in the county of warwicke knight , created baronet the 7. day of december , anno praed . hardolph wastneys of headon , in the county of nottingham , created baronet the 18. day of december . anno praed . sir henry skippwith of prestwould , in the county of leicester knight , created baronet the 20. day of december , anno praed . thomas harris of boreatton , in the county of salop esquir● , created baronet the 22. day of december , anno pred . nicholas tempest of stella , in the bishopricke of durham esquire , created baronet the 23. day of december , anno pred . francis cottington esquire , secretary to the prince charles , created baronet , the 16. day of february , anno praed . anno vicesimo primo & 56. iacobi regis . thomas harris of tong castle , in the county of salop , serieant at law , created baronet the 12. day of aprill , anno praedicto . edward barkham of southacre , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 28. day of iune , anno praedicto . iohn corbet of sprowston , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 4. day of iuly , anno praed . sir thomas playters of sotterley , in the county of suffolke knight , created baronet , the 13. day of august , anno praedicto . anno secundo caroli regis . sir iohn ashfield of nether-hall , in the county of suffolke knight , created baronet the 27. day of iuly , an . praed . henry harper of calke , in the county of derby esquire , created baronet the 8. day of september , anno praed . edward seabright of besford , in the county of worcester esquire , created baronet the 20. day of december , an . praed . iohn beaumount of gracedieu , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the 29. day of ianuary , anno praed . sir edward dering of surrenden , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the first day of february , anno praed . george kempe of pentlone , in the county of essex , esquire , created baronet the 5. day of february , an . praed . william brereton of hanford , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the 10. day of march , anno praed . patrick curwen of workington , in the county of cumberland esquire , created baronet the 12. day of march , an . praed . william russell of witley , in the country of worcester esquire , created baronet the 12. day of march , an . praed . iohn spencer of offley , in the county of hertford esquire , created baronet the 14. day of march , an . pred . sir giles escourt of newton , in the county of vvil●s knight , created baronet the 17. day of march , an . pred . anno t●rtio caroli regis . thomas aylesbury esquire , one of the masters of the court of request , created baroned the 19. day of aprill , an . pred . thomas style esquire , of wateringbury , in the county of kent , created baronet the 21. day of aprill , an . pred . frederick cornwallis● in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the day of an . pred . william skeuington , in the county of stafford created baronet the anno pred . drue drury , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the an . praed . sir robert crane of chilton , in the county of suffolke knight , created baronet the day of may , an . pred . anthony wingfield of goodwins , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , an . praed . william culpepper of preston-hall , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , vt supra . iohn kirle of much marcle , in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , vt supra . giles bridges of wilton , in the county of hereford esquire , created baronet the 17. day of may , vt supra . sir humphrey stiles of becknam , in the county of kent knight , created baronet the 20. day of may , an . pred . henry moore of falley , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 21. day of may , anno praed . thomas heale of fleet , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 28. day of may , anno pred . iohn carleton of holcum , in the county of oxford esquire , created baronet the 28. day of may , anno praed● thomas maples of stowe , in the county of huntingdon esquire , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praedicto . sir iohn isham of lamport , in the county of northhampton knight , created baronet the 30. day of may , an . praed . her●y bagot of blithfield , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praed . lewis pellard of kings nimpton , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 31. day of may , anno praed . francis mannock of giffordes-hall , in stoke neere neyland in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the first day of iune , an. praed . henry griffith of agnes burton , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 7. day iune , an . praed . lodowick deyer of staughton , in the county of huntingdon esquire , created baronet the 8. day of iune , anno praed . sir hugh stewkley of hinton , in the county of northhampton knight , created baronet the 9. day of iune , an . praed . edward stanley of biggarstaffe , in the county of lancaster esquire , created baronet the 26. of iune , an . praed . edward littleton of pileton-hall , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet the 28. day of iune , an . praed . ambrose browne of bestworth-castle , in the county of surrey esquire , created baronet the 7. day of iuly , an . praed . sackuile crowe of lanherme , in the county of carmarthen esquire , created baronet the 8. day of iuly , anno praed . michael liuesey of eastchurch , in the i le of sheppey , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 11. day of iuly , an . praed . simon bennet of beuhampton , in the county of buckingham esquire , created baronet the 17. day of iuly , anno praed . sir thomas fisher of the parish of st. giles , in the county of middlesex knight , created baronet the 19. day of iuly , an . praed . thomas bowyer of leghtborne , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 23. day of iuly , anno praed . buts bacon of milden-hall , in the county of suffolke esquire , created baronet the 29. day of iuly , an . praed . iohn corbet of stoke , in the county of salop esquire , created baronet the 19. day of september , an . praed . sir edward tirrell of thorneton , in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the 31. day of october , an . praed . basill dixwell of terlingham , alias gerelingham , in the county of kent esquire , created baronet the 28. day of february , anno praed . sir richard young knight , one of the gentlemen of his maiesties priuy chamber , created baronet the 10. day of march , an . prae . anno quarto caroli regis . william pennyman the younger of maske , alias marske , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 6. day of may , an . praed . william stonehouse of radley , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 7. day of may , an . praed . sir thomas fowler of islington , in the county of middlesex knight , created baronet the 21. day of may , anno praed . sir iohn fenwick of fenwick , in the county of northumberland knight , created baronet the 9. day of iune , an . praed . sir william wray of trebitch , in the county of cornwall knight , created baronet the 30. day of iune , an . pr. iohn trelawney of trelawney , in the county of cornwall esquire , created baronet the 1. day of iuly , an . pr. iohn conyers of norden , in the bishopricke of durham gentleman , created baronet the 14. day of iuly , an . praed . iohn bolles of scampton , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 24. day of iuly , an . pr. thomas aston of aston , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the 25. day of iuly , an . pr. kenelme ienoure of much dunmore , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 30. day of iuly , anno praed . iohn price of newtowne , in the county of montgomery knight , created baronet , the 15. day of august , an . praed . sir richard beaumont of whitley , in the county of yorke knight , created baronet the 15. day of august , an . pr●d . william wiseman of canfield-hall , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 29. day of august , an . praedicto . thomas nightingale of newport pond , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the first day of september , an . praed . iohn iaques of in the county of middlesex , one of his maiesties gentlemen pentioners esquire , created baronet the 2. day of september , an . praed . anno quarto caroli regis . robert dillington of the i le of wight , in the county of sout●ampton esquire , created baronet the 6. day of sept●mber , anno praed . francis pile of compton , in the county of berk● esquire , created baronet the 12. day of september , anno praed . iohn pole of shut , in the county of deuon esquire , created baronet the 12. day of september , vt supra . william lewis of lang●rs , in the county of brecknock esquire , created baronet the 14. day of september , anno praed . william culpepper of wakehurst , in the county of sussex esquire , created baronet the 20. day of september , anno praed . peter van loor of tylehurst , in the county of berke esquire , created baronet the 3. day of october , anno praedicto . sir iohn lawrence of iuer , in the county of buckingham knight , created baronet the 9. day of october , an . praed . anthony slinges by of screuin , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 23. day of october , anno praed . thomas vauasor of hesskewood , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 24. day of october , anno praed . robert wolseley of morton , in the county of stafford esquire , created baronet the 24. day of nouember , an . praed . rice rudd of abersline , in the county of carmarthen esquire , created baronet the 8. day of december , an . praed . richard wiseman of thundersley , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 18. day of december , anno praed . henry ferrers of skellingthorpe , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 19. day of december , an . praed . iohn anderson of st. iues , in the county of huntingdon esquire , created baronet the 3. day of ianuary , anno praed . sir william russell of chippenham , in the county of cambridge knight , created baronet the 19. day of ianuary , anno praedicto . richard euerard of much waltham , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 29. day of ianuary , an . praed . thomas powell of berkenhead , in the county of chester esquire , created baronet the day of ianuary , an . praed . william luckin of waltham , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 2. day of march , an . praed . anno quinto caroli regis . richard graham of eske , in the county of cumberland esquire , created baronet the 29. day of march , an . praed . george twisleton of barlie , in the county of yorke esquire , created baronet the 2. day of aprill , an . praed . william acton of the city of london esquire , created baronet the 30. day of may , anno praed . nicholas le strange of hunstanton , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 1. day of iune , anno praed . edward aleyn of hatfield , in the county of essex esquire , created baronet the 28. day of inne , an. praed . richard earle of craglethorpe , in the county of lincolne esquire , created baronet the 2. day of iuly , anno praed . iohn holland of quidenham , in the county of norfolke esquire , created baronet the 15. day of iuly , an. praed . robert ducy alderman of london , created baronet the 28. day of nouember , an . praed . anno sexto caroli regis . sir richard grenuile knight and colonell , created baronet , teste apud westmonasterium , decimo nono die aprilis , anno regni nostri sexto . knights of the bath , made at the coronation of king iames . sir philip herbert now earle of montgomery . thomas barkley , lord barkley . sir william euers , now lord euers . sir george wharton , after lord wharton . sir robert rich , now earle of warwicke . sir robert carre , of the bed-chamber of his maiesty . sir iohn egerton , now earle of bridgewater . sir henry compton , third brother to william earle of northampton . sir iames erskine , sonne to the earle of marre . sir william austuddur . sir patricke murray . sir iames hay lord yster . sir iohn lynsey . sir richard preston , after earle of desmond . sir oliuer cromwell of huntingtonshire . sir edward stanley of lancashire . sir william herbert of montgomery , now lord powys . sir foulke griuell , after lord brooke . sir francis fanne , after earle of westmerland . sir robert chichester , of deuonshire . sir robert knowles of bershire . sir william clifton of nottinghamshire . sir francis fortescue of deuonshire . sir richard corbet of shropshire . sir edward herbert , now lord of castle-iland in ireland , and baron chirbury . sir thomas langton of lancashire . sir william pope of oxfordshire . sir arthur hopton of somersetshire . sir charles morison knight & baronet of hartfordshire . sir francis leigh of warwickeshire . sir edward mountagu , now lord mountagu of boughton in northamptonshire . sir edward stanhop of yorkeshire . sir peter manwood of kent . sir robert harley of herefordshire . sir thomas strickland of yorkeshire . sir christopher hatton of northamptonshire . sir edward gri●fin of northamptonshire . sir robert beuill of huntingtonshire . sir edward harwell of wostershire . sir iohn mallet of somersetshire . sir walter aston of staffordshire , knight and baronet . sir henry gawdy of essex . sir richard musgraue of westmerland , kni. & baronet . sir iohn stowell of somersetshire . sir richard amcots of lincolneshire . sir thomas leedes of suffolke . sir thomas iermyn of norfolke . sir ralph harre of hartford . sir william forster of buckinghamshire . sir george speake of somersetshire . sir george hide of barkeshire . sir anthony felton of suffolke . sir william browne of northamptonshire . sir thomas wise of essex . sir robert chamberlaine of oxfordshire . sir anthony palmer of suffolke . sir edward heron of lincolneshire . sir henry burton of leicestershire . sir robert barker of suffolke . sir william norris of lancashire . sir roger bodenham of herefordshire . knights of the bath made at the creation of henry prince of wales . henry vere earle of oxford . george lord gordon , son to marquesse huntley . henry lord clifford , son to francis earle of cumberland . henry ratcliffe , lord fitz-water , sonne to the earle of sussex . edward bourcher , now earle of bath . iames lord hay , now earle of carlile . iames lord erskin , sonne to the earle of marre in scotland . thomas windsor , now lord windsor . thomas lord wentworth , now earle of cleueland . sir charles somerset , son to edward earle of worster . sir edward somerset , son to the said earle of worster . sir francis stuart , son to the earle of murray . sir ferdinando sutton , eldest son to the lord dudley . sir henry carey , now earle of douer . sir oliuer st. iohn lord st. iohn , now earle of bullingbrooke . sir gilbert gerrard , after lord gerrard of gerrard bromley . sir charles stanhop , lord stanhop of harington . sir william steward . sir edward bruce , after lord kinlosse . sir robert sidney , lord sidney , now earle of leicester . sir ferdinando touchet , eldest sonne to george lord audley , earle of castle-hauen in ireland . sir peregrine bartey , brother to the now earle of lindsey . sir henry rich , second brother to the earle of warwicke , and now earle of holland . sir edward sheffeild , son to the lord sheffeild , now earle of mulgraue . sir william cauendish , after made viscount mansfield , and now earle of newcastle . knights of the bath made at the creation of charles duke of yorke . charles duke of yorke . sir robert barty lord willoughby of eresby , now earle of lindesey . si● william compton , lord compton , after earle of northampton . sir grey bridges , lord shandos . sir francis norris , lord norris of rycot , after earle of barkeshire . sir william cecill , now earle of salisbury . sir allan percy , brother to henry earle of northumberland . sir francis mannors , now earle of rut●and . sir francis clifford , son to th● earle of cumberland . sir thomas somerset , now viscount somerset of castile in ireland . sir thomas howard , second son to the earle of suffolke , now earle of ●arkeshire . sir iohn harrington , sonne to iohn lord harrington of exton . knights of the bath , made at the creation of charles prince of wales . iames lord matrauers , eldest son to thomas earle of arundell . alg●rnon lord p●rcy , eldest son to the earle of northumb●rland . iames lord w●iothesley , eldest son to henry earle of southampton . theophilus lord clinton , now earle of lincolne , eldest son of thomas earle of lincolne . edward seim●r , l●rd b●a●●hamp , grand child to edward earle of h●r●fo●d . george lord barkley , now lord barkeley . h●nry lord mordant , now earle of peterborough . the master of f●nton , now lord fenton . sir henry howard now lord matrauers . sir robert howard , fift sonne to thomas earle of suffolke . sir edward sackuill , now earle of dorset . sir william howard , sixth son to thomas earle of suffolke● sir edward howard seuenth sonne to thomas ea●●●●f suffolke , now lord howard of est●ricke in y●●● of shire . sir montagu bartu , sonne and heire to robert earle of lindsey , now lord willoughby . sir william stourton● sonne to the lord stourton . sir william parker , after lord mor●ey and montea●le . sir dudley north , now lord north. sir spencer compton , now earle of northampton . sir william spencer , now lord spencer . sir rowland st. iohn , brother to oliuer e●rle of bullingbrooke . sir iohn cauendish , second sonne to william earle of deuonshire . sir thomas neuill , son to henry now lord abergaueney . sir iohn roper , after lord tenham . sir iohn north , brother to dudley , now lor● north. sir henry cary now viscount faulkland . knights of the bath , made at the c●ronation of king charles . george fielding , viscount callon second sonne to william earle of denbigh , now earle of desmond . iames stanley , lord strange , eldest son to william earle of derby . charles cecill , lord cranborne , eldest sonne to william earle of salisbury . charles herbert , lord herbert of shurland , eldest sonne to philip earle of montgomery . robert rich , lord rich , eldest sonne to robert earle of warwicke . iames hay , lord hay , eldest sonne to iames earle of carlile● bazell fielding , lord fielding , eldest sonne to william earle of denbigh . o●iuer st. iohn , lord st. iohn , eldest son to oliuer earle of bullingbrooke . mildmay fane , now earle of westmerland . lord henry pawlet , younger son to william marquesse of winchester . sir edwa●d montagu , eldest sonne to henry viscount m●ndeuill , now earle of manchester . sir iohn cary , eldest sonne to henry viscount rochford , now earle of douer . sir charles howard , eldest son to thomas viscount andouer , now earle of barkshire . sir william howard , second sonne to thomas earle of arundell . sir robert stanley , second son to william ea. of derby . sir pawl●t st. iohn , second sonne to oliuer earle of bulling●rooke . sir francis fane , second son to francis earle of westm●rland . sir iames howard , eldest son to theophilus lord walden , now earle of suffolke . sir william cauendish , eldest sonne to william lord cauendish , earle of deuonshire . sir thomas wentworth , eldest sonne to thomas lord wentworth , now earle of cleueland . sir william paget , son to william lord paget of bewdesert , now lord paget . sir william russell , eldest son to francis lord russell , now earle of bedford . sir henry stanhope , eldest son to philip lord stanhope of shelford , now earle of chesterfield . sir richard vaughan , eldest son to iohn lord vaughan of molengar in ireland . sir christopher neuill , second sonne to edward lord abergaueney . sir roger bartu , second son to robert lord willoughby , now earle of lindsey . sir thomas wharton , second sonne to thomas lord wharton . sir saint iohn blunt , brother to mountioy blunt , lord mountioy , now earle of newport . sir ralphe clare of worcestershire . sir iohn maynard of essex , second brother to the lord maynard . sir francis carew of deuonshire . sir iohn byron of nottinghamshire . sir roger palmer of sussex , master of the kings household . sir henry edmonds , sonne to sir thomas edmonds , treasurer of the house-hold . sir ralph hopton of somersetshire . sir william brooke of kent . sir alexander ratcliffe of lancashire . sir edward scot of kent . sir christopher hatton of northamptonshire . sir thomas sackuill of sussex . sir iohn munson of lincolneshire , sonne to sir thomas munson . sir peter wentworth of oxfordshire . sir iohn butler of hartfordshire . sir edward hung●rford , of wiltshire . sir richard lewson of kent . sir nathaniel bacon of calford in suffolke . sir robert poyntz of glocestershire . sir robert beuill of huntingtonshire . sir george sands of kent . sir thomas smith of weston-hanger in kent . sir thomas fanshaw of warparke in hartfordshire . sir miles hobard of plomsted in norfolke . sir henry hart of kent , son to sir perciuall hart. sir francis carew , alias throgmorton , of bedington in surrey . sir iohn backhouse of berkshire . sir mathew mynnes of kent . sir iohn stowell of somersetshire , sir iohn iennings of hartfordshire . sir stephen ha●uey of northamptonshire , son to iudge haruey . finis . a treatise of vnion of the two realmes of england and scotland. by i.h. hayward, john, sir, 1564?-1627. 1604 approx. 115 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a02874 stc 13011 estc s103946 99839688 99839688 4131 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a02874) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4131) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1105:13) a treatise of vnion of the two realmes of england and scotland. by i.h. hayward, john, sir, 1564?-1627. [4], 58, [2] p. imprinted by f[elix] k[ingston] for c[uthbert] b[urby] and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard at the signe of the swanne, at london : 1604. i.h. = sir john hayward. printer's and publisher's names from stc. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -early stuarts, 1603-1649. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-08 aptara rekeyed and resubmitted 2004-09 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-09 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of vnion of the two realmes of england and scotland . by i. h. at london imprinted by f. k. for c. b. and are to be sold at his shop in pauls church-yard at the signe of the swanne . 1604. this treatise consisteth of two parts , a commendation of vnion , general , chap. 1. particular , of the two realmes of england and scotland , wherin is considered , the vtilitie , viz. the extinguishing of wars , betweene the two nations , whereby 1. our victories haue been hindered . 2. inuasions haue been occasioned . 3. the borders betweene both realmes haue alwaies been laid waste . 4. the inner partes haue been often distressed . enlargement of dominion from whence will proceede 1. the dignitie and repatation of the state. 2. ●ssurance of defence . 3. strength to enterprise . 4. ease in sustaining the publike charge of affaires . cap. 2. necessitie , cap. 3. the means vvhereby this vnion may be assuredly effected , and this consisteth in two poynts , 1. by incorporating both people into one politicke body : and this is done , by binding them together with the same lawes , ( particular customes alwaies reserued ) which are the very nerues of a politicke bodie , chap. 4. here two opinions are considered . 1. that the lawes of england since the time of brutus , were neuer changed , which is fabulous . 2. that change of lawes traineth many disorders with it : but this faileth in two cases , 1. where the change is not great . 2. where it is not suddaine , but in time , and by degrees . cap. 5. 2. by knitting their minds in one contentment and desire , chap. 6. herein two circumstances are principally considered , equalitie in libertie and priuiledge capacity of office & charge cap. 7 : conformitie or similitude , cap. 8. especially in habite and behauiour , cap. 9. language , cap. 10. name , cap. 11. wherein is further considered . vvhat common name is most fit , and whether the like change in name hath been vsuall or ● . cap. 12. certaine obiections , concerning matters of state inward , or matters of lawe . cap. 13. matters of state forrein , or matters of entercourse , cap. 14. matters of honor and reputation . cap. 15. the preface . i am not ignorant , how aduenturous it is to entermeddle in those controuersies , wherein the minds of men being stiffened in conceite , and possessed with preiudice of opinion , they esteeme a man in that degree learned or vnlearned , wise or weake , according as hee doth either iump or iarre with them in iudgement . but in these high controuersies of state , it is dangerous also for a priuate man to deale ; partly , for that he may be assured not to escape the blowes of them , whose enuious disposition cannot looke right vpon any thing , nor endure the burthen of another mans deseruing well ; but especially , for that diuers times he engageth his safetie vpon vncertaine euents , wherein his hazards do very farre surmount his hopes . and yet , because in ciuill differences we cannot but hold such for enemies , as , either through negligence , which is ill , or through feare , which is worse , stand in shew of neuters , expecting the issue with an idle eye ; for that it often happeneth , that by withdrawing our selues in the beginning of dissentions , we are afterwards able to affoord no other either comfort or reliefe , but to mourne with the rest in the publike miserie ; i haue aduised , and thereupon aduentured to thrust my selfe into the common throng : being rather assured than in hope , that howsoeuer i be both priuate and meane , yet the paines of an honest citizen is neuer vnprofitable . and hereof i haue the more reason to presume , for that i finde not my selfe caried by any peeuish humor of discontentment , which will ruinate so many as it doth rule ; nor by any seruill desire of pleasing or flattering , which i haue alwaies esteemed more base than begging ; nor by any false and foolish ouerweening , whereby many doe conceiue that nothing can be well either determined or done , except they haue a finger in it : but first , for loue to the good of the state , whereto we are by all true rules most neerely tied ; and next , in dutie toward his maiestie , to whom we are not onely in conscience but in necessitie bound to bee loyall . touching whom , it concerneth vs also to consider , in what state of reputation he shall stand , and how others will be encouraged to vse insolencie against him ; ( the thoughts of men aduancing by degrees ) if in his first purposes , hauing reason and equitie concurring with his power , he shall not finde the meanes to preuaile . it behoueth vs to be , as resolute and constant for the good of the state , so wise in discerning what is good ; otherwise we are not resolute but rash , and our constancie is no other than an ill grounded obstinacie . it behoueth vs againe , not to be more wittie to frame feares , than wise to iudge them , assuring our selues , that those things which seeme dangerous and are not , doe daily decline and deminish by degrees ; and that those counsailes which proceede , not from iudgement well grounded , but from some distemperature of affection , after they haue a little throwne vp their fume and fire , doe sodainly dissolue , and vanish as vaine . lastly it behoueth vs to foresee , that a time may come , which will manifest how profitable it might be , not to haue been negligent in things which seemed to be small : for that oftentimes vpon matters appearing of little weight , things of great consequence doe depend . a treatise of vnion . chap. i. a commendation of vnion in generall . i will not write generally of the nature of vnion , whereof diuers haue diuersly made discourse . and concerning the excellencie thereof , i know not what neede there is to adde any thing to that which s. augustine saith : not onely that it representeth vnto vs the soule of man , which is a most pure and simple substance , not distracted by communicating it selfe to euery part of the bodie ; but also that it is the very image of god , who both perfectly containeth , and infinitely exceedeth the excellencies and perfections of all creatures ; who being the only true one , loueth this similitude of himselfe in all his creatures . and of this point the philosophers also seemed to haue attained a taste : for macrobius referreth perfect vnion onely vnto god , terming it the beginning and end of all things , being altogether free from beginning , chaunge or end . the more ancient philosophers haue likewise held , that from vnitie , which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all things doe proceede , and are againe resolued into the same . of which opinion laertius writeth that musaeus of athens the sonne of eumolpus was author , who liued long before the time of homer : but afterward it was renued and followed by pythagoras , as plutarch , alexander and laertius doe report ; who added thereunto , that vnitie is the originall of good , and dualitie of euill . and this opinion was maintained also by s. hierome , whose sentence is to this purpose repeated in the canonicall decrees , but vnder the title and name of s. ambrose . hereupon homer doth often call good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and the affection to doe good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : applying the terme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to vexation and trouble . hereupon galen also the prince of physitions writeth , that the best in euery kind is one , but the vicious or defectiue are many . plato produceth all things from one 1 ; measureth all things by one 2 : and reduceth all things into one 3 . and generally all true testimonies doe agree , that the greatest perfection of glory , beautie , stabilitie or strength , is either occasioned by vnion , or therein found . chap. ii. more particularly of the vnion of the two realmes of england and scotland : and first of the vtilitie thereof . bvt to descend into particular consideration , touching the vnion of these two realmes of england and scotland , the benefits which are presented thereby are so many and manifest , that the chiefest impugners thereof are not able , euen in the greatest tempest of their iudgement , directly to denie them , onely they seeke either in silence or generalities to passe them ouer , or els by propounding many difficulties , to qualifie our wils from pursuing them by desire . for , whereas there are two respects which combine and knit people together , the one a vehement feare , either in preuenting or in remouing of some euill ; the other ( which is the weaker ) an vrgent hope and desire , in attaining of some good : both these doe present themselues most liuely vnto vs ; and from these two principall respects , two principall benefits doe infallibly ensue . the first is , the extinguishing of warres betweene the two nations : the second is , the enlargement both of dominion and power . touching the first , it alwaies falleth , that the breaking of one countrey into diuers principalities , is an assured ground of miserie and warre , by reason of the diuersitie both of the interest and of the ends of those that possesse it : neither is there any meanes to reduce the same into conditions of quiet , but by restoring it againe to the state of vnion . this meanes hath in a short course of time altogether appeased the cruell and inueterate , not onely butcheries but hate , betweene the english and the welsh ; and i am not assured whether the want of this hath made all other appliancies , whether of clemencie , or of iustice , or of armes , if not vnprofitable , yet insufficient , to represse the riotous rebellions of ireland . and how great haue been the miseries and mischiefes , which haue heretofore proceeded from the warres betweene england and scotland , it may euidently appeare , by seuerall consideration of the effects thereof . first therefore the course of our conquests , especially in france , hath by this meanes been often interrupted . for to this end the french haue alwaies held correspondencie with scotland , as the only way to diuert the enterprises of the english against them . so that if this gap bee closed past their entrance , wee haue taken from them their surest defence . secondly , opportunities haue bin opened to forreine inuasion ; the people of both realmes being hereby weakened , the store and treasure wasted , matters of themselues sufficient to beate open their gates to any one that would attempt vpon them . and in truth , it was vpon no other aduantage that the saxons , and after them the danes found so easie entrance into this realme : calamities lamentable euen for strangers to heare of , much more for those wretches to endure , vpon whose neckes the law of destinie had laid so hard and heauie a yoke . thirdly , by meanes of these warres , the confines of both nations haue continually been held vnder the cruell calamitie of the sword ; they haue bin a nurserie of rapines , robberies and murthers ; they haue bin not only vnprofitable , but very chargeable to the state , by continual maintenance of many garrisons . lastly , the inner parts of both realmes haue been often pierced , and made a wretched spectacle to all eyes of humanitie and pitie : wherein notwithstanding the english stood vpon the disaduantage , in that they fought against them who had least to lose . now , for the largenes of the benefit of enlargement of dominion , wee are chiefly to consider both the nature and abilities , as well of the countrie which shall be ioyned vnto vs , as of the people which possesse it . the countrey is if not plentifull , yet sufficient to furnish , not onely the necessities , but the moderate pleasures of this life : wherein , whosoeuer is brought vp and bred , hee will neuer be grieued to abide . the people are , great in multitude , resolute in minde , for seruice apt , in faith assured , in wils tr●etable , moderate in hopes , bearing one common desire to commit their liues to any aduenture , not only for the safetie , but for the glorie of their state : and generally their conditions so well furnished , as they did neuer better than now flourish in all mortall felicities . by addition of such both people and place , many particular benefits will inseparably ensue . and first , it will bee a greater increase of dignitie and reputation to the common state , than our highest thoughts can easily imagine . for , that which is more generall , is more generous also and honorable as decius teacheth vs ; for that it compriseth 〈◊〉 particulars within it : which is aduowed also by that which baldus saith ; that by reason of vniuersalitie a thing may be esteemed of greater worth . hereto agreeth that sentence of salomon ; the honour of a king is in the multitude of people . and therefore the scripture reporteth it as a great part of his glorie ; that he reigned ouer all kingdomes from the riuer ( euphrates ) to the land of the philistims , and vnto the border of egypt ; and in all the region on the other side the riuer . and if in our hearts may be any desires more violent than of glorie , there are other effects of this encrease of dominion and power , more mightie to moue vs , or at the least more necessarie . for hereby also our defence will bee the more assured ; because against the forces and felicities of these two nations , it will be so hard , as almost impossible , either for forreine enemie or domestical rebell to haue power to preuaile . and whereas heretofore the ports of either nation haue been so many gates for inuasion of the other ; the borders also betweene them haue been a place of assured retreit to the rebels of both countries , in case their enterprises did not succeede : these passages being now closed , all secret supportance withdrawne , and both people knit in a common defence , it will not onely frustrate the end , but cut off the hope of any such attempts . further , wee shall be strengthened hereby in any forreine enterprise , whensoeuer time shall cut out occasions fauourable to our desires . whereas in a people rather confederated than vnited , is seldom seene , either a conformitie in will , or a ioynt readinesse in power , whether to pursue resolutely the fauour of fortune , or constantlie to resist the stormes of distresse : because in such enterprises as are occasioned by diuersitie of interest , and draw with them diuersitie of ends ; disdaines , distrusts , and all kinde of disorders are easily kindled . lastly , both our libertie and our plentie by this meanes will encrease ; and we shall with farre greater both alacritie and ease sustaine the defraiments of publike affaires . for generally , in small principalities , the people are more wronged in person and wrung in purse ; their estates are more neerely raked and gleaned ; they haue lesse aduantage both by trafficke and trade , then they who liue in large dominions . and this will be the accomplishment of our felicitie , if by our euill either fortune or aduice , we suffer not the occasion to be lost . chap. iii. of the necessitie of this vnion , and by what meanes it may be perfected . i will not further enlarge vpon these seuerall benefits ; partly because i addresse not my speech to such sicke iudgements , as esteeme nothing sound which doth not beare a beautifull shew ; partly because they appeare vnto me so certaine and plaine , that i holde it not reasonable to stand and dispute them : but chiefely for that this vtilitie of vnion is seconded also with a kinde of necessitie ; which is mightie to bend those minds that are inuincible against all other meanes . for , if people reduced vnder one gouernment be not therein vnited ; if they be set together , and not into one ; they are like sand without lime , subiect to dissipation by euery winde : they are like vnto stones , heaped , but not compacted together , easily seuered by their proper weight . hereupon liuie saith : tolle vnitatem , & omnes imperij contextus in multas partes dissident : take away vnitie and all the frame of the empire will separate into many parts . which is also confirmed by that saying of christ ; a kingdome deuided cannot continue . so that if any man , either blinded by aduerse and peruerse destinie , or else caried , whether by feare , the vnderminer of all determinations , or by enuie , the rebell to all reason , shall now make offer , directly or by circumstance to oppose against this vnion , and to encounter the benefits thereof with priuate respects ; we haue iust cause , not onely to deny him audience , but to beare a hard opinion of him ; as not knowing to what ends his thoughts are disposed . it remaineth onely that wee consider , by what meanes these benefits may be best assured ; that is , by what meanes both nations may bee reduced to an inseparable imbracement . to this purpose we are to respect the two parts of perfect vnion of diuers states ; the first is , by incorporating the people into one politicke body ; the second , by knitting their minds in one contentment and desire : euen according to that which sant paul saith : one body , and one spirit . of these two parts of vnion , the first may bee termed of law , and the second of loue ; whereof i will speake now in order , so briefly as i may not be obscure ; and so fully as the auoyding of tediousnes will permit . chap. iiii. of the bodily vnion , or vnion by law . the bodily or politicke vnion is no other thing , but the collecting of both people vnder one common gouernment and commaund , and the ioyning of them in obedience vnto one head . for these two points of commaunding and obeying are the very soule of a common-wealth , the absolute offices of ciuill societie , the onely obiects of a perfect stateseman : for as without commaund there is no direction , so without obedience there is no strength : as direction needeth strength , so is strength vnprofitable without direction . of the first of these two seneca speaketh : 1 this is the band of coherence in a common-wealth ; this is the vitall spirit which these so many thousands doe breath ; who would become nothing by themselues but a burthen and a pray , if this soule of command be taken from them : of the second liuie : 2 the strength of the empire consisteth in consent of those that obey : sophocles of both : 3 there is no greater euill than want of gouernment : but obedience of subiects saueth many liues . these are the two legges to support , the two armes both to feede and defend the common-wealth : if one of these be taken away , both doe perish , the vnitie of state dissolueth , idemque dominandi finis erit , qui parendi fuerit : and there will be ( saith seneca ) the same period of ruling which shall be of obeying . but , because there is no forme of gouernment now but by lawes ; because lawes are the instrument and meane both of obedience and rule ; if followeth , that there is no firme connexion in one forme of gouernment , that there is not one entire and vndeuided subiection and commaund , where the people are not bound together by one common law . but as , how cunningly soeuer a painter layeth on his colours to make two bordes seeme one , yet if they be not made firme in the ioynts , they will alwaies remaine , and in short time appeare to be two : so , whatsoeuer apparances are vsed to make two states seeme one , if they haue not one communitie of lawes , they remaine notwithstanding , and vpon small occasions will shew themselues disioynted , euen in the noblest and strongest limmes of gouernment . hereupon curtius saith : they ought to be of one law , who are to liue vnder one king. and tacitus lkewise affirmeth , that vpon such diuersities : all authoritie is ouerthrowne by continuall contradicting . and this is manifest by that which happened in the infancie of the popular state of rome , when the senate made lawes for themselues , which they called senatus consulta : and againe , the common people made lawes for themselues , which they termed plebiscita : but herewith they were diuided in companie , which was more daungerous vnto them , than the inuasions of their best appointed enemies . neither could those disorders be ranged into any tolerable forme , vntill by the law hortensia , the lawes of both were extended equallie vnto all . afterward for auoyding the like inconueniences , the romanes permitted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , proprietie of lawes , to no prouince which they did absolutely subdue ; but reduced them vnder gouernment of the romane lawes . according to which example king iohn also planted in ireland the lawes which were then the lawes of this realme . and this made the vnion of all the kingdomes of spaine , and likewise of little britaine with france both more easie , and also more sure , because they had commonly receiued the same ciuill lawes . for lawes are the common bandes of all cities and societies of men ; the very ligaments and nerues of euery politicke body : and therefore in those countries that are ruled by different lawes , though other differences may be quieted , composed they cannot be . this is plainely confirmed by that which cicero saith : law and equitie are the bands of cities : whereto that of euripides is agreeable in sense . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this is that which holdeth cities together , when men doe well obserue the lawes . chap. v. whether all change of lawes be daungerous to a state. this streine peraduenture will sound harsh vnto many , in whose eares suspition doth sit , to beate backe the creadit of any kinde whether of perswasion or proofe . from these i expect two principall obiections . the first is , that the lawes of england were neuer changed since the time of brutus ; not onely in the peaceable state of the realme , but not by any of the seuerall conquerors thereof : not by the normanes , danes , saxones ; no not by the romanes , who vsually changed the laws of all other countries which they brought vnder the sway of their sword : but that in all other changes , whether of inhabitants , or of state , the lawes doe still remaine the same , which brutus compiled out of the troian lawes ; and therefore it is not fit they should in any point be altered . i will not now spend time vpon this opinion ; partly because it is not commonly receiued , but especially for that i haue in a particular treatise examined at large , the parts and proofes of this assertion . not as derogating any thing from the true dignitie of the common law ; but as esteeming hyperbolicall praises now out of season ; as neuer sutable but with artlesse times . the second obiection will bee , that change of lawes alwaies traineth so many disorders , as are sufficient to shake the whole frame of a state , if not to dissolue it . tacitus saith : 1 in all affaires the prouision of former 〈◊〉 is best , and euery conn●●sion is a change to the worse . whereupon valerius hath written : 2 euen in least things wee must not alter the least point of auncient custome . this may be further fortified by the great care and seueritie which many nations haue vsed ; and most especially the spartanes , athenians , epidaurians , ●●rians and scythians , as well to preuent as to punish al attempts of innouation ; as taking the same , either for a cause or presage of some confusion . for my part , i doe vtterly condemne either light or often alterations of lawes ; knowing that so reuerent respect is borne to antiquitie , that auncient lawes are oftentimes of force without helpe of magistrates to maintaine themselues : but new lawes are so farre from this grauitie and grace , that many times they draw the residue into contempt . the plant thriueth not ( saith seneca ) which is often remoued . for who can stand long that will not stand still ? but euery day change the forme of their gouernment , as lightly as they doe the fashion of their garments ? yea , it is a rule of policie generally approued in that state which hath long florished vnder one kinde of gouernment , not to admit alteration , although it beareth a faire face of profit . and this was the counsaile which dio reporteth that augustus gaue in the senate of rome : keepe the lawes which you haue strongly ; change not any of them , for those things that abide in the same state , although they be worse , are more profitable than those that are alwaies changed , although in apparance they seeme better : which was also the opinion of alcibiades in thucidides ; that those men remaine most safe , who are gouerned by their present customes and lawes without change , although the● be worse . and yet on the other side , i am as farre from allowing a strict and seuere tenacitie of lawes ; which ( being another extreame ) is many times more either hurtfull or vnprofitable , than the light change of them . for who will commend the counsaile of the epidaurians , who for feare of attracting innouation , interdicted their people from all forreine both trauaile and trade ? or that of the locrians , who to keepe their lawes both from change and encrease , erected an vse , that whosoeuer would haue a new law established , hee should propound the same , his necke girt in a halter , that if it were not esteemed necessarie , his law and life might end together . sometimes entire alteration of gouernment is necessarie . for so plutarch writeth , that cratippus declared to pompey , being cast into flight , and complaining of the prouidence of his gods , that the peruerse state of rome stood in great necessitie of the gouernment of one man : and so tacitus likewise reporteth , that certaine wisemen discoursing of the life of augustus after his death , affirmed rightly , that there was no other meanes to appease the disorders of the state , but by reducing it vnder the principalitie of one . but the change of some particular lawes is many times grounded vpon so great respects , that all nations do vsually vary them , as occasions doe alter : and sometimes as tacitus saith ; old rigour and too great seueritie is hurtfull vnto vs , because we are not able to match . neither is any inconuenience by such particular change of lawes either feared or felt , if two circumstances be therein obserued . one , that the change bee not great ; the other , that it be not sudden , but at leisure and by degrees . now , to reduce the lawes of england and scotland into one bodie , it seemeth the change will not bee great . first , for that customes and priuiledges of particular places are not to be impeached ; for these are diuers in euery nation , without any notable inconuenience , so that conformitie be held in one common law . secondly , the fundamentall lawes ( as they are termed ) of both kingdomes and crownes doe well agree . in other lawes of gouernment they hold good conformitie , as hauing heretofore bin vnder one scepter ; but now by long seuerance the lawes of either nation are like a shooe worne long vpon one foote , and thereby made rather vnseemely than vnseruiceable for the other . of these lawes , they that are diuers but not contrarie , may still be retained and communicated to both people : for so alexander said , that his great empire could not aptly be gouerned , but by deliuering to the persians some lawes and customes of the macedonians , and by receiuing likewise some things from them : and euen so among the romanes , those lawes which the common people made onely for themselues , and those also which the senators had made , onely to binde themselues , were by the law hortensia made common vnto all . so then , the change shall be onely where the lawes are contrarie ; which will not bee either great or vnprofitable , if it be not laid only vpon the lawes of one people , but indifferently diuided betweene them both . examples are obuious of the like commission of lawes : but i will insist onely vpon one ; which is most memorable , and most properly concerneth both our countrey and our case . when king edward surnamed the confessor was aduanced to the crowne , he found the realme gouerned by three different lawes ; the west-saxon law , the mercian law , and the dane law . out of these three lawes , partly moderated , and partly supplied , hee composed one bodie of law , commonly called s. edwards lawes : which were of so great equitie , that when they were abrogated by the conquerour , and the crowne fell into controuersie betweene mawd the empresse and king stephen , the people alwaies inclined to fauour that part , who put them in fairest hope of restitution of those lawes . and afterwards in many ciuill contentions , the greatest demaund of the people appeareth to haue been , the restitution of king edwards lawes . and yet these alterations are most safely wrought in some meane course and compasse of time ; and as cicero saith : et quam minimo sonitu orbis ille in rep . conuertatur : that this circle may bee turned in the state , without any great sound . and so dio writeth , that augustus did not presently put all things in practise which were decreed : fearing that he should erre , if he would suddenly apply men vnto them ; but some things hee redressed presently , and the rest afterwards : vpon which manner of proceeding tacitus also reporteth of him , that he did by degrees aduance himselfe and draw the offices both of lawes and magistrates into his hands . for , as in a naturall bodie , no sudden change is without some perill ; so in a politike bodie it is so much the greater , as there are more humours to receiue a hurtfull impression . and in this regard the proceeding of alaricus king of the gothes is fullie to be equalled , if not preferred before that of augustus . for alaricus finding the romanes in other points tractable , but vnwilling to bee gouerned by the lawes of the gothes , hee permitted them the vse of the romane lawes , but by interpretation in a short space he drew them , to beare the same sense with the lawes of the gothes . for , if it be true that zenophon saith : 1 it is easier to rule all other creatures than man : and which seneca affirmeth ; 2 no liuing creature is of harder conditions , none to be handled with greater arte : if it be true also which liuie saith : 3 excellent wits shall sooner faile in the arte to gouerne subiects , than to vanquish enemies : it followeth , that oftentimes a people may be ruled , more fitly by following , than by striuing or opposing : euen as nature driueth not violently at any effect , but enfoulding her ends in the desires of her creatures , hath her purposes pursued , not as hers , but as their owne . and as the sunne is continually carried with the sway of the first moueable sphere , and yet performeth his proper motion in a contrarie course : so a prince may oftentimes yeeld to the violent mindes of the multitude , and yet effect his owne purposes and desires ; euen as cicero counsailed : when wee cannot beare into the hauen with a full and faire winde , to doe the same by changing saile . chap. vi. of vnion of mindes or of loue . i wil proceed now to the vnion of minds , without which the bodily vnion is of little strength , either for present vse , or for continuance . for all forced gouernments are both weake and momentany , because they leaue out the will of man , without which it is impossible there should be either any firme or long coherence . for although other creatures may be enforced beyond their wils , yet the will of man is not subiect to constraint ; because it a waies followeth the direction of reason ; ( though sometimes darkened or abused by a●●ections ) which hauing a most high and eminent libertie , it must bee perswaded and not inforced : the vnderstanding must first be wrought and wonne , and that is the onely meanes to bring the will into obedience . this vnion of will and of minde seneca termeth , the common band of states , the vitall spirit , the very soule and life of an empire : rege incolumi mens omnibus vna . and herein the first christians were commended , for that they were of one heart and soule ; that is , retained one minde , will and desire . this vnion s. paul calleth , the band of peace : and therefore desired in his prayer for the romanes ; that they might be like minded : and requested the corinthians , to knit together in one minde and iudgement : the ephesians also ; to keepe the vnitie of spirit in the band of peace : and likewise the philippians ; to minde one thing , and to proceede by one rule . and with him agreeth s. peter also , in exhorting vs all to bee of one minde . but this vnion of mindes betweene the english and the scots is not to bee esteemed a matter which may easily be effected ; by reason of the great differences which haue been betweene them . for in old enmities it is hard to establish both a present and perfect reconciliation ; because either suspition , or contempt , or desire of reuenge are proper and assured meanes , either alwaies to continue , or readily to renue the ancient hate . and yet this will prooue most easie and plaine , if industrie be applied to the opportunitie present . and the rather , for that it hath pleased god to open the way to this vnion in such a time as there is almost no memorie of any warre betweene the two nations : insomuch as the long peace which hath now continued more than fiftie yeeres , and the mutuall offices which in the meane time haue been shewed , haue now either worne out , or at least much weakned the hate , which in former times , by reason of continuall warre , was almost growne to be naturall . onely some circumstances must be considered , without which it is alwaies hard , and whereby it is neuer impossible , to worke the willes and desires of diuers people into one . these circumstances may bee reduced to two principall heads : the first is equalitie ; the second , conformitie or similitude in all things whereby any notable difference should be maintained or made . chap. vii . of equitie . i doe not speake of arithmeticall equalitie , which is equall in the thing , giuing to all alike ; but not in the persons ( as is geometricall ) allowing vnto euery man according to his due : i speake not of equalitie in degree , or in estate , for that were the greatest inequalitie that could bee ; but in libertie and priuiledge , ( which is the maine supporter of peace ) and in capacitie both of office and charge . that as the sunne riseth and shineth to all alike , so the law should comprehend all in one equall and vnpartiall equitie . of this equalitie plato saith ; 1 equalitie maketh friendship , and is the very mother of friendship : which he citeth as an old saying of pythagoras , and doth exceedingly both allow and commend the same . 2 aristotle doth esteeme inequalitie the ground of suspition ; which the 3 law also accounteth the fewell of discord : but of equalitie he saith ; 4 all these friendships are by equalitie . and to the same purpose euripides hath written ; — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . equalitie bindeth friends to friends , cities to cities , and confederates to confederates . for equalitie is law to men . but the lesse is alway enemie to the greater , and forthwith entreth into hate . hereto agreeth that of theognis : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . omnes hisese venerantur , amantque vicis●im , vicini , aequa ●is viribus , atque s●ncs . among the latine writers seneca , saith : equalitie is the principall part of equitie . and this right is ●ermed by cicer●par : as being equall vnto all , and proceeding from nature , and held in vse by common consent whereby it is often familiar vnto men ( as tacitus saith ) to make other mens aduantag● as gri●u● is vnto them , as their proper iniuri●s . and his was one principall meane , whereby the romane state receiued both continuance and 〈◊〉 ; because the people did so easily impart the libertie● of their citie almost vnto all . for epaminondas 〈◊〉 that peace is then firme , when equalitie is observed : according to which sentence liuie writeth , that when the romanes demaunded of the embassadours of the princrnates , whether peace should bee durable if it were graunted vnto them , they returned answere ; that it should bee perpetuall if the conditions were equall , otherwise for so long time as their necessitie should indure . for let vs not bel●eue that any people will beare vnequall conditions , any longer time than necessitie doth continue . to these i will adde that which saint ambrose saith : we see that equals doe best ioy together : which sentence seemeth to be taken out of plato , and is by him in another place in this sort confirmed : let them be ioyned in equall fauour who are ioyned in equall nature . what doe you maruaile if strife rise among brethren for house & for ground , when because of a coate the children of holy iacob did burne in enuie ? hereupon the law doth alwaies incline to maintaine equalitie among brethren , in case of succession ; and that whether we respect the pretorian 1 , or ciuill law 2 , or else the imperiall constitutions 3 . and baldus noteth , that all statutes which admit children vnequally to succeede , are against naturall equitie 4 . generally , not onely the interpreters , but the authors also of the ciuill law , doe so fauour equalitie among brethren , that for this cause they extend or restraine the disposition of a testator 5 ; insomuch as sometimes that is intended to be comprised in a legacie which otherwise should not 6 : and a doubtfull word shall also receiue a forced construction 7 . further , the priuileges that are graunted to those testaments which parents make among their children , doe then take place , when the testator doth equally dispose among them .. 8 and when many testaments are extant of such nature , that is adiudged of force which doth equally dispose 9 . and in conflict and opposition of opinions that is to be followed , which maintaineth equalitie among brethren 10 . in a word , brothers doe so neerely affect equalitie , that thereupon was formed an ancient greek prouerbe ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereby is signified that brothers will goe so neere in departing the goods of their auncester , that they will not leaue a few figges vndeuided . of this prouerbe martiall writeth . calliodorus habet censum , quis nescit ? equestrem , sexte , sed & fratrem calliodorus habet ; quadraginta secat , qui di●it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vno credis equo posse sedere duos ? so that it is little maruaile which other authors doe report , . that charicles and antiochus two brothers in pontus , when they deuided their fathers goods , caused a siluer cup to be cut in the middest , because neither should haue any more than the other . from hence also was taken that tragicall exclamation which plutarch vseth but borrowed out of euripides . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and yet howsoeuer capacitie of offices or preferments should be equall to both people , a moderation must be vsed for a time , that either nation bee gouerned by officers of the same : otherwise the aduantages and aduancements of the one , would worke both grieuance and preiudice to the other . for first , no people will easily disgest , that more should bee attributed within their state to others , either in trust or in authoritie than vnto them : secondly , they are not the most fit , either to counsaile or contriue the affaires of a state , who are but newly acquainted with the gouernment thereof ; euen as cicero said ad consilium de rep . dandum caput esse , nosse rempublicam : to giue aduise in affaires of a common-wealth , it is a principall point , to haue knowledg of the same . officers and employments of state are in the hands of the king as graines , to make the ballances equall ; and must not promiscuously be bestowed , vntill by benefit of time , the band of vnion bee made fast and indissoluble . for as things in nature excellent ripe not hastily , so common-wealths least of all ; which rise not to the period of their perfection in many ages , mouing leasurely , and by insensible degrees : and the more slowly they doe rise , the more surely for the most part do they stand . in a small compasse of time , how little distastefull it will be , that the men of one nation should beare office and authoritie in the other , wee haue a faire example by them of wales ; who , so farre from enuie , as without any note ; doe many times enioy very high places of preferment in england . and i make little doubt but that this respect hath dazled the iudgment of some persons , by whom whatsoeuer is pretended , either against the whole vnion , or against any part of the perfection thereof , the surmise is ( as men entred into suspition are prone , both to interpret and coniecture all things to the worst ) that all the sweete of the land will hereby be drawne from the auncient inhabitants of the same . hereof all laboring in one common doubt , and one increasing the feare of another , they minister occasion of bouldnesse vnto such , who suppose , by aduanceing popular aduise , to raise some reputation to themselues . but it cannot bee coniectured that a king , ripe in age , full of experience , holding much of himselfe , yet not reiecting the aduise of others , will giue so confused forme to these affaires ; and that he will kindle such a fire of emulation , betweene both people , as cannot but cast forth daungerous sparkes . chap. viii . of conformitie or similitude . another principall meanes of affection and good will is similitude or likenesse ; which is the fittest reconciler and surest knitter of minds , the mother of all faithfull familiaritie and friendship ; and the more true and perfect the similitude is , the more firme is the friendship which thereupon doth arise . to this purpose siracides saith : euery beast loueth his like , and euery man loueth his like . all flesh will resort to their like ; and euery man will accompanie such as are like himselfe : which seemeth to be more briefly comprised in that speech of melanthus in homer . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . of which sentence plato maketh mention ; and addeth thereto , that euery thing doth necessarily loue , and naturally both incline and adhere to that whereto it is like . againe he affirmeth , that a friend is one like vnto a mans selfe ; and that therefore dissimilitude maketh friendship hard , rough and easie to be changed . wherein he is also followed by arist●tle , who accounteth friendship a kinde of similitude ; from whence the common saying did proceede ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : like vnto like : to which purpose he citeth also a saying of empedocles ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; like desireth the like . and generally he concludeth thus : likenesse seemeth to be the ground of friendship . alcinous , one of platoes followers saith , that friendship is nothing else but a mutuall goodwill , whereby we equall others to our selues ; which equalitie is neither begun nor held but by similitude . chalcidius , another of the same schoole deliuereth as an opinion of pythagoras , that nothing is comprehended but by the like ; and to that purpose he alleageth certaine verses of empedocles . cicero , in that oration which triphonius , one of the authors of the ciuill law doth cite , vseth these words ; hoc fere scitis omnes , qu intā vim habeat ad coniungendas amicitias studiorū ac naturae similitudo ; this all of you do know , of what fo●ce is similitude of studies and of nature , to ioyne friendship . againe he writeth : 1 nothing doth so allure and draw to anything , as similitude doth to friendship . hereto agreeth also that of plinie : 2 similitude is a most firme band , to knit and fasten minds together . 3 columella accounteth this band to be naturall : so doth symmachus 4 : and plinie , an excellent interpreter of nature , doth teach , 5 that insensible creatures which haue no similitude by nature , as stone and wood , iron and clay , are neuer firmely ioyned together . all this is confirmed by expresse sentence of the canon law 6 . this the auncient wisemen did also shadow , by the fable of an earthen pot , which refused to ioyne in helpe with a brasse pot in laboring against the streame : and again by the fable of a fuller , who denied that he could dwell in one house with a colier . this did the poets also signifie , when they fained narcissus to be in loue with his image . for what is more like vnto vs then our owne image ? and whosoeuer loueth another man , what else doth he loue but his owne image in him ? from hence it proceedeth , 7 that a man is iudged like vnto those , with whom he holdeth familiaritie and friendship . and angelus saith , 8 that a witnesse deposeth well , when he testifieth that a man is good or euill , because he seeth him conuerse with men of good or euill fame and report . which is also confirmed by baldus 9 and by the glossographer 10 , and generally by all interpreters both of the canon and ciuill law . to whose sentence we may adde that which cice hath most elegantly written : 11 yong men are most easily knowne , and for the better part , who ioyne themselues to men famous , and wise , and of good aduise for the common wealth : with whom if they be often conuersant , they raise an opinion among the people , that they will be like vnto those whom they chose to imitate . suetonius reporteth of claudius caesar , that by conuersing with base men , to his old note of negligence and sloath , he added the infamie of drunkennes and dicing . plinie speaking of a certaine yong man saith : he liueth with spurma , he liueth with antonie , hereby you may coniecture how his youth is reformed , seeing he is so loued of graue old men . for that is a most true saying : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : euery man is like vnto those , in whose companie he doth delight . libanius antiochenus in like manner writeth : wee are commonly esteemed like vnto those who are ioyned with vs in friendship and societie . here hence . s. hierome aduiseth demetriades , to haue alwaies graue women in her companie : because the qualitie and disposition of women is commonly iudged , by the behauior of those that doe either accompanie or attend them . and therfore baldus doth not vnfitly put iudges in mind that they enquire with what persons he did vsually conuerse , who is accused of any crime . which before him albert. gand. did thinke worthie to be often giuen in aduise . so then , seeing likenesse is a great cause of liking and of loue , it followeth , that to make a perfect vnion and amitie betweene two diuers nations , all differences must be remooued , and both people reduced to one common conformitie ; and that especially in three things . first , in habit and behauiour ; secondly in language ; thirdly in name . chap. ix . of conformitie in habite and behauiour . concerning habite and attire , herodian writeth , that antoninus , to make the germanes assured vnto him , would often apparell himselfe after their fashion : wearing a cassocke according to their vse embroidered with siluer , and putting vpon his head a peruque of yealow haire , cut after the germane manner : wherein the barbarians taking pleasure , they did thereupon exceedingly affect him . for the same cause when hee went into thracia and macedonia , he suted himselfe in macedonian attire . and this hee did ( very like ) in imitation of alexander the great , who , as well to vanquish the affections of the persians , as hee had subdued their power , accommodated himselfe to the fashion of their attire . for antoninus did ambitiously aspire to the imitation of alexander : to whose vertues hee either supposed himselfe , or would bee thought , to haue attained so neere , that he caused diuers ridiculous pictures to bee made , hauing one bodie and two faces ; one representing alexander , and the other himselfe . in ancient times in rome , and afterward in constantinople , certaine games of running were vsed , with chariot and vpon horse ; which continuing vntill the time of phocas the emperour , the runners began to cloathe themselues in different colours ; some in greene , and some in gray . the common people which beheld these games began to be diuided in affection , some applauding the one colour , and some the other : hereupon was kindled , first emul●tion , and then ●n●ie , watch did use by degrees to such violence and extremitie . that the games ceasing , the colours were for a long time maintained ; and infinite murthers were thereupon committed in syria , egypt , graecia , and diuers other prouinces , which the emperours by their letters were not able to represse . hereupon so many lawes haue been occasioned against liueries and badges , the mischiefs whereof were most famous with vs , in the late badges of the white rose and the red . and for this cause i doe not onely allow but commend the policie of king william of normandie , by whom ( as most industrious master stow hath noted ) the english were compelled to imitate the normanes , in habite of apparell , shauing of their beards , seruice at the table , and all other outward gestures ; as supposing by outward similitude to drawe both people to similitude in mindes . gratian aduiseth , to conforme our selues in the fashion of attire , with those with whom wee doe conuerse : affirming that whosoeuer doth otherwise , either hee is intemperate , or else superstitious . the glossographer * also aduertiseth , that for the manner of our apparell , we respect the custome of the countrey wherein we do abide . and in this he is seconded by panormitane , benedict , caprea 1 , speculator 2 and baldus 3 : by s. thomas also 4 , and astensanus 5 : and lastly by s. hierome 6 , who commendeth nepotianus for obseruing this rule . as for conformitie in behauiour and manner of life , iosephus writeth * , that it is the chiefest meanes to cause concord and agreement in a citie . herodian declareth , that when antoninus desired the daughter of artabanus , king of parthia in mariage , and therewith an association to bee made betweene the two empires ; artabanus returned answere , that there could bee no true concord betweene them , as neither agreeing in language and differing both in apparell , and in their manners and customes of life . our late trauailers doe report , that the inhabitants of the iland iapan hold immortall and mercilesse variance with the people of china : and the rather to manifest the same , they differ from them in all the ceremonies of their behauiour . as namely , where the men of china vse the courtesie of salutation by vncouering the head , they of iapan doe the like by putting off their shooes : where the men of china stand vp in giuing entertainment , they of iapan sit themselues downe . and vpon the same desire of difference , they vse all meanes to haue their teeth and haire blacke ; they sit in house with cloakes vpon their shoulders , and lay them aside when they go abroad ; their daughters and maid-seruants goe before their women , and their men-seruants come behinde . by which and diuers other contrarieties in behauiour , the opposition of their mindes is mightely maintained . for this cause s. augustine aduiseth vs , that in transitorie matters wee separate not from the custome of those , with whom wee liue . and againe , by the authoritie of s. ambrose , he concludeth it to be conuenient , that into what place soeuer wee come , we applie our selues to the fashions thereof ; if we will not be offensiue to any man , nor haue any man offensiue vnto vs. chap. x. of conformitie in language . conformitie of language and of speech , was very generall vnder the empire of rome : which , whether it were enforced by the romanes , vpon the prouinces which they did subdue , or whether the people did voluntarily fall into it , many make a question . s. augustine accounteth it the fact of the imperious citie ; which word imperious , whether hee vsed in the best sense , for bearing rule , or in the worst , for sharpe and seuere , it is not materiall : for many things are seuere , which are not vniust , which are not vnprofitable . assuredly , this change of speech is no waies contrarie to naturall equitie ; because one language doth no more proceede from nature than another . it may seeme hard ( i grant ) to impose a change of language vpon any people ; but it seemeth more hard , to be ioyned with men of a strange tongue : such as are vnto vs the spaniards and french. this doth god threaten as a plague to those that obey not his commandements : the lord shall bring a nation vpon thee , whose tongue thou shalt not vnderstand . and againe , by the prophet ieremie hee menaced the iewes , that hee would bring a nation vpon them , whose language they knew not , neither vnderstood what they did say . likewise he threatneth by the prophet esay , that with a stamm●ring tongue , and in a strange language he will speake vnto his people . and to the contrarie , it is reputed by the prophet dauid , as a great blessing and benefit of god , that the iewes were brought from among a people of a strange language . and howsoeuer s. augustine termeth rome imperious , for changing of languages , yet otherwhere he saith ; diuersitie of tongues maketh one man a stranger to another . for , as philo * witnesseth , societie of men is maintained by speech , as being the interpreter or rather expresser of the minde : to which purpose he hath wrote many things , in his book which is intituled of the confusion of tongues . to these i will adioyne the oracle of philosophie , plato , who doth truly determine those to be barbarians , who in the manner both of their language and life hold no communitie or resemblance together . but all these differences doe little concerne the case in question . they are rather considerable in regard of the irish , touching whom , the report is both constant and of credit , that being henry the eighth if not endeauoured , yet purposed to reduce them , to one forme both of habit and language with the english : but if we compare together the english and the scots , in regard of habit ( as sosia said in plautus ) non lac lacti magis est simile ; milke is not liker to milke than one of them is to the other . concerning behauior and manner of life , we may truly say of both people as aristotle said of the persians ; we cannot possibly change their hearts , except we also change their heauen . fo● they are both of one climate , not onely annexed entirely together , but separated from all the world besides , which ioyned with daily societie and commerce , will necessarily maintaine conformitie in conditions . and as for language , euen in zetland , and in the most distant ilands inhabited by scots , english preachers are well vnderstoode of the common people : so that it seemeth , that if the two nations were reduced vnder one common name , there should remaine betweene them very little generall , either note of difference , or prouocation of dislike . chap. xi . of conformitie in name . for , that the bearing of one name doth both cause and increase affection and fauour , it may appeare by a case which papinian doth forme ; wherein a certaine testator deuiseth the greatest portion of his estate to sempronius his nephew , for the honor of his name : because ( as accursius there noteth ) sempronius did beare the testators name . laertius in like sort writeth , that lycon astianax , a cerraine philosopher , in his testament among other things disposed thus . whatsoeuer i haue in the citie or in aegina , i doe principally giue to lycon my brother ; because he beareth my name . when iunius brutus had expelled the gouernment of kings out of rome , being stirred thereto , as well vpon hatred as desire to be chiefe , two respects which lead men easily into desperat aduentures , liuie writeth , that hee banished tarquinus collatinus , who had been husband to lucrece , and was his fellow consull , as one that had been very forward in aduancing the enterprise : and this hee did for no other cause , but for that he bare the same name with tarquinus superbus the expelled king. vpon variances which began betweene frederick the second emperor , and pope gregorie the ninth , all italy except venice , was deuided into the two factions of guelphes and gebelines . afterward when the contentions ceased betweene the emperors and the popes , these factions continued , or rather encreased , without any other foundation , either of suspition or of hate , ( most mightie passions to driue on disordered thoughts ) but onely for diuersitie of name . hereupon many insolences , many murthers and parricides were daily committed . neither was the crueltie discharged vpon the persons of men onely , but houses were ruined , townes were ransacked , fields were wasted , all extremities were pursued with a greater heate of hate , than if it had been against infidels or traytors . and to so high a pitch did this enmitie rise , that they could not endure any conformitie ; not in ensignes , not in colours , not in fashion of their apparell ; in disports , in feasts , in the manner of their going , riding , speaking , feeding , and generally in all things they affected a difference . the like cruelties haue been exercised betweene diuers families of italy , france , england , scotland , and many other christian countries : the beginning whereof hath commonly risen vpon some priuate either interest or reuenge ; but growing into faction , they haue been prosecuted and continued either onely or principally vpon difference in name . hereupon dio writeth , that maecenas counsailed augustus , that it was the fairest meanes to cut off emulation and hate , not to permit vaine names , or any other thing that might hold men in difference . and so d. haillan noteth that to make a perfect reconcilement betweene the dukes of burgundie and orleans , in the time of lewes the cleuenth , the factious names of burguignion and orleannois were taken away . so likewise the adorni and fregosi , two families in genoa , after they had wearied and almost wasted themselues with mutuall cruelties , left their old names , as the onely meanes both to draw on and holde their reconcilement . and this did s. paul in good time foresee , when he blamed the corinthians for diuiding in name ; some holding of paul , some of apollos , and some of cephas . seeing then that the bearing of one name is a meane to knit men in affection and friendship ; seeing also that difference in name doth often mainteine men in diuision of mind ; what shall we say of them , who more contemning the benefit of vnion , than examining the parts and circumstances thereof , doe openly obiect , that they see neither vrgent necessitie , nor euident vtilitie in comprehending the english and the scots vnder one common name ? that they finde no griefe in their present state , and can foresee no aduancement to a better condition by this change ? shall we say that their iudgment is captiuated by affection ? i cannot , i dare not , i will not hold that opinion of them . i rather feare that some euill destinie driueth them on . for it is an ordinarie thing , that when any hard aduenture approcheth , it blindeth the eyes of men that they cannot discerne , it bindeth their hands that they cannot helpe , making them oftentimes both contriuers and executioners of their owne mishap . assuredly , in regard of amitie there is manifest profit in communitie of name ; in regard of perfect vnion it seemeth necessarie . for seeing ( as iustinian saith ) names doe serue to discerne and distinguish one thing from another ; it is a rule commonly receiued , that one thing should not principally beare two diuers names . hereupon baldus concludeth , that vpon diuersitie of names we are to presume diuersitie of bodies : for euery thing is to be distinguished by the proper name . so then the bodily vnion ( as it seemeth ) is not perfect , where there is a seuerance and distinction in name : much lesse can two people be perfectly knit in affection and will , so long as they stand deuided in those names , whereby one of them hath lately been very odious to the other . so long as they stand deuided in those names of hostilitie and hate , not hauing any common name to comprise them both , euery small accident ( as it often happeneth ) may be an occasion to sort them into sides : and the combining of them otherwise vnder one dominion , may proue to be like an vnperfect cure , whose fore may afterward more dangerously breake forth . chap. xii . what common name is most fit to comprehend the english and the scots : and whether the like change of name hath been vsuall or no. bvt no common name can be so fit to comprise as well the people as the countries of england and scotland , as is the name of britaine . first , for that it hath been heretofore the auncient common name of all the inhabitants within this i le : and a thing may easily bee reduced to the first condition and state . secondly , for that since this part of the iland was called england , by appointment of king egbert , yet was not the name of britaine altogether cast off ; but was often applied , as well to the kingdome as to the inhabitants , and by them willingly acknowledged , and sometimes assumed . king alfred was intituled , gouernor of the christians of all britaine . king eldred did write himselfe magnae britanniae temporale gerens imperium . king edgar was stiled monarch of all britaine . king henry the second was intituled king of all britaine , duke of gaescoine , guienne and normandie . king iohn had his coyne stamped with this inscription : iohannes rex britonum ; iohn king of britaines . and generally in all ages , but chiefly since learning began last to lift vp the head , the best writers of all nations haue termed the inhabitants of this realme , as well britaines as english. thirdly , for that howsoeuer the parts of this iland haue changed name , one part being called england , another scotland , and the third wales ; yet the whole iland , from before the inuasion of the romanes vntill this present time , hath alwaies held the name of britaine , according to that which bartolus teacheth ; by assuming a speciall name , the generall name is not extinguished . so that it seemeth reasonable , that as by seuerance of the soueraigntie of the whole iland , the kingdomes thereof grew into difference of name ; so the same kingdomes being now drawne into one , it now beare the name of the whole iland againe . and that especially for two respects . the first is a ground of the ciuill law : nomina debent esse consequentia rebus ; names must follow the nature of things . the second is a custome commonly receiued whereof bartolus maketh mention : * quando quis mutat statum , semper mutatio nominis fit ; change of state is alwaies accompanied with change of name . and chiefly in this change of state , when diuers kingdomes are contracted into one , the change of name doth vsually ensue : and that without distinction , whether the vnion hath growne by conquest , or by mariage , or by blood , or else by mutuall confederation and consent . hereupon seneca saith : assiduus humani generis discursus est , quotidie aliquid in tam magno orbe mutatur noua vrbium fundamenta iaciuntur ; noua gentium nomina , extinctis nominibus prioribus , aut in accessionem validioris conuersis oriuntur : mankind is in continuall motion , euery day something is changed in this great world ; new foundations of cities are laid , new names of nations are raised , the first names being extinguished , or else made an addition to a greater . so tacitus writeth , that diuers people beyond the rhene , ioyning together vpon occasion of enterprise , left their auncient names , and were called germanes , being a new name of their owne inuention . the same people are now also called almans ; not vpon any conquest , but either because of their courage and strength , or else ( which i esteeme more probable ) because they were a confluence of all sorts of people . those germanes who bordered vpon the ocean betweene the mouthes of the riuers elbe and rhene , where the chauci , and the cananifates were placed by tacitus , ioyning together in armes to recouer their libertie against the romanes , precopius writeth , that vpon euent of diuers victories they changed name , and called themselues franci , which in the germane language signifieth free men . whereto agreeth that which tacitus saith , in describing their first victorie against the romanes : they are honored with great fame through germanie and gallia for authors of libertie . these french in course and compasse of time seated themselues in gallia , and gaue name to the kingdome of that place . but after the death of clodoueus the first , this kingdome of france was deuided among his foure sonnes ; whereupon new titles were erected : childebert being king of paris , clodomir of orleans , clotair of soissons , and theodoric a bastard being king of metz. after the death of clotharius , the like deuision was made among his sons , none of them being entituled king of france . both these diuisions were vnited againe by right of blood ; whereupon these particular titles did cease , and were changed into the auncient and generall name of france . in italy , aeneas hauing attained a state by mariage , and collecting diuers people into one ; liuie saith ; he ioyned them in one law , and called them by one name , latines . afterward , when the romanes and the sabines did knit together into one people , it was vnder one common name , quirites . the countrie of spaine by meanes of diuers conquests , of the gothes , vandals , and moores , was devided into many seuerall kingdomes , not one of them bearing the name of spaine . these being vnited againe , part by conquest , and part by inheritance , charles the fifth comprehended them all vnder the auncient and generall name of spaine . i omit the agarens , who changed their name and would be called saracens , as bearing themselues descended from sara the free-woman , and not from the bond-woman hagar . i omit the heluetians , who now by confederation are called suitzers , which name was occasioned by the little village suitz ; for that the inhabitants thereof were the first attempters of popular libertie . i omit many other both voluntarie and casuall changes of name , and will conclude this matter with one example of our owne nation . when egbert king of the west-saxons had brought the heptarchie of the saxons vnder one scepter , he changed not the names of the subdued kingdomes onely , he respected not that he was possessed of the kingdomes of west-saxons and of sussex by right of blood ; whereof the first had continued in the progenic of cerdicius ( from whom he was descended ) about 300. yeares , the other had been annexed thereto almost 200 yeares before : but changed the names as well of them as of the rest into one common name of england . so that if we free our minds from rashnesse and dulnesse , the two plagues of iudging right ; if wee esteeme these and the like proceedings by their naked nature and not by apparances onely and shifts , we shall cleerely discerne , that it is so farre from wanting example , that there is scarce any example to the contrarie , that diuers people haue perfectly and for long continuance combined together , whether by conquest , confederation , or right of blood , but it hath been vnder one common name . but howsoeuer the tried truth doth stand , it cannot be made so plainely to appeare , but an itching tongue may rub against it . to men fearefull or suspicious all fancies and coniectures seeme matters of truth ; and words doe easily slide into minds that are enclined to beleeue . chap. xiii . of certaine obiections concerning matters of state inward , or matters of law . bvt , because wee haue eares as well as tongues , and the lightest reasons will seeme to weigh greatly , if nothing bee put in the ballance against them , let vs consider what other obiections are made against this vnion of name , and whether they be worthie either of yeelding or of answering . it is said , that this alteration of name will ineuitably and infallibly draw on an erection of a new kingdome or state , and a dissolution and extinguishment of the old ; and that no explanation limitation or reseruation can cleere or auoyde that inconueniencie , but it will be full of repugnancie or ambiguitie , and subiect to much varietie and danger of construction . that diuers speciall and seuerall confusions incongruities and mischiefes will necessarily and incidently follow in the present time . as in sommoning of parliaments and recitall of the acts of parliament . in the seales of the kingdome . in the great offices of the kingdome . in the lawes , customes , liberties , and priuileges of the kingdome . in the residence and holding of such courtes as follow the kings person , which by the generalitie of name may be held in scotland . in the seuerall and reciproque oathes , the one of his maiestie at his coronation , which is neuer iterated ; the other in the oathes of alleageance homage or obedience , made and renued from time to time by the subiects . all which acts instruments and formes of gouernment , with a multitude of other formes of records , writs , pleadings , and instruments of a meaner nature runne now in the name of england , and vpon the change would bee drawne into incertaintie and question . in truth this is much , if there bee much truth in it . but , for my part , i wil not take vpon me , either to determine or dispute what the law of the realme is , cōcerning either this generall point of erection of a new state by alteration of name , or the particular inconueniences which for the present will ensue ; referring my selfe herein to the learned iudges and professors of the same . yet , vnder the fauour and leaue of their iudgements , i will propound only two or three doubts , which will serue much to the cleering of this question ; protesting therewith , that i beare herein rather a desire to be satisfied , than a purpose to contend . the first is , how wee may bee assured , that by the common lawes of england the change of name doth infallibly inferre , an erection of a new kingdom , and a dissolution of the old . for , the common law is commonly taken for the common custome of the realme : and therefore in making proofe thereof we vsually heare alleaged , either iudgements and presidents in cases of the same nature , or else arguments drawne from cases somewhat like . but this case in question hath not hitherto been thus determined by the common lawes of england ; because the name of a kingdome hath not bin changed since our common lawes were therein planted . or if it were changed by king henry the second , and by king iohn , who stiled themselues kings of britaine , then was it without dissolution of the state . as for arguments à similibus , i doe not see of what force they can be in case of the crowne ; because by the lawes of this realme , the crowne is not touched , much lesse ruled and ordred either by generall termes or by implication ; neither doth any act concerne the same , if expresse mention be not thereof made . againe , if the change of name doth infallibly inferre the erection of a new kingdome , it seemeth that the king hath power by vertue of his proclamation to dissolue the whole state and erect a new . lastly , the little alteration which ensued the change of the kings title in ireland , maketh this point more questionable and suspect . the second doubt is concerning one of the principall inconueniences which are alleaged , namely an euasion from the reciproque oathes betweene the king and the people . for , seeing oathes doe altogether concerne the soule and conscience , and therfore are vnderstood and ruled onely by the lawes of religion ; i doe not see how they should receiue construction from any nice point of positiue law . the third is , how all these inconueniences should be , either so certaine , or of such nature and qualitie , that no prouision can cleere or auoide them . what ? shall we suspect either the weaknesse of lawes , or the weake wisedome of the state ? shall we suspect either the wisedome of the state in making of lawes , or the iustice thereof in maintaining them ? are lawes now of force to hold these matters in forme , and shal they not hereafter be able to doe the like ? are there any such inward difficulties which lawes and policies cannot combat and ouercome ? for my part i think ( and thinke that i thinke true ) that the wisedome of the state is farre aboue these or any other inward incommodities : especially in a monarchie , where ciuill matters are easily redressed , by reason of the supreme authoritie of the prince . neither must wee looke to enioy any notable benefit without some difficulty and inconuenience . when did the cloudes make flourishing fields , without trouble of moisture ? when did the sunne yeeld plentifull haruest , without annoyance of heate ? such is the weaknesse of man , that it cannot beare either good or euill simply , without temperature or allay . and yet ( me thinke ) although all other meanes to cleere these inconueniences should bee perplexed and hard , it should bee not difficult and direct to auoide the same , by changing the common law in that point onely ; and by new decree to establish , that the change of name in the king should not draw on an erection of a new kingdome , and a dissolution of the old ; and that whatsoeuer hath been done or spoken by the one name , should be receiued by the other . and this i doe the rather hold not to bee vnreasonable , for that then the common law should herein agree with the canon and ciuill lawes ; the substance of which lawes ( although they be often abased by abuse ) is the common practise of all the world . concerning the canon law panormitane witnesseth : 1 the canons attribute no force vnto names . the ciuill law is herein more plentifull and plaine : for although it be true which bartolus saith ; 2 change of name doth vsually follow change of state ; yet it holdeth not in conuersion , that change of name doth likewise draw with it change of state , but it is plainly decided to the contrary ; 3 although the name be changed , yet doth the condition thereby receiue no change . and this did dioclesian & maximinian 4 by their imperiall constitution decree , or rather they declared it to haue been often decreed before , that as names were freely imposed at the first , so the change of them is not dangerous , if it be done without deceit . and therefore they that are free may lawfully change name , as it hath been often ordained , without any preiudice thereby to themselues . the reason hereof is plaine : first in nature ; because by change of accidents the substance doth not change 5 : secondly in law , because names are imposed at pleasure and doe serue for signification of things only 6 , which , so as they may be vnderstood , it is little materiall what either name or meanes bee therein vsed . it sufficeth onely that they bee knowne , whether by one name , or by another , or by any description or demonstration , which are equiualent to a name . and sometimes it happeneth ( as cicero saith 7 ) that things are better vnderstood by other names , than by their owne . hereupon the interpreters of the ciuill law do agree 8 , that so long as there is no question of the bodie , we are not to haue regard to the name ; and that disputation about names , is to bee left vnto them who are obstinately contentious . and this either declaration or chaunge of this point of common law , would not bee much vnlike to that which was done in the beginning of queene maries reigne . for , because in many ages before the inuasion of the normans , the souereigntie of state had not been borne by a woman , some curious conceites , hauing learned doubts out of leasure , brought into question , whether the lawes which had passed before vnder the name of king , should then bee of force vnder the name of queene . whereupon a declaration was made ; that whatsoeuer statute or law doth appoint , that the king of this realme shall or may haue , execute and doe , as king , or doth giue any commoditie to the king , or doth appoint any punishment of offenders , against the dignitie of the king , the same , the queene , being supreme gouernesse , may by the same authoritie likewise haue , exercise , execute , correct and doe , to all intents . by this meanes also another doubt may be sufficiently secured , and that is , a possibilitie of alienation of the crowne of england to the line of scotland in case his maiesties line should determine : for that , being a new erected kingdom it must goe in the nature of a purchase to y● next heire of his maiesties fathers side . which , besides that it is against the naturall order of succession , which is obserued by all nations , in questions for discent of crownes ; besides that it is contrary to the ciuill lawes , whereby the law of nations is chiefly declared ; besides that the peculiar law of england in this point , if it be cleere frō question , is neither hard nor incōuenient to be changed , seemeth also so vnlike to come to passe , that it appeareth a vaine thing to busie our thoughts with feare of it . but to men setled in suspition , doubts doe daily multiplie ; and nothing is considered and cast , nothing nourished with more sweete delight than difficulties and dangers . all those inconueniences are set in view , which ielousie or feare can any waies stirre vp , which suffereth not them to see , much lesse to expect or hope for those benefits , whereof in reason they might stand assured . in their mindes lie vanquished that forwardnesse and force which men in counsaile should especially expresse ; and whatsoeuer their trauailing thoughts doe suspect , the same doe they most certainly expect . chap. xiiii . of other obiections concerning matter of state forreine , or matter of entercourse . the obiections which concerne matter of contract or commerce with other princes and common-wealths , are more easie to be answered ; because they are not ruled by the peculiar law of any countrey , but by the common law of nations . for so doe baldus and alciate affirme , that contracts betweene princes are not stricti iuris , but bonae fidei ; that they do altogether reiect scrupulous interpretations , and are not to bee taken , either in rigorous or strict termes , or els in subtill sense of positiue law , ( vnder which colour wee doe often erre ) but according to the law of nations , according to naturall equitie , boni viri arbitrio , according to a good mans conscience , according to plaine and direct meaning , according to right and vpright iudgement : that they are farre from all fine fetches and streines , much more from malice and plaine deceit : that they intend no subtiltie , but simplicitie , which baldus saith , is the best interpreter of the law of nations . for the law of nations obserueth onely the simple truth ; the simple truth onely is followed by good and faithfull meaning : * and no interpretation in this case is taken for good , which doth not sound well to common mens eares . this same is by diuers others also very largely affirmed . decius , hottoman , decianus and chassaneus doe write , that all contracts with princes and common-wealthes are bonae fidei . * the canon law forteth contracts of leagues , of truce and of peace , as pertaining to the law of nations . cicero saith , that equitie is the obiect of foecial law ; that it pertaineth to lawyers to weigh words and syllables , and not to the professors of militarie simplicitie , which is so many waies fauored by the law . it is free and secure ( saith tacitus , and after him alciate ) and farre from the cunning practises of courts of plea. and therefore guicciardine and sleidan doe worthely blame charles the fifth , and lewes king of france , because they brought interpretations of words , and of contracts , which were more fit for lawyers , than for a prince . so then , by these opinions thus grounded it cannot hold true , that vpon change of name , leagues , treaties , forren freedomes of trade and trafficke , forren contracts may bee drawne into question , and made subiect to quarrell and cauillation : which is further expressely denied by panormitane in these words . contrahens in propria persona , efficaciter obligatur , licet mutauerit sibi nomen ; & est ratio , quia nomina sunt inuenta significandorum hominum gratia . sed ex quo constat de corpore non est curandum de nomine . he that contracteth in his proper person is effectually bound , although he shall change his name : the reason is , because names were inuented to signifie men . but where the body is certaine , we must not haue regard to the name . and vlpian , one of the authors of the ciuill law in like manner aduoweth : if we disagree about the name , but the body is certaine , there is no doubt but the contract holdeth good . and therefore if any prince shall vse pretence of change in name , as a leap from his contract , whether of consederation or commerce , hee exposeth himselfe thereby both to the hatred and reuenge of other princes , as one that violateth the law of nations . his fact shall be no more either allowed or followed , than was that of pericles ; who , hauing passed a promise of safetie to his enemies , si ferrum deponerent , slew them for that they had iron buttons vpon their caslocks . or that of the plataeenses ; who , hauing couenanted to restore certaine prisoners , deliuered them slaine . or that of alexander , who , hauing conditioned safe departure to certaine souldiers which had held a citie against him , slew them when they were a little vpon their way . or that of the romanes ; who , hauing couenanted that they should take halfe the ships of antioc●us , brake all his ships in pieces , and tooke halfe of euery ship . or that of those romanes ; who , being discharged by anniball vpon oath to returne , if other captiues should not be deliuered for them , supposed themselues to be free of their saith , for that presently after they were departed out of the camp , they returned againe , as hauing forgotten to take something with them . or that of agnon , cleomenes , and of the thracians ; who , hauing made a surcease of armes for certaine daies , attempted hostilitie against their enemies in the night . or that of the graecians ; who , hauing bound themselues for deliuerie of ships , deliuered them without ruthers , oares or sailes . or that of the locrians ; who , hauing contracted perpetuall peace , so long as they should tread vpon that earth , and beare those heads vpon their shoulders , shaking forth some earth which they had priuily put within their shooes , and casting away those heads of onions , which they had laid vpon their shoulders , they brake sodainly into warre against those who by this abuse had been made secure . or that of ariandes and the persians ; who , hauing couena●ed friendship so long as that earth should stand , by sincking the earth whereupon they stood , which had been of purpose made hollow before , they did beare themselues discharged of their oath . or that of the perusini in italy ; who , hauing made peace with the pope so long as they should beare de vite in their bodies , which word in the italian language signifieth both life , and vine , hauing cast away certaine vine-branches which they did beare secretely in their bosomes , they surprised the pope with vnexpected armes . these and the like subtill and sophisticall sleights haue alwaies been equalled to flat falsehood and violation of faith ; they haue alwaies been esteemed beneath the degree of any base rayling or reproch . and whosoeuer doth vse such auoydances and shifts , they are neuer to be held assured in faith ; because they will not want one euasion or other , when occasion shall serue for their aduantage . but ( as i said before ) in contracts of this high nature , it is both dishonourable and vniust not onely to inferre fraudulent interpretations , but to inforce contentiōs vpon any strict poynts of law , which ( as decianus saith ) in fauourable contracts are neuer regarded : because by too much subtiltie they doe often ouerthrow the truth of meaning . for , nothing is more contrarie vnto truth , than ouer sharpe subtiltie vpon words . of no lesse truth can it be that the kings precedence before other christian kings ( which is gouerned by antiquitie of kingdomes and not by greatnesse ) may by this change of lawes be endaungered , and place turned last , because it is the newest . for , by the common law of nations ( the equitie whereof is held to be most liuely expressed in the ciuill law ) so long as the people doe remaine the same , and loose no point of their libertie and honor , there can be no inward change , whether of name , of seate , of title , or of forme of gouernment , whereby the dignitie of their state may be endaungered . of name i haue sufficiently written before . and concerning change of state , it was the same empire whose principall seate was at rome , and at constantinople , and at rauenna , and at prage . and although it looseth in one part and gaineth on the other ; although it be remoued thereby out of the originall seate , yet doth it remaine the same empire . euen as a field remaineth the same which looseth vpon one part by alluuion of waters , and winneth vpon the other : or as it remaineth the same sea , which leaueth one part of earth , and possesseth another : or as it remaineth the same riuer which doth altogether change the channell . for change of title we haue an eui●ent example in the countrie of bohemia . for , when that forme of election of the germaine emperor was established which is yet in vse , the duke of bohemia had authoritie to giue his voyce , in case the other sixe electors should be equally deuided . afterward , the duke was aduanced to the title of a king ; which was held no such alteration in that state , that his priuiledg should be thereby either renewed or lost . the greatest doubt is concerning change in forme of gouernment ; because vpon change in forme , the substance is alwaies esteemed diuers . but this is not true in accidentall formes ; it is true in that thing onely whereof the substantiall forme doth perish . when the kings were expelled out of rome , the monarchicall forme of that gouernment did change , and thereupon the monarchicall empire of rome did cease ; but the empire of rome did not therefore cease . the romane empire did alwaies remaine , although the gouernment thereof was sometimes regal , sometimes popular , and sometimes mixt : although the soueraigntie was transferred , from kings to consuls , and from consuls to emperors ; and although these emperours did hold , sometimes by succession , and sometimes by election ; and that sometimes of the souldiers , and sometimes of the senate , and now of the seuen electors . the forme of gouernment which was accidentall , did change ; but the substantiall forme of empire did remaine . but then doth a kingdome or empire dissolue , when it loseth the libertie ; and then is a state newly erected , when it beginneth to bee held free , either from subiection or dependancie vpon any other . of the first vlpian speaketh : seruitutem mortalitati comparamus ; we compare seruitude vnto death . of the second modestinus : eo die incipit statum habere , cum manumittitur ; state and libertie begin together . so did all those kingdomes and common-wealths cease , saith decianus , which were oppressed by the armes of the romanes : and so were those states newlie erected , which could free themselues from that subiection . and in truth by no other meanes a state can bee said to perish or cease , according to the law of nations , but either by yeelding it selfe into subiection , or else by being possessed with the power and armes of externall enemies . but this faileth againe in three cases . first , when any part is retained free . for that kingdome or empire ceaseth not , whereof any parcell is held at libertie ; because the least part of a kingdome ( either for hope of restitution , or for some other fauourable respect ) doth conserue both the name and right of the whole : euen as the right of a colledge or of an vniuersitie may be retained in one , although in one it cannot be erected . another is , if a kingdome be ouerrunne and spoyled by enemies , but they depart againe , not holding the same in their possession and power . for this is as if a field should be surrounded with waters , which in short time falling away , leaueth it in the same condition and state as it was before . and so the riuers niger and tigris doe remaine the same , although they run many miles vnder ground . the third is , when the victorer pretendeth title to the state , and intendeth onely to reigne as king. chap. xv. of other obiections which concerne honour and reputation . now , the last sort of obiections which concerne honour and reputation , are full of very emptie easinesse : and seeme to serue rather for shew , than for strength ; to supplie number , but nothing at all to encrease weight . these are , that by this change , the glorie and good acceptance of the english name and nation , will be in forreine parts obscured : that no worldly thing is deerer to men than their name , as we see in great families , that men disinherit their daughters to continue their name ; much more in states , where the name hath been famous and honourable : that the contracted name of britaine , will bring into obliuion the names of england and scotland : that whereas england in the stile is now placed before scotland , in the name of britaine , that degree of prioritie and precedence will bee lost : and that the change of name will be harsh in the popular opinion , and vnpleasing to the countrey . of all these obiections , the more i think , the lesse i know what to thinke . for as i can suspect nothing lesse than want of iudgement in those that cast these inconueniences , so doe they appeare vnto me neither so certaine , nor of such qualitie , that for auoyding of them wee should omit an aduantage , both present , and of great consequence and weight . although the 7. kingdomes of the saxons were comprised vnder the name of england , yet their seuerall names do still , & are still like to remaine : and can we imagine that the names of england and of scotland , both more famous and of longer continuance , will suddenly be either worne out or obscured ? cannot the name be altered , but it must also be forgotten ? or can wee account the name of britaine either so new or so harsh , which hath continued to bee the name , generally of the whole iland , but more specially of the parts of england and wales , euer since before the inuasion of the romanes ? or shall we contend for generall precedence with them , with whom we intend , or at least pretend desire to be one ? can prioritie and vnitie stand together ? some ( i grant ) vpon fond affection to their name haue disinherited their daughters ; but they were neuer allowed therein , by any well grounded opinion . s. augustine saith , if any man disinheriteth his daughter and maketh another his heire , let him seeke what counsailer he can , he shall neuer be aduised thereto by augustine . assuredly , i feare that it is with vs , as with some good women , who are often sick , forsooth , but in faith they cannot well tell where . our fancies runne , that something will be amisse ; but neither can it be well discerned by others , neither is it fully perhaps resolued by our selues . things of greatest suretie breede many doubts in mindes that are determined to beleeue the contrary ; whereas , in matters of this nature , all points are not alwaies cast into question which may possibly happen ; for that many inconueniences are in imagination onely ; many are , either dissolued by time , or by industrie auoided : much lesse are we bound to listen vnto those , who confounding feare with discretion , or else couering some corrupt conceit vnder the name of foresight and preuention , doe stretch their thoughts beyond probabilitie , and make all doubtfull accidents as if they were certaine . agendo audendoque res romana creuit , non his segnibus consilijs , quae timidi cauta vocant : by doing and by daring ( saith liuie ) the affaires of rome tooke encrease ; not by these dull and heauie counsailes which timorous men doe terme warie . a wit too curious in casting of doubts for the most part hurteth ; and hee that omitteth an opportunitie present vpon supposed dangers ( if they be not both certaine and also neere ) shall neuer aduance his owne aduantage . king henry the seuenth aimed at this vnion , when he married his eldest daughter margaret into scotland . king henry the eight and all the chiefe nobilitie of the realme expressely desired it , when they laboured to haue a mariage knit betweene edward and mary , the two yong princes of both the kingdoms . in solliciting this mariage , the english made offer to communicate to the scots the liberties and priuileges of their state , and to be ioyned with them in the common name of britaine ; as appeareth by a letter of the duke of somerset yet extant . for not obtaining this mariage , they led an armie into scotland , and ioyned fight with the scots in muscelborough fields . these attempts not succeeding ; our euill fortune hauing frustrated these good endeuours ; loe here , our felicitie now offereth vs to kisse her cheeks ; our wish , loe here ; and that which lately neither by amitie nor by armes we were able to effect , loe here , is freelie presented vnto vs. seeing therefore our good fortune hath now concurred with the good fauour and inclination of men , in opening this opportunitie vnto vs , shall wee deale so farre against all good office and expectation , as not to seeme content with our blisse ? shall wee all shut , or rather pull out our eyes , because a few doe not seeme to see ? or shall we , like some men , when a great good happeneth vnto them , thinke our selues in a dreame , and not haue power to taste our good ? shall wee burie benefits with suspitions ? shall wee labour , with counsailes fearefull and broken to obscure , or with dregges of doubts and iealousies to defile our owne glorie ? must we be entreated ( like mad men ) to be good to our selues ? i feare nothing lesse in vs , than such want of wisedome ; i feare nothing lesse , than that in mindes so well instructed , particular respects ( the bane , as tacitus speaketh , of true affection ) should not be farre inferiour to the consideration of common greatnesse and glorie . onely i wish by way of warning , that we bee not too much amazed at euerie accidentall change , fearing wee know not what , like a deere , which then looketh most about when he commeth to the best feede . or that we be not more regardfull of light harmes that are but in shew , than mindfull to foresee , least with losse of assured benefits , great dangers also resolue into effects ; least by obstinate confirmation of our first aduice such firebrands of faction bee kindled amongst vs , as cannot be quenched but in the bloud of the state . it is good to ioyne action to opportunitie . time is thankfull to such as will apprehend it , and fauoureth them with occasions conuenient : but it was not vnfitly portrayed by lycippus , with hindes feete , and eagles wings , hairie before , and smooth behinde ; in token that if it be not taken when it comes , it cannot bee ouertaken when it is gone . fortune is seruiceable to those that are forward : but they that are either carelesse or slow when aduantage is offered , doe seldome manage their affaires to an honourable issue . for this cause confidence for the most part is lesse hurtfull to affaires , than faint feare , which vnder the faire names of foresight and preuention , looseth many benefits , which either our owne felicitie , or the industrie of other men presenteth vnto vs. it beareth shew of slow and sober warinesse ; but it is often supported with the insolencie and rashnesse of turbulent spirits , which partly by incapacitie , and partly by particular respects , hold all things in confusion . for timorousnesse and insolencie are commonly ioyned in the same subiect . it is not foresight but feare to prouide beyond probabilitie : but to cast many inconueniences , either contemptible , or but in shew , doth sauour of some other passion of worse nature . i will not proceede to charge any man with artificiall doubling , first in casting forth a light labour for vnion , and then in disposing and dispersing these obiections against it : i will not ( howsoeuer prouoked ) either aggrauate or apply the qualitie of this dealing . but againe i will aduise ( for i thinke it not vnfit to be repeated ) that wee shew not our selues too subtill in suspitions ; making our owne fantasies the true measure of all our actions . that by moderation of mind we rather seeke encrease of friends , than by new attempts to procure daily new enemies ; by reason whereof in the end we must be , either masters of all , or scourged by all : and which of these is likest to happen it may be easily coniectured , if we be not set to deceiue our selues . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a02874-e650 opera ●●nesti 〈…〉 . notes for div a02874-e750 lib. de parad so . lib. de quaest . vet . & noutest . in som. scip. in princ. lib. de●itis senten●●●sq●e philos . plut lib. de dogmat . philos . alexan succession . philos. laer. de vit . philo lib. 8. h●er . 1. co co●tra iouin . c. 〈◊〉 . 32. di . 1. desan . tu . lib. 6 1 in timaeo . 2 in philebo . 3 in epinomide . notes for div a02874-e1050 victories hindred . inuasions occasioned . confines laid waste . inner parts distressed . 〈…〉 1. 〈…〉 24. defence . enterprise . ease . notes for div a02874-e1380 pphes . 4. notes for div a02874-e1480 1 de clem. lib. 1 istud est vinculum , per quod resp . cohaeret ; ille spiritus vitalis . quem haec tot mili●trabunt ; nihil ipsa per se futura nisi o●us & sraeda , si m●●s illa imperij subtrahatur . 2 lib. 3. vires imperij in conssersu obedientium sunt . 3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib 10. eiusdem iuris esse del ent qui sub todem rege victu●i sunt . quicquid est authoritatis crebris destiuitur contradictionibus . theoph. iust . de iur . gent. nat . & ciu . § plcbiscitum . 〈◊〉 pa●●● . lus 〈…〉 in supplie . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 notes for div a02874-e1920 1 〈…〉 . 2 〈…〉 se● answere to dol. man. p. g. 23. 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . senc. 〈◊〉 . lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . thucid. lib. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in pomp. annal. 1. hist. 1. necet priscus rigor & 〈…〉 . 〈…〉 . ad attic. lib. 11 epist. 19. dio. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l●s●gere pa●la●●m , 〈…〉 s●tr●h●●e . c●ia . ap ad r●n●onem . 1 2. p●ri . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 de clem . lib. 1. nullum animal morosiu● 〈◊〉 , nullum ma●ori artetractandum . 3 excellentibus ingeniis ●tius d●●fuerit ars qua ciuem regant , quam qua 〈◊〉 superent . ad lentul . ep . 9 si recta portum tenere nequea● , idipsum mutata velificatione assequi . notes for div a02874-e2800 de clem. lib. 1. cap. 4. act. 4. 32. ephes. 4. 3. rom. 15. 5. 1 〈◊〉 . 1. 10. ephes. 4. 3. phil. 2. 2. 3. 17. 4. 2. 1. pet. 3. 8. notes for div a02874-e2990 1 de legib . li. ● . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 polit. 5. cap. 1. & 2. 3 16. q. 7. l. cum oportet c. de bo . quae lib. 4 ethic. 8. ca. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in phoeniss . all these beare reuerence one to others , equall neighbours , and aged persons . 〈…〉 . a●●t platarch . in ag●l . lib. 8. de offic. lib. 1. v●●im as p●●es paribus maxime 〈◊〉 . in p●adro . lib. de les . patria● c. cap 2. 〈◊〉 aequalis gratia &c. 1 l. 1. c. vnde lib. l. si post . §. si . d. de bon . 〈…〉 . 2 l. inter fil●os . c. 〈…〉 . 3 i. pen. c. com . d●u . l. vlt. c. com . 〈◊〉 . iudi● . c de collat . per to tot . t●t . 4 in d. l. inter filios . 5 i. cum pater . § cuictis d. de l●g . 2. l. vlt. c. com . vtr . 〈◊〉 . & ibidem dd. 6 l. quaesuu . §. sed & ipse . d. de fund . instr . 7 franc. 〈◊〉 . in l. filiabus . d. leg . 1. bald. angel. sali . in l. in testamento . c. de test . mili . 8 ro. con . 179. phil. dec. in l. 1 in 2. no. c. vnde lib. & cons. 349. & 361. 9 pau. ca. in auth hoc inter . c. de te●●a . pau. paris . cons. 24 lib. 2. 10 soct . in rep . l. cum . mus . d. de cond . & 〈◊〉 . & co●s . 1●8 . libr. 3. marcia pater ipsius . con . 4. ia si . epi●r . lib. ● . a● calliodorum . in pyrrho . in phvniss . to deuide this house with a sharpe iron . ● . de orat . notes for div a02874-e3920 ca. 13. 16 , 17. odiss . lib. 17. alwaies god guideth like vnto like . in 〈◊〉 & in 〈◊〉 & de 〈◊〉 li 6. deleg . lib. 8. ethic. lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iab . de duct . plat. ca. 32. in comment . in 〈◊〉 p●at . ad osum . in 1. cicero d. de p●n . se pro. aul. cl●ento . 1 de amic . 〈…〉 . 2 iah . 4. epist. ad fandanum . e●t ad connectend●s animos vel t●●atissinium vinculum similitudo . 3 iab . 7. rei rust . 4 sym. in epist. 5 lib. 56. ca. 42. 6 c. nerui . §. quod melius . 13 di . c. transmissam . de elect . 7 i. cum qui. c. de ep. & cle. c. inter solicitudines . de pur . ca. c. clericus di . 81. c. peruenit . 2. q. 7. c. di dici . 1. q. 7. 8 ang. in auth . de mona . §. cogitandum . 9 bald. in l. dat . c. qui acca . ●po . 10 glo. in ●cum oportet . de acc . & in c. definimus 18. q. 2. 11 de offic li. 2. facillim : aut●m & in meliorem partem cognoscuntur adolescentes . &c. in claud. epist. lib. 4. ad falconem . viuit cum spurma , viuit , &c. ad cleomacham , & ad nesum . ad demetriadem . in tract . quaestio . tract . de mases . tit de praes . & ind . d●bit . & tit . de qu. & tor . notes for div a02874-e4740 lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 herod . lib. 4. q. curt. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . d. 〈◊〉 . 41. §. si . * 〈…〉 1 〈…〉 2 〈…〉 3 〈…〉 4 〈…〉 5 〈…〉 6 〈…〉 * 〈…〉 . hero. li. 4. 〈…〉 . i0 . hui●h●n van 〈◊〉 . lib. 1. ca. 26 de doctrina christ. lib. 3. si cuiquam ne● 〈◊〉 esse scandal●m 〈◊〉 quam tibl . notes for div a02874-e5370 19. de ciuit . deut. 28. 49. ler. 5. 15. esa. 28. 11. ps●l ● . 114. ianguarum diuersitas ●ominem alienat ab homine . * phi. de sp . le . in amphit . pic. 10. & ph. 31. notes for div a02874-e5700 in leum silius . § pater . d. de l. g. 2. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . dio. lib. 52. hail . lib. 2. §. si. quis in nomine inst. de l●gat . re● eadem non d●●●t diuerso romine cons●●l . res enim singulae singulis sunt nominibus distinguendae . §. alio . inst . qu●b mod . test . in firm . notes for div a02874-e6240 l. si . vnus . §. pactus . d. de pact . & ib. bar. in l. alc●and●●● n. 2. c. de decu . & cor . fil . assamptio specialis nomi●●s non extinguit nomen generale . §. est & aliud inst . de dona . l. decernimus . c. de ep . & cl● . l. 1. c de effic . paef vrb . l. defenso●is . c. defens . ciuit . * bar. in l. falsi . §. 1. d. de ●al● . de consu . ad alb. 6. de mor. germ. 1 nomine à s●ipsis inuento . belli goth. li. 1. ● magna per italias galli●●●● fama , 〈◊〉 lib● 〈◊〉 celebrantur . lib. 1. omnes eodem nomine & ●odem iure latines vocauit . notes for div a02874-e7230 1 〈…〉 pan. tit . de 〈◊〉 qui al. nom . id. in . li. intern . in si 2 〈…〉 3 〈…〉 4 〈…〉 nom . nallo ex hoc preiud cio futura . 5 mutatio in non substantialibus , non d●tur nouum constitucre . decia . 5. pr. 4. 6 §. si quis in nomine . 〈◊〉 . de leg . 〈◊〉 d. si . cer . pet . l. 6. d. de reb . 〈◊〉 . 7 〈◊〉 . b. 1. 〈◊〉 . & epist. lib. 9. ad 〈◊〉 patum . 8 glo. 〈◊〉 . & 〈…〉 d. fol. 〈…〉 n●min●us , pert●●bus relin suitur . 2. mar. 2. par. 1. notes for div a02874-e7680 bald. 1. cons. 263. 372. 2. 14. 3. 218. 5. 188. 352. alc. 3. cons. 36. 5. 12. 18. 105. 8. 49. 54. bald. l. 5. de iust . bar. c. de his qui in pit . lo. ord su . ceph . cons. 713. * ceph . cons. 10. dec. cons. 4. 147 hott . cons. 15. decian . 3. cons. 11. chas . ca. p. 5. 10. 27. * c. iurisgentium . dist . 1. cic. 1. de offic . & 2. de orat . tac. agric. alci . 5. consil . 40. ● guic. 5. sleid. 19. in c. tuanos . n. 3 de spons . 〈◊〉 d. de conlia● . 〈◊〉 . ●ront . 4. ca. 7. thucid. lib. 2. diod. 17. polye . 4. at. 4. ●lut . ale● . lon. v●len . max. 7. ca. ● . 〈…〉 stro. ● . poly. 6. 7. 〈…〉 . polye . 6. herod . 4. polye . 7. pont. li. de . v. o. bald. 5. cons. 305. 3. cons. 102. dec. 3. con . 84. l. 64. d. de euict . l. 9. §. si quis . d. ad exhib . l. 209. d. de in . reg . l. 4. d. de ca. mi. dec. 3. con . 19. arg. l. 1. de flu . & l. 1. de riu . alc. 5. cons. 69. bald. in prooem . d. & l. 9. de leg● . ● . ●an . ca. l. 22. de leg . 1. inst. de rer . diu . ●lin . lib. 2. cap. 103. notes for div a02874-e8650 alium quaerat consultorem , non augustinum . liu. c. lib. 22. pessimum veri affectus venenum sua cuique vtilitas . ta. histo. the cities aduocate in this case or question of honor and armes; whether apprentiship extinguisheth gentry? containing a cleare refutation of the pernicious common errour affirming it, swallowed by erasmus of roterdam, sir thomas smith in his common-weale, sir iohn fern in his blazon, raphe broke yorke herald, and others. with the copies of transcripts of three letters which gaue occasion of this worke. bolton, edmund, 1575?-1633? 1629 approx. 99 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 42 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16306 stc 3219 estc s106271 99841989 99841989 6612 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16306) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 6612) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 625:07) the cities aduocate in this case or question of honor and armes; whether apprentiship extinguisheth gentry? containing a cleare refutation of the pernicious common errour affirming it, swallowed by erasmus of roterdam, sir thomas smith in his common-weale, sir iohn fern in his blazon, raphe broke yorke herald, and others. with the copies of transcripts of three letters which gaue occasion of this worke. bolton, edmund, 1575?-1633? philipot, john, 1589?-1645, attributed name. [18], 61, [1] p. : ill. printed [by miles flesher] for william lee, at the signe of the turkes head next to the miter and phœnix in fleet-street, london : 1629. by edmund bolton. sometimes attributed to john philipot. printer's name from stc. the title page is a cancel. variant: t.p. uncancelled, with original reading "honor or armes". reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng apprentices -england -early works to 1800. england -social conditions -17th century -early works to 1800. 2004-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 amanda watson sampled and proofread 2004-03 amanda watson text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the cities advocate , in this case or qvestion of honor and armes ; whether apprentiship extinguisheth gentry ? containing a cleare refutation of the pernicious common errour affirming it , swallowed by erasmus of roterdam , sir thomas smith in his common-weale , sir iohn fern in his blazon , raphe broke yorke herald , and others . with the copies or transcripts of three letters which gaue occasion of this worke . lam. ierem. cap. 3. ver . 27. bonum est viro cum portauerit jugum ab adolescentia sua . london , printed for william lee , at the signe of the turkes head next to the miter and phoenix in fleet street . monsieur florentin de thierriat , escuyer , seigneur de lochepierre , lonovet , sainct navoir , raon av. boys , &c. de la noblesse de race , num. 99. en matiere de noblesse il faut obseruer la coustume du lieu , et les moeurs des peuples ; dautant que les uns estiment une chose honneste et noble que les autres tiennent pour sordide et dishonneste . num. 118. les choses que derogent a la noblesse , qu'il faut tousiours mesurer , sur les coustumes des lieux , parce qu'un peuple approuue souuent un exercice pour honneste , qu'un autre defend et prohibe comme sordide , et uicieux au gentilhomme . honoratissimo senatvi popvlo qve , avgvstae vrbis londinensis . right honorable : the author of this work , styling himselfe according to the nature of his part therein the cities advocate , after tenne , or twelue yeares space from the first date of the accomplishment , resoluing at last to permit the edition , doth reuerently here aduance and present to the honorable good acceptance of your lordship , of all the lords , and other the worthy persons , to whom , in the qualitie of the cause , the consideration reacheth ; the cleare refutation of that pestilent error , which hauing some authority for it , and many iniurious partakers , layes vpon the hopefull , and honest estate of apprentiship in london , the odious note of bondage , and the barbarous penaltie of losse of gentry : to the great reproach of our kingdomes policie , and to the manifold damage of the publike . in this one act of his , the aduocate therefore doth not onely seeme to be the patron or defendor of birth-rights , and of the rights of fortunes , but the champion also of ciuill arts , & of flourishing industrie among you : the sinewes , and life it selfe of common-weale . the occasion which induced him to enter the lists single against a multitude , in this good quarell , was priuate , as appeares by the letters at the end of the worke , but the cause , is absolutely such ( according to his best vnderstanding ) as he should not refuse to abett & second with his sword , the strokes of his pen , to that purpose . for , though the schooles , and camp , are most proper for honor and armes , yet the ancient wisedome , and the like ancient bounty of our sages , did euer leaue the gates of honor open to city-arts , and to the mysteries of honest gaine , as fundamentall in common-weale , and susceptiue of externall splendor : according to the most laudable examples of rising rome , vnder her first dictators , & consuls . by which their such moderation and iudgement , they happily auoided two opposite rockes ; tyrannicall appropriation of gentry to some certaine old families , as in germanie , and the confusion of allowing hereditarie noblenesse , of gentry , to none at all , as vnder the sultan , in turkey . with how true and entire a good will this free seruice is performed by the author may easily be gathered from hence , that hee willingly giues the obliuion of his owne name into the merit ; conscience of the fact , sufficing . now , for him to informe your lordships and the rest ( out of the title de origine iuris , in caesarean lawes ) how the noble people of oldest rome accepted the booke which gnaeus flauius dedicated to their name , and vses , what were it else , but inofficiously to dictate your part , and not humbly to offer his owne ; which neuerthelesse here he most officiously doth , being truly able to say , vpon his owne behalfe , that he hath purloined no mans labours ( as that flauius did ) but is through all the true and proper owner . the author is your humble seruant . valete in christo iesu. xi . cal. nouember . mcicxxviii . to the gentlemen of england in generall . be not displeased with this bold enterprise , as if it were in fauour of the euill manners of a multitude , who passe vnder the title of apprentises . for neither the incorrigibly vicious , who are pestilent to morall and ciuill vertue ; nor the incorrigibly forgetfull of their betters , whom insolencie maketh odious , haue any part herein at all . for first , it wholly belongs to such , among masters , or citizens , as are generously disposed , & worthily qualifide , men who say with publius syrus , damnum appellandum est cum mala fama lucrū ; and then to such among apprentises , as resemble putiphars chaste ioseph , or saint pauls conuerted onesimus ; yongmen , who say ( with statius caecilius , in his plotius ) libere seruimus , salua vrbe , atque arce , meaning by the citie , and the citadel , the bodie and the head of man. valete . to the happie masters of laudable apprentises in london . right worthy citizens , you shal not for this worke finde your honest seruants the lesse seruiceable , but the more . for , in good bloods , and good natures , praise , and honor preuaile aboue rigour and blowes . and because your selues , for the most part , were apprentises once , you may therefore behold herein , with comfort , the honesty of your estate when you were such , and the splendour of what you are now in right . the vnthankefull ( if any such should happen to rankle among you ) may be warn'd ; that the iuyce of ingratitude doth forfeit libertie , and that they are truly bondmen ; if not according to the letter , nor in their proper condition , yet according to the figuratiue sense , and in their improper basenesse . valete . to the modest apprentises of london , schollars , and disciples in citie-arts , during their seuen or more yeares nouiceship . the principall obiection against publishing either this or any other booke of like argument , hath alwayes beene grounded ( by the most wise and noble ) vpon a feare , that the insolencies of the youth , and irregular frie of the citie , would thereby take encrease : which hauing heretofore beene intollerable ( in common pollicie ) and in no little measure scandalous to the kingdome , were hatefull to cherish , or to giue the least way vnto . but it hath alreadie beene elsewhere answered ; that those apprentises are of the dreggs , and branne of the vulgar : fellowes voyd of worthy blood , and worthy breeding , and ( to speake with fit freedome ) no better then meerly rascall ; the ordinary balls , plaid ( by the hand of iustice ) into the bridewells , in or about the citie : yea perhaps , not apprentises at all , but forlorne companions , masterlesse men , tradelesse , and the like , who preying for mischiefe , and longing to doe it , are indeed the very authors of all that is vile ; discourteous to honorable ( all trauelling strangers ought to be generally vsed as such ) rude towards natiues , seditious among their owne , and villanous euerywhere . but you ( none of that caitiue and vntrustie number ) are the parties , for whom this labour hath been vndergone , whose behauiours ( full of gentlenesse , and of bounden dutie to superiors ) commend you to the present times , and maintaine in you that stocke of good hope , out of which are in due time elected those successions of the whole , which make the politicall bodie or state of a citie immortall . thinke therefore with your selues , that by how much this most friendly office tends to your more defence , and praise , by so much you are the more bound to beare your selues honestly , and humbly . in your so doing , the citie of london , which ( before rome it self was built ) was rockt in a troian cradle , by the founder , and father thereof ( as the most ancient extant monuments , setting all late phansies aside , beare witnesse ) heroicke brute , or brytus ; vnder claudius caesar , the metropolis of the trinobants ; vnder other caesars afterwards , augusta , or the maiesticall citie ; which , for hugenesse , concourse , nauigation , trade , and populosity , very hardly giuing place to any one in europe , doth absolutely excell all the cities of the world for good gouernment , or at least doth match and equall them ; that very london so venerable for the antiquitie , so honorable for the customes , so profitable for life , noble in renowne , euen beyond the names both of our countrey it selfe , and of our nation , the birth-place of constantine the great , and inmost recesse , or chamber of her kings , that very city , that very london whether your locall parent , or louing foster-mother , shall not grace , or honor you more , then you shall grace , and honor her , and england also . valete . from sir william segar knight , garter , principall king of armes of england , a speciall letter to the author , concerning the present worke . sir : i haue viewed and reuiewed your book with good deliberation , and find , that you haue done the office of a very worthy aduocate to plead so well for so famous a client as the city of london in her generality , which as i gratulate vnto her , and to all interessed parties , so i shall much more gratulate to her , and you , the honour and vse of so faire a labour , if i may once see that publike : and for my part , considering that you define nothing , but lye onely vpon the defensiue , and affirmatiue , against assaylers , and denyers , with due submission for the iudiciall part to the proper court of honor , the illustrious high i see no cause why your learned worke , may not receiue the glory of publike light , and that most renowned citie the benefit of honors encrease , for incouragement of enriching endustrie ; and so with my hearty respects i rest . your very louing friend william segar garter . the trve copies of the letters mentioned after the booke . the first letter , from the citizen in the behalfe and cause of his eldest sonne , to a speciall friend , of whose loue , and learning he rested confident . right worthy sir , if hauing beene at no small charge , and some care , to breed my sonne vp in gentleman like qualities , with purpose the rather to enable him for the seruice of god , his prince , and countrey , i am very curious to remoue from him as a father , all occasions , which might either make him lesse estemed of others , or abate the least part of his edge ; i say , not towards the honesty of life onely , but towards the splendor thereof , and worship also , my hope is , that i shall not in your worthy iudgement , seeme either insolent , or vaine glorious . truth and iustice are the onely motiues of my stirring at this present . for , as i mortally hate that my son should beare himselfe , aboue himself so should i disclaime my part in him , if being vniustly sought to be embased , he sillily lost any inch of his due . he hath beene disgraced as no gentleman borne , when yet not hee but i his father was the apprentise , thankes be to god for it . they cannot obiect to him want of fashion ; they cannot obiect to him the common vices , badges rather of reprobates then of gentlemen : they cannot obiect to him cowardise , for it is well knowne that he dares defend himselfe : nor any thing else vnworthy of his name , which is neither new , nor ignoble : but mee his poore father they obiect vnto him , because i was once an apprentise . wise sir thomas moore teacheth vs , vnder the names , and persons of his eutopians , that victories , and atchieuements of wit are applauded , farre aboue those of forces : and seeing reuerence to god , & to our prince , commandeth vs , ( as his maiesties booke of duells doth affirme ( not to take the office of iustice from magistrates , by priuate rash reuenges , i haue compelled my sonne , vpon gods blessing , and mine , to forbeare the sword till by my care he may be found not to be in the wrong . for if it be true , that by apprentiship we forfeit our titles to natiue gentrie : god forbid that my sonne should vsurpe it . and if it be not true , then shall be haue a iust ground to defend himselfe , and his aduersaries shall stand conuicted of ignorance , if not of enuie also . these are therefore very earnestly to pray you , to cleare this question . for , in the city of london there are at this present many hundreds of gentlemens children apprentises , infinite others haue beene , and infinite will be : and all the parts of england are full of families , either originally raised to the dignity of gentlemen out of this one most famous place : or so restored , and enriched as may well seeme to amount to an originall raising . and albeit i am very confident , that by hauing once beene an apprentise in london , i haue not lost to be a gentleman of birth , nor my sonne , yet shall i euer wish , and pray rather to resemble an heroicke walworth , a noble philpot , an happie capel , that learned sheriffe of london mr. fabian , or any other famous worthies of this royall city , out of any whatsoeuer obscurest parentage , then that being descended of great nobles , to fall by vice farre beneath the rancke of poorest prentises . in requitall of your care in this point , you shall shortly receiue ( if i can obtain my desire ) out of the records & monuments of london , a roll of the names , and armes of such principall friends as haue beene aduanced to honor , and worship , throughout the realme of england , from the degree of citizens . a warrantable designe , by the example of the lord chiefe iustice cooke , who hath bestowed vpon the world ( in some one or other of his bookes of reports ) a short catologue of such as haue beene eminently beholding to the common lawes , and if i should faile in that , yet doe i promise you a list or alphabet of apprentises names , who by their enrollments will appeare vpon good record , to haue beene sonnes of gentlemen from all the parts of england . neither let your approued vertue doubt , but that in the meane time you shall finde vs very ready to shew our free , and honest mindes , in all commendable , and disenuious emulations , with the best gentlemen whosoeuer . which disposition measure not by the few angells you receiue in this letter . for what are twenty in such a case ? if this my sute , and request , cary the lesse regard , because it comes but from a priuate citizen , be pleased i pray to vnderstand , that in me , though being but one man , multitudes speake , and that out of a priuate pen , a publike cause propounds it selfe . and yet i come not single . for with this letter of mine , i send you two other . the one from a worshipfull friend , and kinsman of mine , written to me , and the other of my cousin his second sonne , much what of one nature with this of mine . and so with my loue , and best respects remembred , i commit you to gods holy keeping , and rest , &c. the true copies of those two other letters , whereof in the former there is mention . the fathers letter . cousin , i pray peruse the enclosed , which troubleth me as much as it doth my sonne , and seeke satisfaction of such as are skilfull indeed . i care not for charge , for looke whatsoeuer it costs i will beare it . in the meane while comfort my childe , for if it bee so as hee writes , hee shall not stay in london , though it cost me fiue hundred pounds . and so in great hast i leaue you to our lord christ , &c. the apprentises letter to his father . most deare , and most louing father , my most humble dutie remembred vnto you . these are to giue you to vnderstand , that my body is in good health , praised he god , but my minde , and spirits are not , for they are very much troubled . for , so it is sir , that albeit my master be a very worthy , and an honest citizen , and that my selfe , doing as an apprentise ought ( which i doe willingly , not refusing any thing , as remembring st. peters precept , serui , subditi estote in timore domini ) am as well vsed in this house , as if i were with you ; yet by reading certaine bookes , at spare houres , and conferring with some who take vpon them to be very well skill'd in heraldry , i am brought to beleeue , that by being a prentise , i lose my birth right , and the right of my blood both by father , and mother , which is to be a gentlemen , which i had rather dye , then to endure . this is my griefe , and this the cause why my minde is so troubled , as i cannot eat , nor sleepe in quiet : teares hinder me from writing more , and therefore most humbly crauing pardon , and your most fatherly blessing , i commit you to god , &c. from london , &c. the cities advocate , in a question of honor , and armes . whether apprentiship extinguisheth gentrie . the contents of this first part . 1 the present question very important for many great causes . two crowned queenes of england , & much of the nobility parties to it . bullen & calthorpe l. majors of london ; their interesses in royall blood . what quaestio status , and what the least capitis diminutio is . only the base neglect it . honour a faire starre . disparagement odious . preuention of mischiefes by determining this question . proud citie-races vnworthy of the citie . 2 the cities honors in armes proued out of ancient monuments . the l. fitz walter , standard-bearer of london . claurie and biallie two termes in old blazon . 3 the transcendent power of opinion . to derogate from the splendor of birth , reputed a wrong . whence comes the present question of apprentiship . 4 the maine reason why some doe hold , that apprentiship extinguisheth gentrie . apprentiship no bondage either in truth , or at all . the case truely propounded . the skill of honest gettings a precious mystery . what kinde of contract that seemes to be , which is betweene master and apprentise . 5 an obiection that apprentiship is a kinde of bondage . the fine folly of erasmus in his etymologie of an apprentise . the comparison betweene seruus among ciuilians , and apprentises among englishmen , holds not . what the word apprentise meanes . sir thomas smiths error in confounding seruitude and discipline . 6. 7. 8. particular points touching seruus . sanctuarie at the princes image . manumission , and recaptiuitie by law. none of those points concerne apprentises more then souldiers , schollers , or religious nouices . 9. 10. the finall cause denominates the action , and proues apprentiship not to be base . the contrarie opinion pernicious to manners , and to good commonweale among vs , chiefly now . the different face of both opinions in daily experience . the first part. the present question , whether apprentiship extinguisheth gentry being now not so much a paradox , as growne in secret to be of late a common opinion , i am bold to call a weighty and important question vniustly grounded vpon the learned folly of erasmus of roterdam , and the incircumspection of sir thomas smith knight , in his booke de republica anglorum , and out of certaine wandring conceits hatcht among trees & tillage , as shall appeare hereafter . weighty and important i am bold to call it , and it is so . because in looking out vpon the concernings of the case , i finde that prospect so spacious , that within the compass thereof , as well the greater as the lesser nobilitie of england are very notably , and very inexplicably enwrapped . what doe i say of the subalternall nobilitie , when the royall name it selfe ( with all humble reuerence be it spoken ) was deeply interessed in the proposition ? for queene elizabeth , though a free monarch , and chiefe of the english in her turne , was a party of the cause , which shee ingenuously , and openly acknowledged , calling sir martin calthorpe , kinsman , ( as indeed he was ) being at that time knight , and lord maior of london : yea sir godfrey bullen ( knight also and lord maior of london ) was lineall ancestor to queene anne her mother ( saith camden in his annals ) no longer before then in the reigne of henry the sixth king of england . both which knights ( being also gentlemen borne , & of right worshipfull families ) ascended by due degrees from the condition of apprentises to the greatest annuall honor of this kingdome . it is weighty and important , because without much impropriety of speech , it may be called quaestio status , which in the ancient phrase of the emperour iustinian , is as much to say as a tryall , whether one is to be adiudged bond , or free , seruile , or ingenuous , and implieth that odious , and vnnaturall sequel , which by textuists hath to name , capitis diminutio : wherof though the romane lawes make a threefold diuision , yet in this our question , if but onely the third and lowest degree were incurred , which hapneth , cum qui sui juris fuerunt , coeperunt alieno iuri subiecti esse , that alone should keepe vs from neglect . it is weighty and important , and can appeare none other , because it directly tends to darken , and as it were to intercloud the luminous body of that beauteous planet honor , with not onely foule but lasting spots . for what can lightly be a more disparagement , then for the free to become a kind of bondmen , or to be come of such ? nay , there is nothing without vs , which can bee of so great disparagement . finally , it is weighty , and important for very many other reasons , and particularly because it is not onely fit that states of opinions should be rectified in this kinde , as breeding bad affections among people of the same nation ( from whence great mischiefes often rise , euen to hatred , quarrels , and homicides ) but that such also , as through vanity , or other sicknesse of the wit , or iudgement , disdaine to seeme either citie-borne , or citie-bred , or to owe any thing of their worship , or estate , either to the city , or to citizens , may vnderstand their owne place , and true condition , lest they be conuinced to be among them , who are vnworthy of so honest either originall or accession as the citie yeeldeth . but let vs first behold the cities honour in armes , as it stands displayed in ancient heraldry , and as it is commented vpon out of authenticke monuments in that worthily well commended survey of london , composed by that diligent chronologer , and vertuous citizen m. iohn stowe ; the present figure with the same words as here they stand , is a copy of that which an old imperfect larger volume at the office of armes containeth . 〈◊〉 badges london of the citie of london the lord fitz-walter bannerer there needs no greater demonstration of the cities ancient honor , and of her peoples free qualitie , then this , that a principall baron of the realm of england was by tenure her standard-bearer . the figure of st. paul ( titularie patron of london ) aduanced it selfe in the standard , and vpon the shield those famous well-knowne armories of the crosse , and weapon . the like picture of which apostle was also embroidered in the caparisons of that horse of warre , which for the purpose of the cities seruice he receiued of gift at the hands of the lord maior . vpon the standard-bearers coat armour are painted the hereditarie ensignes of his owne illustrious familie , that is to say , or , a fesse betweene two cheuerns gules . which kind of field the ancients called claurie , perhaps à claritate , because such fields as were all of one colour made their charges the more clearely seene , and perspicuous . and as they gaue to that species of blazon a peculiar name for the dignitie , so did they also assigne to this manner of bearing two cheuerns , the terme biallie , or a coat biallie , a numero binario . in which braue times had that noble gentleman , but slightly , and farre off suspected , that he displayed that banner , for a kind of bondmen , or as for their seruice , his great heroick spirit would rather haue trodden such an office vnder foot . in good assurance therefore of this common causes iustice , we proceed . sound opinion ( meaning doctrine ) is the anchor of the world , and opinion ( meaning a worthy conceit of this or that person ) is the principall ingredient which makes words , or actions relish well , and all the graces are , without it , little worth . to take the fame from any man that hee is a gentleman-borne is a kind of disenablement , and preiudice , at leastwise among the weake ( who consider no further then seemings ) that is to say among almost all . consequently a wrong . and if a wrong then due to be redressed . to find iniurie , we must first enquire whether apprentiship extinguisheth gentrie . 4 the maine reason , certainly the most generall , vsed to proue , that it doth , is , that apprentiship is a kinde of bondage , and bondage speciallie voluntarie ( in which case the imperiall law-rule , non officit natalibus in seruitute fuisse , may bee perhaps defectiue ) extinguisheth natiue gentrie . but i denie that apprentiship is either vera seruitus , or omnino servitus . for explication of this difficultie , i will set before your eyes the case as it is . a gentleman hath a sonne , whom he meanes to breed vp in an art of thrift , not rising meerely out of a stocke of wit , or learning , but out of a stocke of money , and credit , managed according to that art ; and for this cause hee brings his child at 15. or 16. yeares old , more , or lesse , to the citie of london , prouides him a master , and the youth , by his fathers counsel , willingly becomes an apprētise , that is to say , interchangeably seales a written contract with his master by an indented instrument . that he , for his certaine yeares true and faithfull seruice , shall learne that precious mystery of how to gaine honestly , and to raise himselfe . let the legal and ordinarie forme of that instrument ( extant in wests precedents , and familiar euery where ) be duly pondered , and it will appeare a meere ciuill contract , which as all the world knowes , a bondman is vncapable of . if you would know vnder what kinde , or species of contract that doth fall ; i answer : that it seemes to be a contract of permutation , or interchange : in which mutuall obligation , or conuention , the act of binding is no more , but that ( as reason and iustice would ) the master might be determinately for the time , and sufficiently for the manner , sure to enioy his apprentise . apprētiship being therfore , but an effect of a ciuill contract , occasioned , and caused by that prudent respect which the contrahents mutually haue to their lawfull and honest commodity , and such onely as are free-borne , being capable to make this contract with effect , apprentiship doth not extinguish gentry . on the contrarie , it is vrged : that although apprentiship bee not a true bondage to all constructions , and purposes , yet , that it is a temporary bondage , and equall ( for the time it lasteth ) to very seruitude . in which opinion erasmus is , making his etymologie of our prentises to be , for that they are like to such as are bought with money , pares emptitijs , which conceipt , as it is more literate , then happie , so , if it were set to sale , would find few chapmen , but to laugh at it . for erasmus is aswell proued to be errans mus in obscurorum virorum epistolis , as apprentises in england to be pares emptitijs . but we absolutely deny that apprentiship is in any sort a kinde of bondage . for notwithstanding that to proue it be so , they make a parallel between the ancient roman seruitude , and the london apprentiship , yet will these comparata , be found disparata , if not disparatissima . for seruus among the old romans , was so called of seruando of preseruing or sauing , and not of seruiendo , of seruing , saith the law-maker himselfe , the emperor iustinian . but the word apprentise commeth of aprenti , the french word , a raw souldier , or young learner , tyro , rudis discipulus ; or of the french verbē , which signifies to learne , or of the latine word apprehendo , or apprendo , which properly is to lay hold of , and translatiuely to learne , which deriuations are consonant to the thing , and true howsoeuer sir thomas smith in his bookes de republica anglorum , not remembring to distinguish betweene seruitude and discipline , bondage , and regular breeding , iniuriously defined them to be a kind of bondmen ( meaning meere slaues , and not as in some places of england , bondsmen are taken for such as are in bonds for actionable causes ) and such bondmen as differ onely thus from very bondmen ( whose like words for signification are those foulest ones , slaues and villaines ) that apprentises be but for a time certaine . an ouersight which i could haue wished far off from so graue and learned a gentleman , as that knight , who was of priuy counsell , in the place of secretarie , to queene elizabeth . againe , that which did constitute a bondman among the old romans , was such a power and right , vested in the lord , ouer the very body of his bondman , or slaue , as descending to him vnder some receiued title , or other iure gentium , was maintained to him , iure ciuili romanorum . by vertue whereof he became proprietarie in the person of his bondman , as in the body of his oxe , horse , or any other beast he had , which proprietariship was indeterminable , but only by manumission , and that act meerely depended vpon the will of his lord , without any endentment , or condition on behalfe of the slaue , which a right roman would neuer endure to heare of from his bondman . finally ( which in the qualitie of that seruitude was most base , ) seruus among them , nullum caput habuit , had no head in law , and neither was in censu , nor in lustro condito ; asmuch to say , that they were out of the number of men , their names being neither put , as among such as had wherewith to pay , in the rolles of their exchequer , or tables of their capitol , nor , as bodies wherewith to serue in the generall musters of their commonweale , but ( to bee briefe ) were reputed ciuilitèr mortui , dead in law , death , and bondage being alike among them , without any more reputation of being members in the body politique , then brute cattell , for bondmen were reputed no body , serui pro nullis habiti . and albeit the authority of the commonweale vpon this good ground of state , interest reipublicae ne quis re sua male vtatur , and the maiestie of soueraigne princes , meerly as in honor , and as moued with commiseration of humane miseries , did sometime interpose it selfe vpon iust causes ; as , where the lord did immeasurably tyrannise , or the bondman tooke sanctuary at the emperours statue , and image , or , at the altar of some one or other of their gods ( an example whereof is in plautus ) yet the bondman after manumission , continued in such relation to his late lord , that in certaine cases , ( as ingratitude ) he who was once enfranchised was adiudged backe to his patron , and condemned againe to a farre more miserable seruitude then euer . these things considered , and nothing being like in apprentiship , who liues so carelesse of the honour of the english name , as to bring the disciples of honest arts , and schollers of mysteryes in ciuill trade , and commerce for vertuous causes , all called by the faire title of apprentises , into the state or qualitie of bondmen ? faire i call it , because that title is common to them with the inns of court , where apprentises at law , are not the meanest gentlemen . apprentiship therefore is no voluntarie bondage , because it is no bondage at all , but a title onely of politicke or ciuill discipline . apprentiship therefore doth not extinguish gentry . so then , apprentises , whether gentlemen of birth or others , whatsoeuer their indentures doe purport , and howsoeuer they seeme conditionall seruāts , are in truth not boūd to do , or to suffer things more grieuous then yong souldiers in armies , or schollers in rigorous schooles , or nouices in nouiceships : each of whom in their kind vsually do , and suffer things as base and vile in their owne quality , simply , & in themselues considered , without respect to the finall scope , or aime of the first institution , as perhaps the very meanest of fiue thousand apprentises in london . the finall cause therefore of euery ordination qualifies the course , and the end denominates the meanes and actions tending to it . for if that be noble , no worke is base prescribed in ordine , or as in the way to that end . though abstracting frō that consideration , the worke wrought , in the proper nature of it , be seruile . as , for a souldier to dig or carie earth to a rampire , or for a student to goe bare-headed to a fellow of the house within the colledge , as far off as he can see him , omitting the more deformed necessitie , of suffering priuate , or publike disciplines : or for a nouice in a nouiceship to wash dishes , or the like seeming-base workes , as by report , is vsuall . if then the generall scope , or finall reason of apprentiship be honest , and worthy of a gentlemā ( as will appeare hereafter that it is ) what can be clearer then that apprentiship doth not extinguish gentry ? i am the more feruent in this case ; because this one false conceit ( at all times hurtful , but chiefly in these latter times , in which the meanes of easie maintenance are infinitely straitned ) that for a gentleman borne , or one that would aspire to bee a gentleman , for him to be an apprentise to a citizen , or burgensis , is a thing vnbeseeming him , hath fill'd our england with more vices , and sacrificed more seruiceable bodies to odious ends , and more soules to sinfull life , then perhaps any one other vnciuill opinion whatsoeuer . for they who hold it better to rob by land , or sea , then to beg , or labour , doe daily see , and feele , that out of apprentises rise such , as sit vpon them , standing out for their liues as malefactors , when they ( a shame , and sorrow to their kinred ) vndergoe a fortune too vnworthy , euen of the basest , of honest bondmen . the contents of this second part . 1 apprentiship a laudable policie of discipline , not a bondage . the contrarie opinion ouer throwes one maine pillar of commonweale seueritie of discipline more needfull to be recalled , then relaxed . 2 the aduersaries conceipts brand our founders . mechanicall qualities gods speciall gifts . 3 of tubal-cain , and the dignitie , and necessitie of crafts . hiram , the brasse founder . s. pauls handy art , and the cause shewed out of the rabbins . of other ennoblements touching them . 4 the wisedome of instituting apprentiship defended by the argument a minori ad maius . 5 london the palace of thriuing arts. concerning hebrew bondmen . the qualitie of masters power ouer apprentises . masters nos lords , but guardians and teachers rather . 6 the aduersaries manifest follie . of corruption in blood the onely meanes of extinction , and disenablement to gentry . of bondmen , or villaines in england . the second part. these things considered , how should it fall into the minde of any good , or wise discouser , that apprentises are a kind of bondmen , and consequently , that apprentiship extinguisheth natiue gentry , and disenableth to acquisitiue ? for , if that opinion bee not guilty of impiety to our mother countrey , where that laudable policie of apprentiship necessary for our nation , is exercised as a point of seuere discipline , warrantable in christianitie ; certainly it hath in it a great deale of iniurious temeritie , and inconfiderance ; and why not impietie also , if they wilfully wrong the wisdome of england , their naturall common parent , whose children are free-borne ? surelie , notorious inconsiderance is apparent , because there are but two maine pillars of common-weale , praemivm & paena , reward and punishment . of which , in ciuill rewards , honor is highest , according to that of the most eloquent tullie in his perished workes , de republica , ( as s. augustine citeth them ) as that thing with which hee would his prince should bee fed , and nourished ; and in his philosophie hath vttered that famous sentence concerning the same , honos alit artes , omnesque accenduntur ad studia gloria . among vs therefore coats of armes , and titles of gentlemen ( which point the knight beforesaid , howsoeuer erring in apprentises estate , hath truely noted to be commodious for the prince ) being the most familiar part of honor , they rip vp , and ouerturne the principall of those two pillars of common-weale , frō the very basis . a strange ouersight , specially of professors of skill in the arts of publike gouernment , vnlesse perhaps they speake it because they would haue things reformed , or changed in this particular of apprentiship . but we do not remember , that either sir thomas eliot in his gouernor , or sir thomas chaloner , ( leigier ambassador for queen elizabeth in spaine ) in his bookes of latine hexameters de rep . anglorum instaurandâ , ( published with the verses of the lord treasurer burghley's before it ) or any other author rightly vnderstanding our england , and her generous people , did euer once taxe our countries policie in this point . yea , some make it a quaere , whether the cities discipline had not more need to be reduced neerer to the ancient seuerity thereof , considering with what vices london flowes , and ouerflowes , then that it should bee abduced , though but a little , from it . now then let any one but rightly weigh with what conscience , or common sense , the first institutors , or propagators of the english forme of gouernment could lay vpon industry , and ciuill vertue ( whose subiect are the lawfull things of this life , and whose neerest obiect is honor , and honest wealth ) so foule a note as the brand of bondage , or any the least disparagement at all ? whereas to quicken , & inflame affections in that kind , all wise masters in the most noble ciuill art gouernement , and all founders of empire , and states , haue bent their counsels , and courses , to cherish such as are vertuously industrious , yea , god himselfe , ( the onely best patterne of gouernours ) hath made it knowne , that euen mechanicall qualities are his speciall gifts , and his infused , as it were charismata . 3 for moses hauing put into eternall monuments , that iabel was pater pastorum ( the most an-art of encrease ) and that iubal was pater canentium ( the first of which inuentions was for necessary prouisions of food , and raiment , & the second to glorifie god , and honestly to solace men , towards sweetning the bitter curse which adam drew vpon humane life , ) it is thirdly vnder added in accomplishment of the three maine heads to which mortalls vse to refer all their worldly endeuors ( necessitie , profit , & pleasure ) that tubal cain was malleator , and faber ferrarius , an hammer-smith , or worker in yron , that being one of those arch-mysteries , sine quibus non aedificatur ciuitas , as the words are in ecclesiasticus , nay , there belonged in gods owne iudgement so great praise to the particular excellency of some artificers , as that , in the building of salomons temple , they are registred to all posterities in scripture ; and their skill is not onely made immortally famous , but a more curious mention is put downe of their parentage , and birth place , then of many great princes , as in hirams case , not he the king , but the brasse-founder . and in the new testament , s. paul , ( being a gentlemen borne of a noble familie , as the ancients write ) had the manuall art of scoenopoea , commonly englished , tent-making : vpon which place of st. pauls trade ( whereof in his epistles he doth often glorie ) it is declared to vs out of the rabbins , that s. paul ( who himselfe tells king agrippa that he had liued a pharisee ; according to the most certaine way of iewism ) was brought vp so , by a traditionall precept , binding such a would studie sacred letters , to learne some one or other mysterie in the mechanicks . and at this present among other things which the turks retaine of the iewish rites , this seemes one , when euen the sultan himselfe , or grand signior ( as all his progenitors ) is said to exercise a manuall trade , little , or much , commonly once a day . and in fresh memorie rodulphus the emperour had singular skill in making dials , watches , and the like fine works of smith-craft , as also a late great baron of england , which they practised . 4 if then such honor be done by god ( as beforesaid ) not onely to those which are necessarie handy-crafts , but to those also which are but the handmaids of magnificence , and outward splendor , as engrauers , founders , and the like ; hee shall be very hardie who shall embase honest industry with disgracefull censures ; and too vniust , who shall not cherish , or encourage it with praise and worship , as the ancient excellent policie of england did , and doth , in constituting corporations , & adorning companies with banners of armes and speciall men with notes of noblesse . 5 and , as of all commendable arts all worthy common-weales haue their vse , so , in london they haue as it were their palace . but into the bodie of the citie none generally are encorporated , but such onely as through the strait gates of apprentiship aspire to the dignitie and state of citizens . that hebrew bondmen were not , in moses law , among themselues , like to our apprentises ( howsoeuer the seuenth yeare agrees in time with the ordinarie time of our apprentises obligation ) is euident both in the bookes of exodus , and deuteronomie . for , first , their title to their bondmen grew to their lords by a contract of bargaine , and sale , which was indeed a kind of seruitude . for , when the seuenth yeare , in which the bondage was to determine , and expire , if then he resolued not to continue a bondman for euer , he was compelled to leaue his wife ( if maried in his lords house during bōdage ) together with his children , borne in that mariage behinde him , though himselfe departed free , but withall rewarded also . so that voluntarie bondage is not onely de iure gentium ( as the romane lawes import , by which a man might sell himselfe , ad participandum precium ) but also de iure diuino positiuo . by which notwithstanding it doth not appeare , that such a bondage was any disparagement , or disenablement in iewish blood among the iewes , because in exodus wee read of a prouision made for the hebrew bond-woman , whom her lord might take in mariage to himselfe , or bestow her vpon his son , if he so thought good , but might not violate her chastitie , as if hee had ius in corpus . but the condition of an apprentise of london resembleth the condition of no persons estate in either of the lawes , diuine or imperiall ; for he directly contracteth with his master to learne his mysterie , or art of honest liuing , neither hath his master ( who therefore is but a master , & not a lord ) despoticū imperium ouer his apprentise ( that is , such a power as a lord hath ouer slaue ) but quasi curaturam , or a guardianship , and is in very truth a meere discipliner , or teacher , with authority of vsing moderate correction as a father , not as a tyrant , or otherwise . immoderate correction whosoeuer doth vse , is ( by a gracious statute of the fifth of queene elizabeth ) subiect to be punished with the losse of the apprentise , by absolutely taking him away . 6 which things , so often as i deeply ponder , i cannot but hold it as loose , and as wandring a conceit , and as vnciuill a proposition in ciuill matters as any : that apprentiship should be imagined either to extinguish , or to extenuate the right of natiue gentrie , or to disable any worthy , or fit person to acquisitiue armories . for how can it in gods name worke that effect , vnlesse it be criminall to be an apprentise ? because no man loseth his right to beare armes , or to write gentleman , vnlesse hee be attainted in law for such a cause , the conuiction whereof doth immediately procure corruption in blood , which as in this case no man yet hath dreamed of . againe , when by the old common law of england there are onely two sorts of bondmen , that is to say , villaines in grosse , and villaines regardant to a mannour , and it is most certaine , that our apprentise , or schollar in citie-mysteries , is neither one nor other of them , what ignorance then , or offence was mother at first of this , not paradox , but palpable absurditie , that apprentiship extinguisheth gentry , or that apprentises are as with vs a kind of bondmen ? the contents of this third part . 1. 2. for clearer vnderstanding the question , the seruice of an apprentise described . 3 the foure maine points of the indenture discussed , the seruice , the time , the contract , the condition . 4 the case of laban , and iacob weighed . 5 of the mutuall bond betweene master and apprentise . 6 an apprentise proued to be in no respect a bondman . of the right of blood in gentrie , and of the right of wearing gold-rings among the romans . 7 the masters power ouer the apprentises body , obiected and solued . aristotles errour about bondmen . of young gentlemen , wards in england . of vniuersitie students , and of souldiers , in respect of their bodies . 8 apprentiship a degree in commonweale . 9 of the tokens , or ensignes of that degree , the flat round cap , and other . 10 vnwisely discontinued . 11 resumption of apprentiships markes , or habits , rather wished then hoped . 12 the iniurious great absurditie of the aduersaries opinion , and the excellency of london . the third part. 1 though in the premisses wee seeme to our selues , to haue said enough for establishing our negation in this importāt question , that is to say , that apprentiship is not a kinde of bondage , consequently , that it cannot worke any such effects as is before supposed , yet to leaue no tollerable curiositie vnsatisfied , wee will set before vs , as in a table , the whole condition of an apprentise . meaning chiefly such an apprentise as being the son of a gentleman , is bound to a master , who exerciseth the worthier arts of citizens , as merchants by sea , assurers , whole-sale-men , & some such few others which may more specially stand in the first classe of the most generous mysteries , as those in which the wit or minde hath a farre greater part then bodily labour . 2 such an apprentise therefore when first he comes to his master is commonly but of those yeares which are euery where subiect to correction . his ordinarie seruices these . hee goes bare-headed , stands bare-headed , waytes bare-headed , before his master and mistresse , and , while as yet he is the yongest apprentise , hee doth perhaps ( for discipline sake ) make old leather ouer-night shine with blacking for the morning , brusheth a garment , runs of errands , keeps silence till he haue leaue to speake , followes his master , or vshereth his mistresse , and sometime my young mistresses their daughters ( among whom some one , or other of them doth not rarely proue the apprentises wife ) walkes not farre out but with permission , and now , and then ( as offences happen ) he may chance to be terribly chidden , or menaced , or ( which sometime must be ) worthily corrected ; though all this but onely in ordine , and in the way to mastership , or to the estate of a citizen , which last worst part of this apprentises condition continues peraduenture for a yeare , or two , and while hee is commonly but at the age of a boy , or at the most but of a lad , or stripling . and , take things at the very worst , hee doth nothing as an apprentise vnder his master , which , when himselfe comes to be a master his apprentises shal not doe , or suffer vnder him . such or the like is the bitterest part of an apprentises happy estate in this world , being honestly prouided , at his masters charge of all things necessarie , and decent . the master in the meane-while seruing his apprentises turne with instruction , and vniuersall conformation , or moulding of him to his art , as the apprentise serues his masters turne with obedience , faith , and industrie . 3 here haue we a representation of an apprentises being , or rather the well-being of a child vnder his father , who hath right of correction . vpon view whereof we demand , why it should be supposed that apprentiship extinguisheth gentry ? for if an apprentise in london ( since to haue apprentises is a power not deriued to corporations out of prerogatiue , and royall priuiledge , but out of common law ) bee in their conceipts a kinde of bondman , it must either be , ratione generis obsequij , or ratione temporis adiecti , or contractus , or conditionis , or for all together ; a fifth cause being hard to be either assigned , or imagined . for the first point ( which is in regard of the kind of seruice ) that is but an effect of the contract , or bargaine , and consequently depends thereon , or participates in nature with it ; which not importing any kind of bondage , neither can the seruice it selfe , due by that agreement , bee the seruice of a bondman . so that as on the one side wee grant , that apprentises , as apprentises , doe some things , which gentlemen would not doe , that liued sui iuris , specially vpon a necessity to obey , yet on the other side we constantly deny , that they doe any of them , either as seruile , or as seruilely , but propter finem nobilem , that is , to learne an honest mysterie to enable them for the seruice of god and their countrey , in the station , place , or calling of a citizen . for the second ( which is in respect of a certaine time ( as of seuen yeeres at least ) added and limited in the contract , that is meerely but a circumstance of the agreement , and per consequens cannot alter the substance of the question . for if apprentises are not a kind of bondmen , abstracting from the time which they are bound to serue , the addition of time , addeth nothing to the quality of the contract , to make it seruile . for the third ( which is in regard of the contract , as it raiseth a relation , or the titles betweene two , of master , and seruant ) if the very act of binding to performance , be a sufficient reason to make apprentises a kinde of bondmen , and so to disenable them to gentry , either deriuatiue , or acquisitiue , the masters themselues are also a kinde of bondmen , because , suo genere they aswell are bound as the apprentises . for the fourth ( which is in respect of the condition either vocally exprest , or vertually implide in the contract ) there is in it no proofe of bondage , but the contrarie . for in that the obligation is mutuall , it proues the apprentise free as from bondage , though ( for the apprentises owne good ) not free from subiection to discipline . because onely free men can make contracts , and challenge the benefit of them . the verbe , not , seruire , but the verbe , deseruire ( which is of farre lesse weight ) comprised in the instrument , or indenture , and containing the whole force of the obligation , hath onely in that place the sense of obsequi , & facere , to obey , and doe as an apprentise , and not according to the ancient sense , which it had among the romanes . this ought not to seeme a paradox . for the word dominari , to which seruire is a relatiue , and the word dominus , haue in tract of time beene so softened , and familiarised , as they are growne to be words of singular humanity . and what so common among the noble as to professe to serue ? but the relation constituted in this case , is peculiar , and proper , the odious word dominus is not there at all , nor seruus , no nor famulus ; the relation constituted is directly named betweene master , and apprentise : a cleare case that all iniuries to blood , and nature , are of purpose auoided in those conuentions ; and conuentiones they are called in the interchangeably sealed instrument it selfe . so cleare a case , that in the oath which all freemen make in the chamber of london at their first admission , this clause among many others , is sworne vnto by them , that they shall take none apprentise , but if he be free borne , that is to say , no bondmans sonne : which are the very words of the oath . thus carefully open was the eye of institution in this noble point of the cities policy , to preuent that no staine , no blemish , nor indignitie should wrong the splendor thereof . a thing which could not but follow ineuitably , if they who prouided against admission of bondmens issue , into the estate of apprentiship , should themselues by making apprentises , make bondmen ; or should in any sort embase their blood , whose masters they were to be , as to the purpose of comming to bee citizens in time . they neuer meant to make any man bond , who would haue none but the sonnes of free-borne persons bound apprentises . it shall be wilfull ignorance or malice from hence forth to maintaine the contrary . 4. a most memorable exāple in scripture to the purpose of the present question is that of iacob and laban in the nine and twentieth chapter of genesis , where the time ( seuen yeares ) yea , & the very word ( seruire ) are plaine in that contract which was made betweene the vncle , and the nephew : yet who did euer say that iacob was for this a kind of bondman ? the reason why he was not , riseth from consideration of the finall cause , or intention of the contract , which is recorded to haue beene honorable ; the obtaining of a worthy wife , and of an estate to maintaine her with . neither , when he was no longer defrauded of rahel then seuen daies after his first seuen yeares , and when in the fruition of rahel he serued also other seuen yeares , was he a kind of bondman , by as it were a relapse , or as by a cessation of expecting his reward , which he enioyed in enioying her . out of which it followeth , that as iacob was no kind of bondman though he serued , and serued out all his time twice ouer , so neither are apprentises . and from this place of the bible it is vnanswerablie proued that bodily seruice , is a laudable meanes to atchieue any good , or honorable purpose ; a meanes truly worthy of a gentleman . 5 hereunto we finally adde , and repeat , that as an apprentise tyes himselfe to his master in the word deseruire , that is , to obey , and doe , restrictiuely to the ancient reason , and traditionall discipline of apprentiship in london , so the master tyes himselfe to his apprentise in the word docere , in lieu of his honest seruice , to teach him his art to the vtmost . which masters part is growne to such estimation as that apprentises now come commonly like wines with portions to their masters . if then apprentiship be a kinde of seruitude , it is either a pleasing bondage , or a strange madnesse to purchase it with money . 6 an apprentise therefore , as an apprentise , being neither ratione obsequij , temporis , contractus , nor conditionis in any kinde a bondman , is in no respect a bondman : and hath therefore no more lost his title , and right to gentrie , then hee hath done to any goods , chattels , lands , royalties , or any thing else , which , if hee had neuer beene an apprentise , either had , might , or ought to haue come vnto him . nay , much lesse can gentry bee lost in this case , then right to lands , and goods , how much more inherent the rights of blood are then the rights of fortune . for , according to the law-rule , iura sanguinum nullo iure ciuili dirimi possunt ; whereas those other may be dissolued . and , that gentry is a right of blood may appeare by this , that no man can truely alienate the same , or vest another in it , though legally he may , in case of adoption , which is but an humane inuention in imitation of nature , and therefore , in rei veritate , no alienation at all , but a fiction , or an acception in law as if it were such . so that none can any more passe away his gentrie , to make another a gentleman thereby , who was not a gentleman before , then he can passe away any habit , or quality of the minde , as vertue , or learning , to make another honest , or learned , who was vnlearned , or dishonest before . for gentry is a quality of blood , or name , as vertue , and learning are of the minde . vpon which reason that rule of law is grounded , which teacheth vs , that annulus signatorius ornamenti appellatione non continetur . 7 to all this if it bee replied : that apprentiship is a kind of bondage , for that if an apprentise abandon his masters seruice ; his master may both fetch him backe , as lord for the time ouer his seruants body , and compell him also to liue vnder obedience . we answer thus . that such a power ouer the bodie of an apprentise is not sufficient to constitute a bondman , though the seruice of the apprentise belongs to the master , gods partin him , and the commonweales being first deducted . aristotle held , that onely the grecians were free , and all the barbarous , that is to say , all not grecians , were bond . some among vs seeme aristototelians in this point , who as he gloriously ouer-valued his country-men , so these ouer-value their paragon-gentry , and repute none worthie of armes , and honor but themselues , we supposing on their behalfe , that they are indeed not vaine-pretenders onely , but true descendents from the most vnquestionable noble races , howsoeuer troubled perhaps with some little of the spirit of vanitie , and of too too much scorne of others . but as the italians in our time , notwithstanding they thinke meanely of all who are not italians , calling them ( in aristotles humor ) tramontani , and in that word implying them to be barbarous , doe commit an error , aswell as that great philosopher , so those gentlemen ( how eminently noble soeuer ) will be likewise found to liue in errour , for that others also may bee truely gentlemen , for any thing which as yet is spoken in the former sophisme : videlicet ; the master hath power ouer his apprentises bodie : ergo , apprentises are a kinde of bondmen . because if such a power bee enough to constitute a bondman , wee will say nothing of those free-borne persons being in minoritie , whose bodies their guardians , may not onely by a right in law , fetch backe after escape , or flight , but giue away also in mariage . nay , if for that reason apprentises , borne gentlemen , shall bee thought to haue forfeited their gentry , in what estate are all the sonnes , and children of good houses in england , whose bodies their parents by a right of nature , may fetch back after flight , & exercise their pleasure , or displeasure vpon thē , euen to disinherison ? nay , in what case are souldiers ( to whom most properly , and most immediately the honor of armes doth belong ) who for withdrawing themselues from their banner , or captaine without leaue , may not only be forced backe to serue , but ( according to the vsuall discipline of warre ) may be martiall law bee hanged vp , or shot at the next tree , or wheresoeuer , depriued of breath at once , and of braue reputation together ? so absurd it is to dispute , that the power of a master , by the title of a contract ouer the body of an apprentise , in case of discipline , doth conuince a seruilitie of condition in the sufferer . for if the right to exercise corporall coerction should absolutely constitute a state of bondage in the subiect , the iniurie of that vntrue assertion would reach to persons of farre higher marke then city-prentises , as is most plainely proued . and therefore they must alledge somewhat else besides subiection of bodie to draw the estate of apprentiship into that degree of reproach , which as they cannot doe , wee hauing preuented those obiections , so must they leaue it cleare from taint , or scandall . 8 we lay it downe therefore out of all the antecedences for a cleare conclusion : that apprentises are so farre from being a kinde of bondmen , as that in our common-weale they then first begin habere caput , and to be aliqui : to bee of account , and some bodie . for apprentiship in london is a degree , or order of good regular subiects , out of whose as it were nouiceships , or colledges , citizens are supplied . wee call them colledges according to the old romane law-phrase , or fellowships of men , for so indeed they are , comprehended within seuerall corporations , or bodies of free persons , intended to bee consociated for commerce , according to conscience , and iustice , and named companies , each of them seuerally bearing the title of their seuerall worthy monopolies , as drapers , salters , clothworkers , and so forth . wee say as before , that apprentises in the reputation of our commonweale , when first they come to bee apprentises then first begin to be some bodie , and that apprentiship is a degree , to which out of youth , and yong men , who haue no vocation in the world , they are aduanced and that out of apprentises , by other ascents or steps , as donari ciuitate , to come to bee free of london , or citizens , from thence to be of their companies liuerie , the gouernours of companies , as wardens , and masters , and gouernors in the city , as common-counsel-men , aldermens-deputies , sheriffes , and aldermen ; and lastly the principall gouernour , or head of the citie , the lord maior ; yea sometimes also counsellors of estate to the prince ( whereof master stowe hath examples ) are very orderly elected ; and the whole policie disposed after as excellent a forme as most at this day vnder heauen . 9 true it is , that apprentiship , as it is a degree , so is it the lowest degree , or classe of men in london . lowest wee say , that it may come to the highest , according to that of s. augustine , and of common sense , that those buildings rise highest , and stand fasteth , whose foundations are deepest . and as apprentipish is the first in order , & meanest in dignity , so can that be no title to embase the vocation , because there must be a first in all things . of this degree the flat round cap , haire close-cut , narrow falling-band , course side-coat , close-hose , cloath stockings , and the rest of that seuere habite was in antiquitie , not more for thrift , and vsefulnesse , then for distinction , and grace , and were originally arguments , or tokens of vocation , or calling , which point of ancient discipline the catoes of england , graue common lawyers , to their high commendation therein , retaine in their profession , and professors at this present , euen to the partie-coulored coates of seruing men at serieants feasts . an obiect , far more ridiculous among the new-shapes of our time ( enemie of rigour , and discipline ) then that of apprentises . at which retained signes , and distinctiue notes among lawyers , though younglings , and friuolous nouices , may somewhat wonder , till the cause be vnderstood , yet is the thing it selfe so farre in it selfe from deseruing contempt , as that they who should offer it , would themselues bee laughed at . for the late lord coke , in the preface of his third booke of reports , hath affirmed for the dignitie of the word apprentise , that an apprentise at law is a double reader , whose degree is next to that of a serieant at law , who is only inferiour to a iudge , and to no other degree of lawyers . 10 here now let me be bold to say , that apprentises seeme to haue drunke and sacrificed too deepely to their new goddesse , saint fashion ▪ an idoll which was alwayes noted fatall to the english . as at the periods , or vniuersall concussions of empire in our portion of great britaine , may in old writers bee obserued . this they doe not without wrong in our opinions to the honestie of their degree , at leastwise in so farre abandoning their proper ornament , the cap ( anciently a note of libertie among the romans ) as not to haue one day at least in the yeare , wherein to celebrate the feast of their apprentiship in the peculiar garbe thereof , which they should doe well and wisely to frequent for downe-bearing of contumelie , and scorne , by making profession in this wise , that they glorie in the ensignes of their honest calling . 11 for reuocation of which into vse though wee see no manner of hope , yet are those late magistrates of the citie who laboured to reduce apprentiship to practise this laudable point of outward conformitie , not the lesse to bee commended : and it were to be wished perhaps , that instead of scattering libels , and of discouering inclinations to tumult , apprentises had rather submitted their vnderstandings , and resigned their wills in this particular to their louing superiours , making humble , and wise obedience the glorie of their persons , much rather then apparell in the fashion . for they who are not ashamed of their profession , ought not to be ashamed of the ensignes , and tokens of their profession , or degree . they indeed are out of fashion who are not in that fashion which is proper to their qualitie . the flat round cap , in it selfe considered as a geometricall figure , is far more worthy than the square , according to that ground in the mathematicks , figurarum spaerica est optima , and in hieroglyphickes , is a symbol of eternity , and perfection , & a resemblance of the worlds rotunditie . but i will make no encomium for caps . this i say , that as the square capp is retained not onely in the vniuersities , but also abroad among vs , as well by ecclesiasticall persons in high places , as by iudges of the land , so the round capp being but a note in london , of apprentises , and citizens of london , as it is of students , barresters , benchers , and readers , in the innes of court , so the wearing thereof by londoners cannot be a reproach , but an ornament . but communis error facit ius , and how freely soeuer these thoughts come from me out of abundant loue to the preseruation of vertue in that most honorable city , which ciuill discipline is ablest to doe , yet as much pietie as it is to wish the best , so great is the vanity to thinke to stoppe the generall streame of predominant custome by priuate wishes . apprentises moreouer , and citizens , because they are alwaies conuersant in the light of action , and concourse , and not shut vp in colledges for studies sake , may thinke by this contrary way the more to honor their citie , and to enioy thēselues . 12 well may they in the meane time blush at their temeritie , who by teaching that apprentises are called apprentises , as if they were pares emptitijs , doe dishonour and highly wrong the excellent old policie of this land . for they ( as much as lyeth in the credit of their words ) most dangerously discourage flourishing industrie , who cast such an aspersion vpon any ciuill profession , and order of men ( assembled to vphold a kingdome by cōmerce , according to iustice ) as the least conceipt of so hatefull a note as bondage . and if it be temeritie to cast it vpon any renowned , or other corporation vniustly , it is singular iniquitie ( let it not be called madnesse ) to lay it vpon london , which shines among all cities within the empire of britain . — velut inter ignes ; luna minores — the contents of this fourth part . 1 the author meanes not to erect a new babylon by confounding degrees . horaces monster . the common lawes distinction . 2 citizens as citizens not gentlemen , but a particular species . the gentleman the naturall subiect of all nobilitie . the authors meaning explained . encouragement of honest industrie . ius annulorum , that among the romans , which bearing of armes among vs. the causes compared . the distinction of a meere citizen . disparagement of wards how to bee vnderstood in this case . king edward the first his displeasure an efficient of what effects . armories to symbolise with the first bearers quality . antiquities sacred care in point of ennoblements . 3 the authors apostrophe to fathers , whether they be gentlemen borne , or not . no cause why the great should be ashamed of city-beginnings . martiall vertue principal owner of armories . the chamber of the king. 4 kings of england ennoble the companies of london with their persons , by a singular fauour . henrie the seuenth his admirable sociabilitie , or configuration of himselfe to popular formes . clothworkers his late maiesties brotherhood . 5 london-companies denominated of their monopolies , but not embased thereby . of circensian-games and colors . plinius his complaint . gentlemens meanes if properly entituled are as meane as london-mysteries . nor , in that respect , any great disparilitie betweene countrey , and citie-gentlemen . 6 the ecclipticke line of londons zodiacke . the minde , and not names is essentiall to qualifications . 7 the authors second apologie for his meaning in this case . his scope to beate downe iniurious vanity , not to wrong vocations . london companies best so called as they are . the first roman consul , not being a patrician , free of butchers . where maiestie is , there can be no basenesse . the glorie of wit , and armes due to london . 8 all honest natures loue glorie , and no glorie good but as subordained to god. the fourth part. though thus i haue been the aduocate , and defender of the credit of the city , yet desire i not to be mistaken . for it is very far from my thoughts , by this apologie , or patronisation , to confound degrees in common-weale , so to set vp as it were a new babylon of mine owne . i am not ignorant therefore , that citizens , as citizens , are not gentlemen , but cizens ; to hold otherwise were to take one order , or degree of men out of the realme , or like horaces monster ( a mans head , and a birds bodie ) to create a thing which had halfe one , and halfe another , and our lawes giue a proper name both to the tenure , and person , calling the tenure of citizens in cities , burgage , and their persons , burgenses , among whom the more eminent of them in london had of old not onely the honour of the title of citizens , or burgesses , but of barons also . 2 the ordinarie citizen therefore , is of a degree beneath the meere gentlemen , as the gentleman is among vs in the lowest degree , or classe of nobilitie in england . and all citizens as citizens , yea , the lord maior himselfe , simply as a citizen , is not a gentleman , but burgenfis . as the greatest princes , and despots that euer were , or euer shall be in the world , considered in their first naturall condition , are at most but ingenui , or free-borne , in which respect all are equall , for omnes natura aequales , and their first ciuill degree , or generall state , which either comprehends all the orders of nobilitie , or is capable of them , is among vs the gentleman . in which respect he who shall say , that this or that king , or emperour is a gentleman , speakes rightly , and as the thing is . for gentleman is the title , about which all other titles , as they concerne honor , and conueigh no iurisdiction , are put as robes and ornaments . this therefore is my meaning ; that some citizens may be a citizen , and yet truely a gentleman , as one , and the same man may in seueral respects be both a lord and tenant . citizen in regard of his encorporation in london , gentleman in regard of birth , or of armories assigned for encouragement of industrie , to ennoble his honest riches and titles of honor , or worship , in that city , whereof he is a qualified member . neither is the communication of rewards , which consist of painted distinctiōs , composed according to the receiued rules of heraldrie , iniurious to ancient gentrie any more then the promiscuous permission of wearing gold-rings on their fingers alike to freed-men , as to freemen , granted by the emperour in the authentickes : the reason of gold-rings among romanes , and of armories among vs being the same . nor is it a new thing in our commonweale , that speciall citizens , not borne to armories , but the sonnes of yeomen , or not of gentlemen , should haue armes assigned them . for there is perhaps scarce any record of armes granted in england more ancient then testimonies in the halles of london , that speciall citizens haue bin honourd with particular bearings . and these are aduanced vpon the lord maiors day by the speare-men of that companie of which his lordship is a member , not all of them specially giuen of old , but some vndoubtedly borne by right of blood , as descendents of gentlemen , but other againe as vndoubtedly assigned for excellency in city-arts . of which number there are at this day not a few , whose seri nepotes whose great-grand-childrens children are reputed amōg the oldest and best families of their shires , without any relation to london , which notwithstanding raised them . hence it followes , that as an apprentise being a gentleman-borne remaineth a gentleman , which addition of splendor , and title , as god blesseth his labours , so a worthy citizen is capable of honor and armes , notwithstanding his apprentiship . and by this distinction made betweene a citizen meerely as a citizen , and of a citizen , as hee may also be a gentleman , that obiection which some bring out of a statute enacted vnder one of our kings , which forbidding the disparagement offered by the guardian to marie the ward borne gentle , to a burgensis , may easily bee salued and answered . for in that statute the word burgensis is spoken in the natiue , and more narrow sense thereof , that is of one who is simply burgensis , without any consideration of him as hee may otherwise bee a gentleman , esquire , or knight , which in some places happens , as in the famous corporation of droit wiche in worcestershire . but howsoeuer , cerainely burgensis here nothing concernes citizens of london , who by an excellency of their calling had the honor in antiquity to beare the name of barons , and were styled so ; and weighing that , the citizen is a distinct degree from burgensis , and aboue it ; and therfore that law concernes them not . for the proofe of their title to the appellation of barons , by way of hexoche ( as artists in eloquence call it ) most famous is that place in the histories of mathew paris , where speaking of the londoners of his time , vnder king henry the third , these words are eminent in him : londonienses quos propter ciuitatis dignitatem , & ciuium antiquitatem , barones consueuimus appellare . as for the distinct degree of a citizen from a burgensis , that appeares in this , that the city of london doth not send burgesses to the parliament , but knights , or citizens ; and the enumeration of the rankes is cleare in a statute of king richard the second , enacted the fift yeare of his raigne , and the fourth chapter of the same , where they are , count , baron , banneret , cheualier de counte , citizen de citie , burgeis de burgh . the princes before that time , but specially the princes following ( as the worthinesse of citizens inuited ) did ennoble them exceedingly , and continue more and more so to doe . yet , in conferring armes , and arguments of honor vpon cizens , not borne genlemen , reason requireth that they should not haue coats of the fairest bearing assigned to them , but such as either in canton , chiefe , border , or otherwise might carie some testimonie , marke , or signe to shew the art by which they were aduanced , as merchant-aduenturers to beare anchors , grocers cloues , clothworkers a tezel , merchantaylors a robe , and so forth ; which those gentlemen ought in honestie , and thankfulnesse to choose , and not only to accept ; and rather striue to match the best in goodnesse , and worth of spirit then in the silent tokens of it . posteritie thriuing , there may then some change be also made in the coat for the better . specially considering what pretty riddance hath beene in our times made of surcharges in armories granted about the end of king henry the eight ; what encroachments vpon old gentlemens rights , by new ones , because their names onely haue beene the same ; and many other inuentions to blanch or beautifie newnesse . according to which notion and dictamen , coats of armes haue beene deliuered from their originall deformities , surfets , and surcharges , by their proper physitian , the prouinciall king of armes ; so sir thomas kitsons of suffolk , whose chief , now simply gold , was heretofore ouerladen with three ogresses , and they with an anchor ( the badge or argument of the originall ) and two lyons rampant argent ; as at this houre is publikely extant to be seene in trinitie hall at cambridge , whereunto he was a benefactor : and besides that gentlemans , the coat armours of some of the peeres of this land , and of others also , not a few : very many more needing the like reliefe , or remedie . the rule of proportion seemes diligently obserued in antiquitie among vs , where the principall , and most noble charges , and formes of armories were not appropriated but to analogicall competencies of honourable qualitie . 3 such therefore being the nature of apprentiship , and such the condition of citizens estate , as to the purposes of honor , and armes , let fathers who are gentleman put their children , who are not rather inclining to armes , or letters , to apprentiship , that is to say , to the discipline , and art of honest gaine , giuing them a title of being somewhat in our countrey . for it is a vocation simply honest , and may proue a stay to posteritie , and giue credit to their names , when licentious and corrupted eldest sonnes haue sold their birth-rights away . for albeit many citizens thriue not , but breake , yet those fathers , or such who are in place of fathers , worke more probably , who put their children , or orphans into a certaine method of life , then others who leaue them at large . and as some riotous , foolish , or vnfortunate citizens miscarrie , so ten to one more yonger brethren in the country . and fathers , such of you are not gentlemen , put your children to be apprentises , that so as god may blesse their iust , true , and vertuous industrie , they may found a new family , and both raise themselues and theirs to the precious and glittering title of gentlemen bearing armes lawfully . for which cause no lord , nor peere of this land , who may perchance owe his worldly estate , and as well the completiue , as the fundamentall greatnesse , or amplitude of meanes , to such as haue beene citizens of london ; nor those other , whose originalls were from cheualrie , and martiall seruice ( the most pure , and proper noblesse of all , as to the purpose of bearing armes ) and yet since haue beene mixt with citie-races , ought to thinke it the least disparagement to owne their benefactors and ancestors , citizens of london . on the other part it will worthily well become them , freely and thankfully to acknowledge so honest originalls , and accession to originalls , as all this realme from thence is filled with . because among them the vertues of commutatiue iustice , and of commendable industrie flourish , and , the sinewes of warre , and peace , abundance of treasure , are stored vp , as in the chamber of the king. 4 which acknowledgment , besides that it is in the lawes of honor , an act of bounden duty , they may the rather take it for a glorie , because our princes haue vouchsafed to be incorporated ; as members of seuerall companies in the citie , comming thereby as it were vnder that banner . nor onely so , but henrie the seuenth ( whom all of vs will easily confesse to haue well enough vnderstood what he did ) is credibly said to haue beene in person , at the election of master & wardens , and himselfe to haue sitten openly among them in a gowne of crimson veluet , citie-fashion , with a citizens hood of veluet on his shoulders a la mode de londres , vpon their solemne feast-day , in the common hall of his company , merchantailers . moreouer , his grand-childe , queene elizabeth ( no way inferior to her ancestor in high pollicie ) was free of mercers . lastlie ( which is more to our present purpose ) our late dread soueraigne himselfe king iames more learned then they both ( though learning hath beene a royall abilitie in our ancient princes , & so flourishing in sebert , king of east-england , that our venerable countreyman bede , affirmes him to haue been , per omnia doctissimus ) encorporated himselfe into one the most important society of this kingdome clothworkers , as men dealing in the principall and noblest staplewares of all these ilands ; wooll , and cloath . 5 nor let the names of companies , because they seeme not to sound honorably enough as appellations of degrees in gentry , and nobility , auert the mind from them as things ignoble and vnworthy the dignity of generous dispositions , a thing erroniously holden in fernes blazon of gentry . for all renowned cities euer had in them vrbana nobilitas , and yet their citizens could not but bee distributed into orders , tribes , or titles of professions , yea sometimes also in their games , for the circensian companies in rome , called factiones , that is to say , companies , and denominated from the seuerall colors of their seueral clothings , white , blew , greene , and red , to which domitian added two other , purple , and gold , were the speciall delights and exercises of prince & people ; which grew to such excesse , no longer after then in traians time , that plinius secundus held it a matter worthy of his complaint , and censure , as in one of his epistles is extant , where he saith nunc panno fauent , nunc pannum amant . againe , such of the gentry , who liue not in the citie , and doe most of all eleuate themselues with contempt of others in respect of the arts , and wayes of maintenance , were they but incorporated vnder the true titles of their meanes , in which we will not speake of the prodigious eating vp of whole houses , townes , and people , by a thousand wicked deuises proper to the mysterie of depopulation ( against whose consuming works so many statutes of this land haue long time warred in vaine ) the names of those citie-brotherhoods , or companies would easilie sound , in a most curious eare , full out as faire , and well . corne , cattle , butter , cheese , hay , wood , wooll , coles , and the like , the materialls of their maintenance , all of them inseparable to countrey-commonweales , and without which they can no more subsist then drapers , as drapers without cloath , glodsmiths , as goldsmiths without iewels , or plate , and so forth . neither doth it create any great odds in this point touching honour betweene parties in this dispute , that gentlemen , by their officers , as bailiffes , reeues , or the like , doe order their affaires for their more ease , & dignities . for besides , that the wisest among them exercise that superintendency in their owne persons , so herein the worthy citizen is no way behind , dispatching his businesses by factors , iourneymen , or expert apprentises , reseruing onely to himselfe the oueruiew , and controll all their doings . citie-noblesse so apparent , that the knights or gentlemen of rome , professing merchandise , and others among them that way bent , had their hall , or seat of their colledge , or companie vpon mount capitoline it selfe , dedicated to their patron deity , or tutelarie god-head , mercurie . other encorporated societies there also were , as goldsmiths , and the rest , who liued so far from being excluded out of the power of common-weale , or from honors , and signes of noblenesse , that they had right in some cases euen to ouertop the lords , and out of their owne body to choose not only consuls , but euen dictators also , their super-soueraigne & most absolute magistrate before their emperors times . yea so mighty were they growne in respect of elections and negatiue authoritie , that clodius to be reuenged vpon cicero , left his owne rancke of patritians , and lords , and turned commoner . 6 to conclude , such gentlemen are much deceiued , which no sooner heare one named to be of this , or that societie , or colledge of trade in london , as of grocers , haberdashers , fishmongers , or of any other of the twelue principall monopolies ( the zodiacke of the citie , in whose eclipticke line their lord maior must euer runne his yeares course ) but they forthwith entertaine a low conceit of the parties quality , as too too much beneath their owne ranck , and order , without further examinatiō ; when it often happens , that he who is titularlie of this , or that fraternity , neuer was bred vp in it , nor vnderstands any more what it meanes then the remotest gentleman , their masters themselues hauing been merchants , or of other profession of life diuerse from their title , vnder which they are marshall'd , the law of the citie imposing an absolute necessity that all who are free of the city should cary the name of some one , or other of their brotherhoods . againe , what doe the constellations of heauen shine the worse , or the lesse , because they carrie the names of ramm , of a water-bearer , of fishes , and so forth ? or how many the fewer are their seuerall lights for that ? answerably to which i say , that if the parties mind be adorn'd with the starre-lights of vertue and honor , what basenesse is it for him to bee marshall'd vnder any of the names comprehending one , or other of the honest arts of worldly life ? 7 in disputing thus , let me not be thought to set vp an enuious comparison betweene these two worshipfull degrees , or qualificatiōs of men . that is very farre from me . for it must euer bee granted , to the authority of general opinion founded vpon custome among vs , that the true countrey-esquire caeteris paribus , is in his proper place before the citie-esquire , which with the perpetuall clause beforesaid of caeteris paribus holds also , throughout the other degrees of the inferior noblesse in england . i reason here , as reason bids , not against the right , or dignities of persons either as in parallell , or as in disparagement , but against the vanity , and offences rising out of causelesse elatiō , and arrogance , and against their errours , who not vnderstanding the things of their owne countrey , are indeed meere meteoroscopers , and houer in the clowdy region of admiration vpon rude , and vnlearned fansies , for which cause as minds needing to be healed , so would i sincerely that they were healed . such are theirs , who would perhaps think the companies , or monopolies of the citie more worthy of their acknowledgement , if where now they are denominated of some particular ware , or craft , they were named of eagles , vultures , lions , beares , panthers , tygers , or so forth , as the seuerall orders of the noble in mexico ( which iosephus acosta writes ) vnder their emperor : yet much better , because more truly , these fellowships of london cary the names of men as they haue vocations in professions , which onely men can execute . or they would peraduenture thinke more noblie of them , if those societies were denominated of eyes , eares , hands , feet , or of other members , as philostratus , in the life of that impostor apollonius tianaeus , saith , the officers , and instruments of a philosophical king in india were . but as those were called of their king his eyes , eares , and so forth , so haue these mysteries some one , or other professor in each among them , from the higher trade to the lowest eminently designed out with the addition of king , as the kings mercer , the kings draper , and so forth . againe , how much more worthy the whole is then the parts , because the parts are in the whole , so by that argument it is more honourable to be marshall'd as a man among societies of ciuill men , then to be distinguisht by allusions to particular members . at leastwise , those singular gentlemen might certainin their most contempt of the city remēber that of plato , nemo rex non ex seruis , nemo non seruus ex regibus ; and that also rare and reall worth may bee in the persons of citizens themselues , seeing terentius ( consul of old rome , with that noble paulus aemilius ) was free of the butchers company , and our walworth lord maior of old london was free of the fishmongers . and they were not onely the lords , knights , and gentlemen of rome , who had voice in election of their principall yearly magistrates , but euen handycrafts-men ▪ and artificers , as is most manifest by that place of salust in his iugurthine warre , where marius was chosen consul , by the speciall affection of that sort of roman citizens , who ( saith he ) sua necessaria post illius honorem ducebant , preferred his election by their voices , before the trades by which they earnd their liuings . finally , they may remēber , that in the posterity of citizens many right noble , and worthy gentlemen are often found , and that , besides the vniuersall mixture with citie-races thorow the kingdom , it may not be denyed that true nobless shineth often very bright among thē . for they are companies of free citizens , in which , soueraigne maiesty it selfe is incorporated , making them at once to be sacred as it were , and certainly magnificent . for euen as where the sun is , there is no darknes , so where soueraign princes are interressed parties , there is no basenes . and as the philosophers medicine purgeth vilest metals , turning all to gold , so the operation of princes intention to ennoble societies with his personall presence , transmetalls the subiect , and clearly takes away all ignobilitie . which things as they are most true in london , so , for that , the emperour constantinus magnus ( if our ancient fitz stephan reports the right ) henry king of england , sonne of king henry the second , and that braue great prince edward the first , and whosoeuer else , were borne in the citie , they giue to it the glory of armes : and ieffrey chaucer , sir thomas moore knight , with others borne in london , communicate thereunto the glorie of wits and letters . to nourish vp both which most excellent titles to reall nobilitie in the citie , the artillery-yard , and gressam colledge were instituted . 8 thus this question of honor , and armes , vndertaken at the instance of interessed parties , but more for loue to that great citie , and her children , being by gods assistance , and , as we hope , sufficiently discussed , the end of all is this , that albeit the loue of humane praise , and of outward splendor in the markes , and testimonies of it , are very vehement fires in all worthiest natures , yet haue they no beatitude , nor ( so to say ) felicitation , but onely as with referment to this of the blessed apostle , soli deo honor , & gloria . amen . i haue viewed this booke , and perused the same , and finde nothing therein dissonant to reason , or contrary to the law of honor or armes . william segar garter princip . king of armes . errata . in the epistle to the masters . for iuice of ingratitude , read vice of ingratitude . in the epistle to the prentises . for preying , read prying . for honourable ( all , read honorable strangers ( all . page 5 for larger volume , read leger volume . 17. for discouser , read discourser . 19. for ciuill art gouernment , read ciuill art of gouernment . ●ad for most an art of encrease , read most ancient art of encrease . 20. for a would , read as would . 23. for ouer-slaue , read ouer his slaue . 38. for fasteth , read fastest . 51. for you are read you as are . 55. for controll all read controll of all . 57. for ramme , read a ramme . 58. for certaine , read certainly . the opening of the great seale of england. containing certain brief historicall and legall observations, touching the originall, antiquity, progresse, vse, necessity of the great seal of the kings and kingdoms, of england, in respect of charters, patents, writs, commissions, and other processe. together with the kings, kingdoms, parliaments severall interests in, and power over the same, and over the lord chancellour, and the lords and keepers of it, both in regard of its new-making, custody, admi nistration [sic] for the better execution of publike justice, the republique necessary safety, and vtility. occasioned by the over-rash censures of such who inveigh against the parliament, for ordering a new great seale to be engraven, to supply the wilfull absence, defects, abuses of the old, unduely withdrawne and detained from them. / by william prynne, utter-barrester of lincolns inne. ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91237 of text r234376 in the english short title catalog (thomason e251_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 141 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91237 wing p4026 thomason e251_2 estc r234376 99871128 99871128 159084 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91237) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 159084) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 43:e251[2]) the opening of the great seale of england. containing certain brief historicall and legall observations, touching the originall, antiquity, progresse, vse, necessity of the great seal of the kings and kingdoms, of england, in respect of charters, patents, writs, commissions, and other processe. together with the kings, kingdoms, parliaments severall interests in, and power over the same, and over the lord chancellour, and the lords and keepers of it, both in regard of its new-making, custody, admi nistration [sic] for the better execution of publike justice, the republique necessary safety, and vtility. occasioned by the over-rash censures of such who inveigh against the parliament, for ordering a new great seale to be engraven, to supply the wilfull absence, defects, abuses of the old, unduely withdrawne and detained from them. / by william prynne, utter-barrester of lincolns inne. ... prynne, william, 1600-1669. [2], 32, [2] p. printed for michael sparke senior., lodon [sic]. : 1643. at foot of title, above imprint: it is this fifteenth day of september, anno dom. 1643. ordered by the committee of the house of commons, concerning printing, that this treatise, intituled, the opening of the great seale of england, be forthwith printed by michael sparke senior. john white. with a final errata leaf. annotation on thomason copy: "octob: 9th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. england -seal -early works to 1800. a91237 r234376 (thomason e251_2). civilwar no the opening of the great seale of england.: containing certain brief historicall and legall observations, touching the originall, antiquity prynne, william 1643 24639 87 0 0 0 0 0 35 c the rate of 35 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the opening of the great seale of england . containing certain brief historicall and legall observations , touching the originall , antiquity , progresse , vse , necessity of the great seal of the kings and kingdoms of england , in respect of charters , patents , writs , commissions , and other processe . together with the kings , kingdoms , parliaments severall interests in , and power over the same , and over the lord chancellour , and the lords and keepers of it , both in regard of its new-making , custody , administration for the better execution of publike justice , the republique necessary safety , andvtility . occasioned by the over-rash censures of such who inveigh against the parliament , for ordering a new great seale to be engraven , to supply the wilfull absence , defects , abuses of the old , unduely withdrawne and detained from them . by william prynne , utter-barrester of lincolns inne . esther 8. write ye also for the jews , as liketh you , in the kings name , and seal it with the kings ring : for the writing which is written in the rings name , and sealed with the kings ring , may no man reverse . it is this fifteenth day of september , anno dom. 1643. ordered by the committee of the house of commons , concerning printing , that this treatise , intituled , the opening of the great seale of england , be forthwith printed by michael sparke senior . john white . london . printed for michael spark senior . 1643. to the reader . courteous reader , having copiously answered , refuted all royalilists , malignants , papists , clamorous objections and primitive exceptions , against the proceedings of this present parliament , in four severall treatises , lately published , concerning the soveraigne power of parliaments and kingdoms ; which have given good satisfaction to many , and silenced the penns , the tongues of most anti-parliamenteers , who have bin so ingenuous as seriously to peruse them : i yet finde a new grand objection lately started up , and much insisted on among these opposites , by reason of the commons late order for making a new great seal ( now almost finished ) to supply the wilfull absence , defects , abuses of the old , to the extraordinary prejudice , dammage , danger , of the houses , kingdom , and delay of publike justice ; which , though sufficiently answered in the generall by sundry passages and histories scattered in the former treatises ; yet because not so particularly or fully debated , as the consequence of this extraordinary weighty act , and the querelousnesse of the clamorous opposites require ; i have therefore ( upon the motion of some friends ) to stop up this new-breach and clamour , speedily collected and published by authority , these ensuing historicall and legall observations , concerning the originall , antiquitie , progresse , use , necessity of the great seal of the kings and kingdome of england ; with reference to sealing of charters , patents , writs , commissions , other processe ; and given thee a summary account of the kings , kingdoms , parliaments , severall interests in , and power over the great seal , ( and the lords keepers of it too ) both in respect of its new-making , custody , administration , for the better execution of publike iustice , the republike necessary safety and utility , clearing all contrary objections of moment ; which i here submit to thy charitable censure and acceptation ; imploring thy pardon and direction , in case i have casually erred , out of ignorance or humane frailty , in tracing this untrodden dangerous narrow path , wherein i finde no footsteps , or onely very obscure ones , to direct my course . farewell . the opening of the great seale of england . not to enter into any impetinent tedious discourse of the antiquitie or use of seales in generall , which were very anciently used both by the nations and kings of the jewes , persians , medes , babilonians , and others , ( as is manifest by a sundry texts of scripture , to omit prophane stories ; ) it is a question much debated among antiquaries , historians , lawyers , how ancient the use of seales hath beene among the kings of england , & in what age , upon what occasion , by what degrees they grew to be absolutely requisite for the ratification of charters , patents , writs , commissions , and other processes ? the first originall , antiquitie of seals among our kings , is very uncertain ; for it is apparent , past all contradiction , b that our ancientest kings charters , patents had no seals at all annexed to them , being ratified onely with the signe of the crosse , ( oft-times in golden characters ) the subscription of our kings names , with the names of divers bishops , abbots , nobles , clerks , and others , under them , as witnesses ; who all made the signe of the crosse , before or after their subscriptions ; as is most evident by sundry ancient charters of our english saxon kings , yet extant in old leger books of abbeys , in sir robert cottons library , and by the printed copies , of them in the histories of ingulphus , m●lmesbury , hoveden , matthew paris , matth. westminster , holinshed , mr. fox , mr cambdens britannia , m. seldens titles of honour , history of tythes , notes to eadmerus , sir henry spelmans councils and glossary ; sir edward cooks preface to his 4 and 6 reports , his institutions on littleton , and magna charta , joannis pitseus , relatio . histor. de rebus angl. cl. reynerus apostolatus benedictinorum in anglia ; m. lambard his perambulation of kent and archaion , bishop vshers britannicarum ecclesiarum antiquitates , with others ; which charters , though without a seale , have c ever been reputed as valid , firme in point of law from time to time , and so admitted by our judges , kings , parliaments , as any punier charters sealed with our kings great seals . to give you some few instances of the ancientest charters of our kings before the conquest , which i finde not sealed , but thus subscribed . king d aethelbert , anno 605. made two charters , the first to the church of saint pancras , the other to the monastery of peter and paul to be erected at canterbury ; which are thus confirmed with the signe of the crosse , not sealed ; ✚ ego aethelredus rex anglorum , hanc donationem meam signo sanctae crucis propria manu confirmavi . after which follow divers other witnesses , who confirm it with the same signe . there is extant a bull of augustine , the first bishop of canterbury , of an exemption granted by him to this monastery , with a leaden seale annexed to it , the forme whereof you may view in e sir henry spelman , who suspects both these charters , with augustines bull and seale , ( the sealing of buls being not so ancient , and leaden buls being first brought in by pope adrian , about the year of our lord , 774. as polydor and others observe ) to be meer counterfeits , upon good grounds . there is another charter of the same king , of lands given to the same monastery , dated , ar. 610. subscribed as the former . the next ancient charter i finde , is , that of f withred king of kent , dated , an. dom. 695. who the same year confirmed the great councell of beca 〈◊〉 with the signe of the crosse , & such subscriptions as are aforesaid . to these i shall adde the ( suspected ) charter of g king kenred and offa. anno 709. with the charters of egwin bishop of worcester , anno 709. the charter of h king eth ibald , an , 718. made to saint guthlar , and the abbey of croyland , with his generall charter of priviledges granted to all churches and monasteries , dated , anno 749. the charter of i king ina granted to the abbey of glasterbury , ( supposed to be spurious ) anno 725. of k king offa to the abbey of croyland , anno 793. the l decree of adardus archbishop of canterbury , and the councell of clovesho . an. 803. the charter of m king kenulphus to the abbey of croyland , anno 8●6 . the n decrees of the synod of clevesh● , under king beornwulfe , anno 824. and of the council of london under king egbert , anno 833. the charter of o witlasius king of m●rcia , to the abbey or croyland , anno 833. the charter of king bertulphus to the same abbey , an. 851. with the p canons of the councell of kingesbury , confirmed and subscribed by this king , and others the same year , with the signe of the crosse . the charters of q aeth iwulphus to the abbey of croyland , anno 855. and to all churches and monasteries , which he offered up to god upon the altar of saint peter t winchester , where the bshop received it , and sent it to all churches to be published . the charter of r b●orredus king of , merciae , to the abbey of croyland . anno 860. of * queen aethelsw●th to cuthwulfe , an. 868. of king ſ edmund to the abbey of glastenbury , an. 944. of t king ●●dred to the abbey of croyland , an. 948. the charters of u king edgar to the abbey of croyland , an. 966. 970. 974. to the x abbey of glastenbury , an. 965. 971. and to the abbey of malmesbury . an. 974. his charter of oswelds lawes , an. 964. his charter to his new monestery of winchester , an. 966. and another charter , ar. 964. the charter of y king aeth●lred , an. 995. to vlfric . with z his charter of priviledges granted to the church of canterbury , an. 1006. the a charter of king knute , or canutus , to the church of our saviour at canterbury , an. 1018. and to the abbey b of croyland , an. 1032. of thorold to the abbey of croyland , an. 1051. and of king edward the confessor to the same abbey about the yeare 1050. all these ancient charters of our kings before the conquest had no seales at all annexed to them , but were only ratified with the signe of the crosse subscribed by the kings themselves , and these who made them , together with their names , and with the names and crosses of the witnesses . and it is observable , that all or most of these ancient charters of our kings , which granted any lands or priviledges to abbeys or churches , were made in full councels and parliaments , with the unanimous consent and approbation of the bishops , prelates , abbots , dukes , earls , lords , and great men therein present , who commonly subscribed them ; the reason was , because none of our ancient kings ( as i have proved ) had any power to grant or alien the lands of the crown ( which they enjoyed only in the kingdoms right , and for its use ) to any , without the consent of their nobles , and people in full parliament : and in most of these charters , abbeys and church-lands were exempted from all taxes , tallages , and temporall services whatsoever , except the repairing of high wayes , bridges , and castles , for the common good : and c thereby were anciently exempted from danegeld , as i have elsewhere manifested . which of our kings first used a seale , is not certainly determined : sir edward cook in his institutes on littleton , fol. 7. a. records , that the charter of king offa , whereby he granted peter-pence , doth yet remaine under his seale ; now this charter , as d sir henry spelman , and our e historians generally in his life , record , was dated in the yeare of our lord 793. or 794. and is the first charter scaled ( if true ) by any of our kings . there is another f charter of king edwin , of certaine land called iecklea in the is●le of ely , bearing date anno 956. sealed with his owne seale , and with the seale of elfwin bishop of winchester . i read in francis thinne his catalogue of chancellours , and in sir henry spelman his glossary , fol. 126. 132. that our saxon kings aethelstan , edmund , edred , edgar , and aethelred , had their severall chancellors ; but whether they had any seales or not , is uncertaine : if they had any , it is certaine ( writes g sir henry spelman ) that they scarce used them at all , or very rarely , most of their charters having no seales at all , but only crosses , or subscriptions of these kings names , and witnesses . the very h first of all our kings who used a large br●ad seale , was edward the confessor , who , being brought up in normandy , introduced that , with some other of the normans guises with him , and had three chancellors : vnder this i seal he granted a charter of sundry liberties and priviledges to the church of saint peters in westminster , anno dom. 1066. which was sealed by his chancellor reynbaldus , as is evident by this his subscription to that deed ; ego reynbaldus regis cancellarivs relegi & sigillavi . this is the first charter , for ought appears , that ever was sealed with a royall broa● seale , or by a chancellor . but that all this good kings charters , or any of his writs , or commissions were thus sealed by this great scale , or that the chancellor then had the custody of the seale ( which the chancellors in the reigne of charles the great , and ludovicus pius , had not in france , as sir henry spelman proves in his glossary , p. 127. out of capit. l. 2. c. 24. and eg●lismensis in vita caroli , p 15. and the passage of ingulphus concerning the office of the chancellor in his time , cited in spelman , seemes to disprove ) is a non liquet unto me . the exact forme of this kings great seale you may behold in * iohn speed , together with the various effigies of all our succeeding kings broad seales , prefixed by him before their severall lives . two things there are , which in this enquiry after the originall use of our kings great seales , seeme somewhat dubious unto me . first , when , how , and by what law or meanes it came to passe , that our kings charters and patents ought of necessity to be sealed with the great seale , contrary to the primitive usage in former ages , or else to be reputed invalid , and meere nullities in law ? secondly , when , and by what law or grounds , and in what kings reigne , writs , commissions , and other processe of law , began to be issued out under the great seale , or else to be disallowed as illegall ? it being evident unto me , that charters , and patents were usually sealed by some of our kings , before any of their writs , commissions , or legall processe issued under their seales . these two doubts , i confesse , are beyond my skill exactly to assoile ; yet this i conjecture as most consonant to truth ; that k edward the confessor being trained up in normandy , and addicted to the customes of the french , which he introduced with him , did first of all bring in the sealing of deeds ; which i gather from the words of l ingulphus abbot of croyland , who flourished in his reign , and writes thus of him : coepitergo tota terra sub rege , & sub aliis normannis introductis , anglicos ritus dimittere , & francorum mores in multis imitare : gallicum idioma omnes magnates in suis curits tanquam magnum gentilitium loqui ; chart as et chirographa sva more francorvm conficere , & propriam consuetudinem in his , & in alius erubescere . now the french kings long before his dayes , used to seale their charters with golden bulls , as m franciscus rosierius , and sir n henry spelman testifie ; there being divers charters of king dagobert , sigebert , and pipin yet extant under golden bulls , as they record : and charles the great , descended of pipin , was the first emperour of the romans which sealed charters with a golden bull , as o polydor virgil attests , p flodoardus also recording , that charles the bald an. dom. 867. sealed with a bull of his name , bull a sui nominis sigillavit . in imitation of whom q edward the confessor , as it is probable , caused a great seale to be made ( which none of his predecessors used ) and there with sealed two of his three charters of priviledges and donations granted to the abbey of westminster ( to which he was a speciall benefactor ) the copies of which you may read in r sir henry spelman : witnesse this close of his second charter ; chartamistam conscribi , et sigillari ivssi , & ipsam manu mea signo sanctae crvcis impressi , & idoneos te●●es annotari praecepi ad corraborandam : after which his owne subscription with the signe of the crosse followes , and the subscriptions and crosses of sundry bishops and abbots : after them , ego raynbaldus cancellarivs ✚ ; then follow the subscriptions of dukes , and other the kings officers , with this conclusion , acta apud westmonaster . quinto kal . ianuarii , die sanctorum innocentium , anno dominicae incarnationis 1066. indictione tertia . anno regni serenissimi edwardi regis 25. swyergarius notarius ad vicem reynbaldi regiae dignitatis cancellarii , hanc chartam scripsi & subscripsi , in deinomine foeliciter , amen . with this close of his third charter dated the same year and day ; vt ergo hac auctoritas nostris & futuris temporibus , circaipsum sanctum locum perenniter firma & inviolata permaneat , per omnia tempora illaesa custodiatur atque conservetur , & ab omnibus optimatibus nostris , & iudicibus publicis & privatis , melius ac certius credatur , manus nostrae subscriptione subter eam decennius roborare , & idoneos testes annotare , atqve sigillo nostro ivssimvs sigillari . ● . ego edwardus deigratia anglorum rex , hoc privilegium jussi componere , & compositum , cum signo dominicae crvcis confirmando impressi . ✚ : then follow the subscriptions of divers bishops and abbots with crosses : next to them , ego reynbaldus regis cancellarivs relegi et sigillavi . ✚ : next ensue the subscriptions of some dukes , officers , and knights , with crosses : next the date of the place , day , yeare of christ , and the kings reigne ; with ego alfgeatus notarius , ad vicem reynbaldi regiae dignitatis cancellarius , hoc privilegium scripsi & subscripsi , in dei nomine foeliciter . amen . from which charters and subscriptions we may observe , first , that this king edward , though he added his great seal to his charters , yet he retained the ancient forme of confirming them with the signe of the crosse , and the subscription of his owne name , and the names of witnesses ; which continued long after , till edward the first his reigne , if not longer , though since discontinued . secondly , that the chancellor in his dayes , though he subscribed his name after prelates and bishops , yet hee did it before dukes , earles , and all other temporall lords ; therefore hee was then , no doubt , the chiefest temporall officer , and hath so continued ever since . what the dignity and office of the chancellor was in this kings reigne and before , appeares by ingulphus his history of turketulus ſ chancellor both to king aethelstan , edmund , and edred successively , and the second chancellor we read of in our realme ) who was then primvm , praecipvvm et a secretis familiarissimvm . this t turketulus ( writes he ) descended of the blood royall , being nephew to king edward the elder , who for his merits would have matched him to divers rich noblemens daughters , but he refused them , leading a single life : after which he would have promoted him to a bishoprick for his learning and holinesse , proffering him first the bishoprick of winchester , and afterwards the archbishoprick of canterbury very often , and to preferre him before all his other clerks ; but he rejected those dignities with various excuses , and utterly abhorred them all his life , tanquam tendiculas sathanae ad subvertendas animas , as the snares of satan to subvert soules : such were lord y bishopricks esteemed , even in that blinde age : which may be further ratified by this monkish story , related out of the promptuary of the disciple , and arnoldus in u the flower of the commandements of god ; that a monk of clervaulx was chosen to be bishop , the which refused it , against the will of his abbot and of the bishop , and soone after died : who appearing after his death to his familiar , he demanded of him , if the disobeysance before said had noyed him ? he answered , that nay , and afterward said , if i had taken the bishoprick , i had beene damned ; and said moreover an horrible word , the state of the church is come unto this , that she is not digne to be governed but of ill bishops , &c. but to returne to our story . tarketulas refusing the glory of this terrene dignity and transitory honour of a bishoprick ; the king at last made him his chancellour : ut quaecunque negotia temporalia vel spiritualia regis judicium expectabant illius consilio & decreto ( tam sanctae fidei & tam profundi ingenii tenobatur ) omnia tracturantur , & tractata irrefrag●bilem sententiam sortirentur consilio ergo illius , multa bona opera &c. off●cis : after which he addes , he was a man of greatest power and authority with these three kings , both for his incomparable wisdome and valour , he had sixty manners of his own ( six whereof he gave to god and the abbey of croyland where he became abbot , and the residue to the king ) and vast treasures of jewels and money , yet in all this greatnesse his title of chancellour was his highest dignity , as ingulphus manifests : therefore it was then , no doubt , the most eminent office . thirdly , that in those times x it was one chiefe part of the chancellors office , by himselfe or his notaries and substitutes , to dictate and write all the kings charters , patents , writs , and to subscribe them as a witnesse : whence turketulus when he was chancellor , writ or dictated most of the kings charters made to the abbey of croyland : rex edredus dedit monasterium croyland per chartam suam , dictatam ab eodem turketulo , writes ingulphus , p. 874. fourthly , that the chancellor in his reigne , sealed the kings charters with his seale ; yet y whether he only did it , or had the sole custody of the soale , is uncertaine . but though king edward the confessor z first brought in the great seale ; yet the custome of sealing charters , patents therewith , with other mens sealing deeds , grow not common , universall , or necessary , a till the latter end of the conquerours reign ; as b ingulphus in these direct tearms avers , from his own experimentall knowledge : et non tantum hunc morem ( of making knights ) sed alias etiam consuetudines ( william the conquerour and his normans , of whom he writes ) immutabant ; nam chirographtrum consectionem anglicanam , quae antea vsque ab edwardi regis tempora , fidelium praesentium subscriptionibus cum crucibus aureis , aliisque saerts signaculis firma fuerunt , normanni condemnantes , chirographa chartas vocabant ; et chartarum armitatem cum cere impressione per untuscujusque speciale sigillum , sub instillatione trium vel quatuor testium astantium ( whereas ancient charters had twenty or more witnesses ) conficere constituebant . conferebantur etiam prime multa praedia nudo verbo , absque scripto , velcharta , tantium cum domini gladio , vel galea , vel cornu , velcratera ; & plurima tenementa cum calcari , cum striguli , cum arcu , & non nulla cum sagitta . sed haec initio regni sui ; posterioribus annis immutatus est isle modus . tantum tunc anglicanos abominanti sunt , &c. so that by this historians expresse testimony ( a man of great eminency in that age , being abbot of croyland , and much frequenting the court , yea taking more paines to search out and preserve ancient charters then any in that age ) william the conquerour and his normans ( who c endeavoured to reduce the english to the customes lawes , and ceremonies of normandy , especially in all matters of government , law , and justice , his charters being of farre other tenour , forme , and brevity , then those before or since in use ) were the first who introduced , by insensible degrees , the french custome of sealing charters and deeds with seales ; and this king , with his officers ( as all our historians complaine ) being extraordinary covetous and oppressive , using sundry new d●●●ses to fill their owne purses , by exhausting the peoples ; it is very likely ( as ingulphus words import , and d others insinuate ) that he and his chancellors ( of which i finde e nine in his reigne ) to make a benefit and project of his great seale , did in his latter dayes ordaine , that all charters , patents should be thenceforth sealed with his royall seale , or else be reputed invalid in law . three charters of his i find recorded in our writers : the first , made to the abbey of croyland at the sute of f ingulphus who registers it , subscribed by some witnesses , without mention of any seale of his thereto annexed . the second , to the abbey of battle , sealed with his great seale , and subscribed by foure or five bishops , which patent & seale to you may view in g mr. seldens notes on eadmerus . the third , to the city of london , granted at the sute of william their bishop , written in the saxon tongue , confirmed with greene wax , whereas the saxons before used only to signe with gilt crosses ; the copy whereof you may read in lamberts parambulation of kent , holinshed , and h speed . as for that charter of his , recorded by iohn stom , and speed in his life , out of the book of richmond : i william king , the third yeare of my reigne , give to thee norman hunter , to me that are both leefe and deare , the hop and the * hopton , and all the bounds up and downe , vnder the earth to hell , above the earth to heaven , from me and mine , to thee and to thine , as good and as faire , as ever they mine were : to witnesse that this is sooth , i bite the white wax with my tooth , before iugge , maud , and margery , and my youngest sonne henry , for a bow and a broad arrow , when i come to hunt upon yarrow . i deeme it either a forgery , or a charter granted only in merriment ; which rast all in his tearmes of the law , f. 80. attributes rather to king edward the third , then to the conquerour ; concluding , that s●aling was not commonly used till the reigne of edward the third : which if true perchance of deeds betweene private persons , yet not of royall charters . king william rufus , henry the first , stephen , and henry the second , had all their severall great seales ( the portraytures whereof you may behold in iohn spreds history before every of their lives ) and their severall chancellors too , whose names you may read i● i 〈◊〉 francis thinns catalogue , and k spelman ; which chancellors , as is most likely , kept their seales , sealing both patents and charters with them . i read , that l king henry the first , in the first yeare of his reigne , granted a charter of liberties to his subjects ( according to his promise and oath , before and at his coronation ) much like to magna charta , subscribed with witnesses : et sigilli svi testimonio roboratvm , as eadmerus , and others write : to this charter he set both his hand and seale , commanding as many copies as there were counties in england to be transcribed , and kept in the monasteries of every province : he was made a king by right of election , not of succession , his brother robert being right heire . in this kings reigne , i finde one writ to anselme archbishop of canterbury ( who used m a seale wherewith he sealed his letters written to this king ) with n teste walricho cancellario apud merlebergam . and another * writ directed to him , to respit the consecration of thomas archbishop of yorke till easter , sigillo regis inclvs as ; the first writ i , to my remembrance , finde sealed with any kings seale , though patents were commonly sealed before this time . o king stephen , comming to the crowne by the nobles election , not by right of inheritance , as next heire , vowed to confirme their liberties by his charter and seale ; which hee did at oxford in the first yeare of his reigne : this charter you may read in the marginall authors , being like to magna charta in substance . that king henry the second used to seale his charters and patents , i finde apparent testimonies in our historians . for his oath of purgation which he made concerning the death of thomas becket ( registred at large by p roger de hoveden ) was put into writing in forme of a charter , and then sealed with his seale , and the seales of the cardinals , as this authour attests . et ut haec in memoria romanae ecclesiae haberentur , rex pater fecit apponi sigillvm svvm scripto illi , in quo superdicta capitula continebantur , una cvm sigillis praedictorum cardinalium ( theodine and albert . ) atque ut in memoria romane ecclesiae sirmiter habeatur , sigillvm vestrvm praecipistis apponi . q anno dom. 1177. sancho king of navarre , and alphonso king of castile being at variance , about breaches of articles in a former truce , referred their differences to the determination of king henry the second : who calling his nobles and parliament together , made these kings embassadors to put their differences in writing , and then to sweare to stand to his , and his councels arbiterment : which done , he made a charter of his award , subscribed with the names of many bishops , nobles , clerks , & laymen , as you may read at large in hoveden , which charter questionlesse was sealed with his seal , though it be not expressed . r the same year , on the 7 day of october k. lewis of france , and king hen. 2. made a finall concord and league for mutuall offence and defence , which was put into writing , sworn to , subscribed by many witnesses of note and sealed ; witnesse the words of hoveden ( who records it at large . ) et ut hoc statut● firmiter teneatur , & ratum permaneat , scripto commendari , et sigilli svi avctoritate confirmari fecit . and the same yeare audebert earl of march selling his earldom to king henry , made a charter thereof , registerd in ſ hoveden , which concludes thus : ne autem haec mea venditi● solemniter celebrata aliqua posset in posterum malignitate divelli , eam sigillo meo mvnivi : after which many bishops , and other witnesses subscribed it . in this kings reigne it is apparent , that the great seale remained in the custody of the chancelor ; for i read t that this king making his chancelor thomas becket , archbishop of canterbury , he thereupon , an. dom. 1162. ( contrary to the kings good liking and expectation , who was then in normandy ) sent messengers over with the seal , cancellariae renuntians , et sigillvm resignans , renouncing the chancellorship , and resigning up the seal unto him ; because he could not attend the court and church at once ; so as the chancellor then kept the seale of england with him here , when the king was absent in normandy , for the better execution of publike justice . this will yet more plainly appeare by the ensuing passage of u hoveden , and writ of king richard the first ; richardus dei gratia rex angliae , &c. willielmo de sancta mariae ecclesia , & nugont baro●lpho , salutem , sciatis quod didicimus , quod in morte patris nostri sine praecepto suo , & conscientiae , habuerunt literas de sigillo svo gaufrdtus de mu camp de habendo archidiaconatu de cliveland , & willielmus de stigandebi , & magister erardus de praebendis habendis in ecclesia eboracensi , quae tum vacabat , & erat in mann nostra : et ideo praecipimus , quod praefatos ab archidiaconatu & praebendit dictis sine mora dissaisietis , repetentes ab eis quicquid ex inde perceperunt , postquam illos redditus ita fraudulenter & per surreptionem sunt adepti . teste m●ipso tertio die novembris apud mamerz . proh pudor ! turpe est doctori cum culpa redargu●t ipsum . idem enim * archiepiscopus dum adhuc esset cancellarius regis patris sui , sigillvm illvd in cvstodia habvit , per quod praefatus archidiaconatus , & praebendae illae datae fuerant praenominatis personis . by which passage and writ it is apparent : first , that the chancellour in henry the seconds reigne , had the custody of the great seale . secondly , that presentations to churches , archdeaconries , and prebendaries , were then granted under the great seale . thirdly , that chancellours did sometimes fraudulently grant and seale patents without the kings privity ; and that these patents , when discovered , were reputed fraudulent and voyd . fourthly , that writs at common law were usuall in henry the second his reigne ; which appeares most plentifully and irrefagably by ranulphus de glanvilla , chiefe insticiar under this king , his , tractatus de legibus & consuetudinibus regni angliae , tempore regis henrici secundi compositus : wherein most originall writs of the common law , and the proceedings upon them , yet in use , are collected and registerd for the benefit of posterity . in this kings time , i conceive , our writs of law were reduced by this ralph glanvill and his fellow iustices , into a set forme , and began to issue forth under the kings seale , to avoyd forgery ; but whether under the great seale , or speciall seale of every court ( as sir edward cooke in his institutes on magna charta , pag. 554 , 555 , 556. conjectures ) i cannot certainly define . in his reigne i first finde , that the connterfeiting of the kings charter was reputed treason ; as glanv●ll expresly declares it , lib. 1. cap. 2. & lib. 14. cap. 7. illud tamen notandum , quod si quis convictus fuerit de charta falsa , distinguendum est , vtrum fuerit charta regis , an privata , quod si charta regia , tunc is qui super hoc convincitur , condemnandus est , tanqvam de crimine lesae maiestatis . si vero fuerit charta privata , tunc cum convicto mitius agendum est . now that which he tearmes counterfeiting the kings charter , y bracton , z britton , and the statute of 25. e. 3. of treasons , stile , counterfeiting the great seale , or privy seale of the king : and therefore this of glanvill relates principally to the counterseting of the kings seale annexed to his charter . i finde in a roger hoveden , a charter of william , king of sicily , which hee made to ioan daughter of king henry , touching her dower , dated anno domini 1177. mense februarii indicti ▪ decima , subscribed with the names of divers witnesses , subjects to king william , and among others , ego mattheus , domini regis vice-cancellarivs : which charter concludes thus : ad hujus antem donationis & concessionis nostra memoriam , & inviolabile firmamentum ; privilegium praesens per man●● alexandri , notarij nostri scribi , et bvlla avrea nostro typario impressa , roboratvm nostro sigillo , jussimus decorari . in quo familiares nostri , & aliae personae pr●ecepto nostro se scripserunt hoc modo ; the forme of which kings great seale you may behold ingraven in hoveden . p. 553. in fine , this henry the second , being b chosen king of hierusalem ( which kingdome was wholly elective ) and earnestly importuned by heraclius patriarch of that city , the christians there , and by pope lucius his letters , to accept that honour ; an. 1185. c he thereupon summoned a parliament as london on the 10. of april ; wherein hee charged all his subjects with many adjurations , to advise and resolve him , what was best to be done in this case for the salvation of his sense ; and that hee was resolved by all meanes , to follow their advice herein ; whereupon the parliament conferring on the premises , resolved ; that it was much more wholesome for the kings soule , that he sholud govern his owne kingdome with due moderation , and defend it from the eruptions of the barbarous french , then to provide for the safety of those in the east in proper person . which i onely note in the by ( having omitted it in its due place : ) first , to manifest what high esteem our kings have had of the resolutions and advise of their parliaments , to which they wholly submitted their owne judgements , acquiescing in their resolves . secondly , to evidence the soveveraigne power of parliaments over our kings then , who might not desert the realme , not take any new honour or dominion upon them , without their previous consents and advice : thirdly , to shew the dutie of kings to their subjects and kingdomes . king richard the first succeeding his father henry the second , rather by election , then succession , ( and d not stiled a king , by our ancient writers , before his coronation ) was the first of all our kings ( as our e writers accord ) who sealed with a seale of armes , all our former kings seales , being but the picture of the king sitting in a throne , on the one side of the seale , and on horse-backe on the other side in divers formes , with various inscriptions of their names and stiles ; which you may view in speed ; but this king bare two lions rampant combatant in a shield , in his first , and three lions passant in his latter seale ; borne ever after by our kings , as the royall armes of england . his first f chancellour , was william longchamp bishop of ely , legate to the pope , whom hee made his vice-roy and iusticiar of england , when hee went to the holy land against the saracens , committing the kingdome to his government , chiefely ; who infinitely oppressed and tyrannized over it , as all our historians evidence : g matthew paris give , this character of him , erat idem canceli arivs maximvs inter omnes occidentales , rex et sacerdos in anglia , qui omnia pro nihilo ducebat , cum episcopali tantum dignitate non contentus nimis alta se sperare denotavit . in prima namque literarum suarum fronte , vanitatem & elationem expressit , cum dixit . willielmus dei gratia commonly used before , in , and since that age by and to bishops , popes , abbots , in publique writs , as well as kings , as the h marginall authors manifest ) eliensis episcopus domini regis cancellarius , totius angliae iustitiarius , & apostolicae sedis legatus , &c. has autem dignitates , quos pretio obtinuerat , immoderato excessu exercuit , volens locellos , quas in earum impetratione evacuerat , reficere , &c. this chancellour ( as is probable ) had the custody of one part of the seale in this kings absence , for the better administration of justice , though the king carried the other part of the great seale with him into the warres , pretended to be there lost , as you shall presently heare . i finde divers of this kings charters , letters , writs , before and after his voyage to the holy-land , recited in i hoveden . these charters , which questionlesse were sealed with his seale , were subscribed by sundry witnesses ; the writs and charters concluding with a teste meipso apud chinonem , &c. the charter of the manor of sadburgh to hugh bishop of durham , is thus dated . datum anno primo regni nostri 18 die septembris apud eatingat , per manum willielmi de longo campo , cancellarii nostri . during this king richards imprisonment in germany , henry the emperour sent letters to the nobles of england for this king , by william longchamp his chauncellour , aurea bulla imbullatas in hac forma , sealed with a golden bull in this forme . and soone after , this k chancellor , william briwere , and others , concluding a peace betweene this king and phillip king of france , authorized thereto by the kings letters patents ; these commissioners not onely sware to , but sealed the articles of this truce , as this close of it manifests . quae omnia praedicta , ut rata permaneant & inconcussa , ego willielmus de rupibus , & ego joannes de pratellis , & ego willielmus briwere , per praeceptum regis angliae domini nostri , sigillorum nostrorum attestatione roboravimus . actum meduneae anno ab incarnatione domini 1193. octav● idus julii . and the very next yeere the l letters and instrument of the truce made between these two kings by drogo and anselme , and sworne by them in the french kings behalfe , have this conclusion . et nos ut omnia praedicta firma sint , & stabilita , universa praedicta sigillis nostris roboravimus . actum inter vernelium & thilers , anno incarnati verbi 1194. 23 die iulii . king richard being released this very yeere ( which was the sixt of his raigne ) out of prison , and new crowned , among other oppressve projects to raise moneys to maintaine his warres ( which made him an extraordinary oppressiour of his people ) m caused a new broade seale to be made ; ( the portrayture whereof you may view in speed ) pretending that the old was lost , when roger his vice-chancellor was drowned before cyprus , and that his chancellor during his imprisonment , had abused this seale , whereupon he tooke it from him : requiring and cōmanding , that all persons as well clergy men as lay men , who had charters or confirmations under his old seale , should bring them in to be renued under his new seale ; and unlesse they did so , that nothing which had beene passed by his old seale , should be ratified , or held good in law . by which device he drew a great masse of money to his treasury ; subscribing his new-sealed charters thus : this was the tenor of our charter under our first seale , which because it was lost , and at the time of our being captive in almayne , in the power of another , we caused to be changed , &c. which n hoveden thus relates , et imputans cancellario suo , hoc per ipsum fuisse factum , abstulit ab eo sigillum suum & facit sib ! novum sigillum fieri ; tum quia cancellarius ille operatus fuerat inde minus discrete , quàm esset necesse , tum quia sigillum illud perditum erat , quando rogerus malus catul●o , vice-cancellarius suus submersus erat in maeri ante insulam de cypro : & praecepit rex : quod omnes , tam clerici quam laici , qui chartas habebant , venirent ad novum sigillum suum ad chartas suas renovandas : & nisi fecerint ; nihil quod actum fuerat per sigillum suum vetus , ratum haberetur . praterea rex statuit , torniamenta fieri in anglia , & chartasua confirmavit , &c. ( making them also a money matter . ) by which passages it is apparent : first , that all these kings patents , charters , were sealed with his great seale . secondly , that the abuse , losse or absence of the great seale , is a sufficient cause to make a new one . thirdly , that the profit made by the great seale , and project of raising moneys by new charters sealed with it , was the true originall cause all sealing of charters and vvrits with his seale , and making it simply necessary in law ; there being no publique resolution or declaration declaring charters or writs not sealed with the great seale , to be voyd in law , ( for ought i finde ) before this project ; unlesse that forementioned , touching the conqueror , passe for a law , and judgement in this particular . fourthly , that the chancellour in this kings raigne had the custody of the great seale ; the indiscreet use and abuse whereof , was good ground in law to deprive him of its custody . what the office and dignity of the chancellour really was in that age , appeares by this description of it , written in or neere that time . o cancellarii dignitas est , ut secundus a rege in regno habeatur ; ut altera parte sigilli regii ( quod et ad eius pertinet custodiam ) propria signet mandata . vt capella regia in illius fit dispositione & cura . vt vacantes archiepiscopatus , episcopatus , abbatias & baronias cadentes in manum regis ipse suscipiat & conservet . vt omnibus regiis assit consilis , etiam non vocatus accedat . vt omnia sigilliferi clerici regii sua manu signentur , item , ut ( suffragantibus ex dei gratia vitae meritis ) non moriatur nisi archiepiscopus , vel episcepus si voluerit . and by the blacke booke of the exchequer attributed to gervasius talburiensis . par . 1. c. 5. cancellarius ficut in curia , sic ad scaccarium magnus est : adeo ut sine ejus consensu vel consilio , nihil magnum fiat , vel fieri debeat . verùm hoc habet officium dum residet ad scaccarium . adipsum pertinet custodia sigilli regii , quod est in thesauro ; sed inde non recedit nisi cum praecepto * justiciae ; ab inferiori ad superius scaccarium , à thesaurario vel camerario defertur , ad explenda solum negotia scaccarii . quibus peractis in loculum mittitur ; & loculus à cancellario consignatur , & sic thesaurario traditur custodiendus , &c. the custody therefore of the great seale was then reputed an unseparable part of the chancellors office and honour . king iohn succeeding his brother richard , by the nobles and peoples election , rather then by discent , as p matthew paris , with others observe ; had both a great seale and q chancellors who kept it , with which he sealed divers charters . among others one letters parents sigillo nosro munitas to the archbishop of canterbury , monkes , and other prelates persecuted by him , r restoring them to their liberties and possessions , which was dated the 13. day of may in the 14. yeere of his reigne . another dated . 〈◊〉 15. of the same moneth at the house of the templars neere dover ( chartam sigillo nostro munitam ) of his most detestable resignation of the kingdome and crowne of england to the pope , delivered to pandulph the popes legate ( to whom he did homage for england and ireland after this surrender ) which charter first sealed with wax , and after delivered to pandulph , was the same yeere , afterwards , in the cathedrall church of saint paul , before the high altar , in the presence of the clergie and people , auro bullata est , sealed with gold , and delivered to nicholas bishop of tusculan , the popes legate , to the use of the pope and church of rome , to whom he then did homage , to his eternall infamy ; which so much discontented his nobles , prelates and people , that they tooke up armes against him , and inforced him in an assembly and treaty at running-mead , to grant them the great charter of their liberties , and charter of the forest , ratified with his seale , oath , witnesses , subscriptions , the bishops excommunications , and popes bull ; and then sent his letters patents to all the counties of england , commanding the sheriffs to sweare all the men within their bailywicks , to observe the said lawes and liberties , thus granted and ratified , in the 17. yeere of his reigne . in briefe , the charter of the truce betweene king iohn and king philip of france , registred in ſ hoveden was sealed with his seale , concluding thus . qua ut perpetuum robur obtineant , prae sentem chartam authoritate sigilli nostri corrobora●●● , anno 1200. mense maii. in this kings raigne the chancellors place ( through the benefit of the seale ) became so gainefull ; t that walter de gray ( afterward archbishop of york ) profered the king 5000 markes , pro habenda cancellaria ( which was then no court , but the office of making and sealing royall writs and charters ) domini regis tota vita sua , & pro habenda inde charta dom. regis ; which great place he then obtained , or rather , purchased by his money , not merits . king henry the third , comming to the crown ( by the lords and commons u election , rather then by discent ) when he was but nine yeeres and some odde moneths old , in the ninth yeere of his raigne , ratified x magna charta , and the charter of the forest in parliament , under his hand and seale , with witnesses thereunto subscribed ; and commanding as many charters to be engrossed as there were counties in england , et regio sigillo munitis , and ratified with the royall seale , he sent one of the great charters into every shire , and one charter of the forest into every county where there were forests , to be there reserved . but this unconstant king comming to age , within two yeeres after , y in a parliament at oxford ( a fatall place for ill advice to our kings ) through ill councell , to the great discontent of his nobles and commons , annulled the charter of the forest , declaring it voyd , as granted in his non-age , when he had no power of himselfe , nor of his seale , and so of no validity ; and causing proclamation to be made , that hath the clergie and all others , if they would enjoy those liberties should renew their charters and have them confirmed under his new seale ( which he had then caused to be made , onely by way of project to raise moneys , as richard the first had done ; ) for which they were constrained to pay , not according to their ability , but the will of the chiefe iustice , hugh de burgh , to whom was laid the charge of this mischiefe : which procured him the generall hate of the kingdome ; and begat a new insurrection of the lords and commons , who taking up armes hereupon , enforced the king to call a parliament , and therein to new ratifie those charters at his full age . in this kings reigne all patents , if not writs and commissions too , usually issued under the great or lesser seale , of which there are divers presidents extant in matthew paris , and in the clause and patent rolls of this king , to which i shall referre you . and such notice was then taken of the dignity and necessity of the kings seale to charters and writs , that henry de bracton , a famous lawyer in those daies , writes expresly , that it was no lesse then treason to counterfeit the kings scale . z est & aliud genus criminis lesae majestatis , quod inter graviora numeratur , quia ultimum inducit supplicium & mortis occasionem ; scil : crimen falsi , quod in quadam sui specie , tangit coronam domini regis . vt si quis accusatus fucrit vel convictus falsificationis sigilli domini regis , consignando inde chartas vel brevia ( writs then were sealed with the kings seale as well as patents ) & apponendo signa adulterina ; quo casu , si inveniatur inde culpabilis vel seisitus , si warrantum non habuerit , pro voluntate regis judicium sustinebit . how the lord chancellors were elected , and the great seale disposed of by parliament in this kings reigne , i have a elsewhere related , and shall touch againe anon . king edward the first comming to the crowne , and proclaimed king during his absence in the holy land , his b lords and states without his privity , made both a new great seale and chancellor to keepe it ; with which in the 25 yeere of his reigne he confirmed the great charter , and charter of the forrest , in parliament . and in another parliament , in the 28 yeere of his reigne , it was enacted : that the great charter of the liberties of england ▪ and charter of the forrest shall be delivered to every sheriffe of england under the kings great seale , to be read foure severall times in the yeere before the people , in the full county . and for these two charters to be firmely observed in every point and article ( wherein no remedy was before at the common law ) there shall be chosen in every shire court , by the * comminalty of the said shire , three substantiall knights , or other lawfull , wise , and well disposed persons to be justices ; which shall be assigned by the kings letters patents under the great seale , to heare and determine ( without any other writ but onely their commission ) such plaints as shall be made against all those as commit or offend against any point contained in the foresaid articles , in the shires where they be assigned , as well within franchises as without , &c. also , e that all the kings takers , purveyors , or ratours , from henceforth shall have their warrant with them under the kings great or pety seale , declaring their authority and the things whereof they have power to make price or purveyance , the which warrants they shall shew to them whose goods they take , before that they take any thing . and chap. 6 there shall no writ from hence-forth that toucheth the common law , goe forth under any of the pety seales . these are the first statute lawes extant , prescribing , that the kings charters , patents . commissions , warrants , writs , should issue forth under the great or pety seales though they did so usually before his reigne , rather through custome , which crept in by little and little by degrees , from edward the confessours daies , unto this very parliament , as the premises evidence , till it got the reputation of a received common law and usage , and at last was thus established , as simply necessary , by these present acts ; which se●led the law in point of necessity of sealing all writs , charters , patents , with the great seale , and added such majesty to the seale it selfe , that britton , an eminent judge and lawyer flourishing in this kings reigne , ( writing his booke , as in this kings name ) reso ves expresly , c. 3. f. 10. &c. 8. f. 16. that the * counterfeiting of the kings seale is high treason ; and that the justices ought to enquire concerning the falsifiers of the seale : not only whether any have actually connterfeited it ? but also , whether any have hanged any seal by an engyn to any charters without license ; or having stollen or taken away any seale , or otherwise finding it , have sealed writs without other authority . and chap. 48. exceptions aur brefe . f. 122. he writes , it is a good exception to abato a writ s●ule brete ne fuit unques enseale de nostre seale ; ou si le ordinance et le seal de nostre chauncery us s●it point contenu . and andrew horne , another great lawyer , living in , or neere this time ; in his my●rour of justices , cap. 3. sect. 6. p. 191. among exceptions to the power of the iudge , enumerates this for one : if the commission be not sealed with the kings great seale of the chancery : car al privy seale le roy , ou al sealed ' l' eschequer , ou autre seale , forsque solement al seals que est assigne dée conud ' le cominalty del peopls , & nosmement en iurisdiction , & bres originals , ne estoit a nul obeyer des letes & usages ●el royalme , st non solement pur le roy . du elle puira ée viciouse pur le seale counterfoit , ou anterment fausse : this falsifying of the kings seale to writs , cap. 1 sect. 6. de fansonners , pag. 28 , 29. he makes a crime next to high treason ; which forging , he saith , may be indivers manners : as where a writ is sealed whereof the grosse and matter , or the forme is not avowable by the king , nor by the law , nor by the rights and customes of the realme . if a man seale after that the chancellor , or other keeper knoweth that he hath lost his warrant , by death , or any other manner . when a writ or letter passeth the seal against the kings defence . when men seale with counterfeit seales , or seale by ill art , or warrants not avowable ; and so it is falshood in those who seale and have no authority . and chap. 4. sect. 2. p. 233. thus * our ancients ordained a seale , and a chancellour for to keepe it , and to give remeliable writs to all persons without delay . then describing what manner of writs must issue , he concludes thus , and now may justices , sheriffs , and their clarks withdraw , rase , amend , and impaire them , without discerning or paine , for the writs that are made close , to the abuse of right . wherefore the seale onely is the jurisdiction assignable to all plaintiffs without difficulty . and to doe this , the chancellour is chargeable by oath in allegiance of the charge of the king , that he shall * neither deny , nor delay to render right or a writ remediable to any one . thus have i given you a briefe historicall and legall narration of the originall , growth , progresse , vse , and necessity of the great seale of england , and of the manner of making , subscribing , and sealing charters , patents , writs , with other instruments in our realme , from king aethelberts first charter , anno 605. till the end of king edward the first his reigne , when seales and * sealing grew more common , and our ordinary law-books ( which recite few or none of the premises ) begin to make mention of seales and sealing ; of whose autiquity , kinds , and present use in point of law , if any desire further satisfaction , let them consult with polydor virgil , de inventoribus rerum , lib. 8. cap. 2. henrici spelmani glossarium title , bulla , rastals exposition of the termes of the law , title : faits , sir edward corkes institutes on magna charta , pag. 554 , 555 , 556. his 11 report . f. 92. and ashes tables , title : seales ; it being not my intention to trouble the reader here with triviall common things concerning seales or sealing , but onely with such antiquities and rarities as are not commonly knowne , nor mentioned in our law books . the kings and parliaments severall and joint interests in , and power over the new-making , keeping , ordering of the great seale of england . having thus traced out the originall , progresse , use , and necessity of the great seale , through the obscure paths of abstruce antiquity , with as much verity , perspicuity , brevity as possible ; i shall in the next place summarily examine , what severall or joint interests the king , kingdome and parliament have in ; what power or jurisdiction over the great seale of england , both in respect of the new-making , keeping , or using thereof ? for the better assoyling of which grand question , now in publike agitation , i shall premise these three propositions and distinctions , which will much conduce to the clearing and resolution of this doubt . first , that our kings great and petty seals when originally invented , and whiles the use of them was onely private , or meerely arbitrary , not simply necessary in point of law , in the administration of justice , or transactions of the publike affairs of the realme , were proper and peculiar to themselves alone , and in their owne disposing power onely , as every private mans seale now is , they using them onely as private , not as publike persons , in their naturall , not politicke capacities : but after that these seals , by use and custome , became simply necessary for the publike execution of justice and affaires of the realme , and our kings made use of them in their politique capacities , as heads or supreame governours of the body of the realme , and publike ministers thereof ; the whole kingdom and parliament by this occasion , and upon this reason , came to gaine a publike interest in and jurisdiction over these seals as well as our kings : ( even as in all other inferiour corrations , the commonalty as well as the majors , in cities and boroughs ; the chapters , as well as the bishops or deanes ; the covents , as well as the abbots or priors ; the wardens , assistants and whole company , as well as the masters ; the fellowes of colledges , as well as the presidents , have a publike interest in , and power over their severall corporation-seals , made onely for their common good and affairs ; ) as i shall manifest in the sequell . and in this respect , the great seale came to be commonly called , * the great seale of england ; in our acts , as in 14. and 15. hen , 8. c. 4. 34 and 35 hen , 8. c. 26. 1 ed. 6. c. 44. 3 and 4 ed. 6 c. 12. 2 and 3 phil. and mar. cap. 20. 1 eliz. cap. 1. 5 eliz. cap. 1. 8 eliz. cap. 1. 13 eliz cap. 6 , 7 , 9. 18 eliz. cap. 2. 23 eliz. cap. 14. 39 eliz. cap. 6 43 eliz. cap. 4. 5 eliz. cap. 18. an act declaring the authority of the lord keeper of the great seale of england ( frequently thus stiled in this act ) and the lord chancellour to be one : 1 jac. c. 28. 1 car. c. 2. 16 car. c. 1. with sundry other acts , to omit law-bookes and historier . and being thus become the great seale of england , ( the parliament the representative body of the whole realme of england ) must necessarily have an interest in , and jurisdiction over it in all publike respects , even so farre as to new make it when there is need , and to dispose it for necessary affairs of parliament and the realme , when the old seale ( the proper seale of the parliament ) is purposely substracted , yea , denied them for necessary publike uses . secondly , that after the great seale became common and necessary to most publike affairs , in which regard the whole kingdome and parliament came to have a right in , and power over it ; so in other respects the king still retained a peculiar interest and prerogative in it , in all arbitrary matters of royall grace and favour , to which he is no ways obliged in point of law ; in which respect it is called , the kings great seale , as first , in cases of generall or particular charters of pardon . secondly , of indenization or enfranchisment . thirdly , of erecting new corporations , or confirming old . fourthly , of dispensing with some kinde of lawes , penalties , and forfeitures . fifthly , of conferring some kinde of lesse publike offices , and annuities for services performed or to be executed . sixthly , of granting new liberties or franchises of grace to corporations or private subjects . seventhly , of creating or conferring new honours on deserving men . eighthly , of licences for mort-maines , impropriations , alienations , consecrations of new churches or chappels , &c. ninthly , of publike collections for persons or townes distressed through fire , shipwrack , or other casualties . tenthly , of private negotiations with forraign princes , states , or subjects , and some kinde of protections , commissions of grace rather then right or justice . in all these , and such like particulars of meere grace , or lesse publike concernment , the kingdome and parliament neither properly have , nor pretend to have any publike right or jurisdiction over the great or petty seals , but leave them absolutely free to the king as if they were his owne private seales alone , so far forth as his charters , pardons , grants , licenses , dispensations , protections , commissions of this kinde are consonant to the lawes and statutes of the realme , and not repugnant to them . thirdly , the parliament and whole kingdom , as to all publike affairs of state and the administration of justice to all the subjects , hath committed the making lawfull use , power and disposall of the great seal of england in trust to the king , as to the supreame magistrate and justitiar : over which they never claime a constituting or disposing jurisdiction , whiles it is rightly managed according to law . but if this seale be either wilfully abused or substracted contrary to law , or trust , to the prejudice of the kingdome , the obstruction of publike justice , or violation of the priviledges of parliament , and not redressed after severall complaints and petitions of the houses to the king for reformation of this grievance ; whether the whole kingdome , or parliament in such a case as this , who have authority to remedy the grievances , the abuses , or wilfull absence of the great seale , have not likewise a lawfull soveraigne power to make a new great seale , and appoint a keeper of it , for supplying the absence , regulating the abuses of the old , removing obstructions of publike justice , filling up the commons house by issuing writs to elect knights and burgesses in the places of such as are dead or justly expelled ( now denied ; ) sealing of writs of errour in parliament and other such publike parliamentary affairs necessarily requiring the presence of the great seale ( the proper seale of the high court of parliament , which hath no other seale but it ) and lord chancellour ( the ordinary speaker of the lords house , by vertue of his very office in all ages , ) and so his and the great seales presence absolutely necessary , unlesse dispensed with by the house upon inevitable occasions of absence ; is the sole question now in debate ? and under correction , in this case , and for these publike ends alone , i humbly conceive , the parliament both lawfully may cause a new great seale of england to be engraven , constitute a chan●ellour to keepe it , and seale writs for new elections , writs of errour in parliament , with other necessary writs and commissions with it , for the publike administration , expedition of justice , the better transaction of all parliamentary state affaires now obstructed , to which the great seale is requisite . this i shall endeavour to make good by presidents , by reasons of law and state-policy ; beginning with the new making , and then proceeding to the keeping and ordering of the seale , during the present differences and necessity . first , there are two memorable presidents in our histories and records , of making a new great seale by the lords and commons in parliament , without the kings actuall assent , which will over-rule our present case : i shall begin with the ancientest of them ; * king henry the third departing this life , whiles his sonne prince edward , was militating in the holy land against christs enemies ; hereupon the nobles and states assembled at the new temple in london , the day after the kings funerall , proclaimed prince edward his sonne king , ordained him successor of his fathers honours , though they knew not whether he were living ; et facto sigillo novo , writes matthew westminster . and causing a new seale to be made ( so daniel ) they appointed faithfull ministers and keepers for the faithfull custody both of the seal , kings treasure and kingdoms peace . loe here a new great seale made by the lords and states in the kings absence , without his privity , for the necessary execution of justice , either in an assembly out of parliament ( as some suppose this meeting was ; ) or at least wise in a parliament , assembled , held , yea ordaining a new great seale , new officers of king and state , without the kings presence or privity , and then it is our present case in effect : for if this assembly of the states , even out of , or in parliament , in this case of necessity , during the kings inevitable absence , might lawfully make both a new great seale , chancellour , treasurer , judges , justices of peace , and other officers of king and state ( as they did , and conceived they might justly doe , none then or since disavowing or censuring this act of theirs , for ought i reade , but all approving , applauding it as legall , ) then certainly this parliament assembled and ratified by the king himselfe , being the greatest soveraigne power , and having farre more jurisdiction then any councell or assembly of lords out of parliament , may much more justly and loyally cause a new great seale to be engraven , and appoint a keeper of it , during the wilfull absence both of the king , keeper , and old great seale from parliament ( contrary to all law and former presidents ) for the better expedition of justice , and transaction of the affairs of the parliament , being the parliaments proper seale , and anciently appointed by it , as hornes * preceding words import . the second president is , that of king henry the 6 , his reigne , who being but an * infant of 9. moneths age when the crown descended to him : there * issued forth a commission in this babes name , to humfry duke of gloucester , his uncle , then protector , to summon and hold a parliament in his name ; which being assembled , num. 14. the bishop of durham lord chaeuncellor to henry the 5th . resigned up the old seale of england to king henry the 6. in the presence of divars credible witnesses , and the bishop of london , chancellor of the dutchy of normandy . resigned up also the seale of that dukedom to him , after which num. 15. it was enacted and provided by the lord protector lords and commons in that parliament ; that for as much as the inheritance of the kingdomes and crownes of france , england , and ireland were now lawfully descended to the king which title was not expressed in the kings seales , whereby great peril might accrue to the king , if the said inscriptions were not reformed according to his title of inheritance ; that therefore in all the kings seals , as wel in england , as in ireland , gvyen , and wales , this new stile should be engraven : henricus dei gratia , rex franciae , et augliae , et dominus hibemiae , according to the effect of his inheritances ; blotting out whatsoever was formerly in them superfluous , or contrary to the said stile . and that command should be given to all the keepers of the said seales of the king , to reforme them withovt delay , according to the forme and effect of the new seale aforesaid , num. 16. the lords and commons in this parliament constitute and ordaine a new lord chancelovr of england , lord treasurer , and keeper of the privy seale ; granting them saverall letters patents of these offices in parliament in the kings name . and num : 17. the liberties , annuities , and offices granted by king henry the 5. and his ancestors to souldiers in foreigne parts , were confirmed in parliament , and their parents ordered to be sealed with the kings new seales , with our paying any fee . here we have not onely the great , but privy seal , yea all the kings seales in england , ireland , france , wales , resigned , altered , ordered to be new made , and the chancellours and keepers of them expresly created by the lords and commons in parliament , without any personal actual consent of the king , ( then an infant ) for the necessary administration of iustice , and great affaires of the realme ; no man ever questioning , much lesse censuring this act of theirs , as illegall , or treasonable , within the statute of 25. e. 3. of counterfeiting the kings seale ; but all approoving it as just and necessary . therefore , doubtlesse the present parliament may doe the like in this unparallel'd case both of the kings , l. keepers , the great and privy seales wilfull absence and substraction from the parliament , of purpose to obstruct all proceedings in parliament , and the course of common iustice . these two famous presidents are not singular , but backed with the authority of iudge horne , fore-cited , p. 15. and many other of like nature , and reason , even in printed statutes . the statute of acton burnel made in the 13. yeare of king edward the first , for the more speedy recovery of the merchants debts , gives the mayors of london , yorke , and bristall authority to take recognisances of debts before them to be made by the clerke appointed for that purpose : whereunto the seale of the debtor shall be put , with the kings seale , that shall be provided for that pvrpose ; the which seale shall remaine in the keeping of the maior and clerke a fore-said . and the kings seale shall be put unto the sale and delivery of the goods devisable for a perpetuall witnesse . wee have here a new seal of the kings , with speciall keepers of it , appointed for recognisances , and the uses thereof limited , by a speciall act of parliament : confirmed in another parliament , touching statute merchants , made the same yeare ; 13. e. 1. which further enacts , that another seale shall be provided , that shall serve for faires , and that the same shall bee sent unto every faire , under the kings seale , by a clerke sworne , or by the keeper of the faire . and of the commonalty of london two merchants shall be chosen , than shall sweare , and the seale shall be opened before them , and one peece shall be delivered unto the foresaid merchants , and the other shall remaine with the clerk : 13. h. 8. c. 6. 2. & 3. e. 6. c. 31. second those acts. 27. e. 3. parl. 2. c. 1. 9. enact . that the mayor of the staples shall have power to take recognizances of debts , which a man will make before him , in the presence of the constables of the staple , or one of them . and that in every of the said staples be a seale ordained , remaining in the cvstody of the said maior of the staple , under the seales of the same constables : which is againe enacted . 15. r. 2. ch. 9. & . 8. h. 6. c. 18. the acts of 12. r. 2. c. 3. & . 7. ordaine , that a seale of the kings shall be made , assigned , and delivered to the keeping of some good man of the hundred , rape , or wapentake , city , or burrough , after the discretion of the iustices of peace , to be kept to this intent , to make letters patents to servants , labourers , vagabonds , pilgrimes , who shall have occasion to depart out of the hundred , rape , or wapentake where they lived , to serve or dwell else where , &c. and that abovt the same seale shall bee written , the name of the county , and overthwart the said seale , the name of the hundred , rape , or wapentake , city , or burrough . and 14. r , 2. 11. enacts that seales be made for the servants , and delivered unto the keeping of some good men of the covnty , after the purport of the said statutes : here the kings new seale , forme of it , and keepers too , are ordered by parliament . the statutes of 27. e. 3. c. 4. 3. r. 2. c. 2. 15. r. 2. c. 10. 17. r. 2. c , 2 prescribe a new seale to the kings aulnegeors and collectons of subsidies , wherewith all cloathes shall be sealed before they be sold , under paine of forfeiture , 1. h. 4. c. 19. & 9. h. 4. c. 2. it was enacted ; that certaine cloathes should not bee sealed by them for three yeares , 4. h. 4 c. 6. enacts , that one sufficient man should be assigned by our soveraigne lord the king , to seale the clothes that shall be wrought and ful●ed in london , and the suburbs of the same , with a seal of lead , as of old time was used in the said 〈◊〉 and suburbs , 11. h. 4. c. 6. ordaines , that a new seal , having a signe and marke differing from the old seale of the office of the kings aulnegeor , shall be made and delivered to the avlnegeors . and that after the same so newly made and delivered , proclamation shall be made in the west , and in other places through the realme , that no cloathes shall be sold ( of such sorts mentioned in the act ) before the aulnegeor hath searched and measured them , and set the new seale of his office to them , which is confirmed by 13. h. 4. c. 4. this seale by 11. h. 6. c. 9. is stiled , the kings seale thereunto ordained , and prescribed to be put to cloathes , so 18. h. 6. c. 16. a line , is prescribed to bee sealed for the measuring of cloath , 8. e. 4. c. 1. enacts , that broad cloathes shall bee sealed by the kings aulneger , or sealed with the seales of the subsidy and aulneger therefore ordained , and in wax . and 4. e. 4. c. 1 that for kersies and short cloathes a seale of lead shall bee ordained , and by the treasurer of england for the time being , provided , and hanged at the lower part of the edge of the said cloath : and that the treasurer of england for the time being , shall have power and authority to make such , and so many keepers of the said seales as he shall thinke necessary ; so that no stranger born be made any of the said keepers , 17 e. 4. c. 1. 1. r. 3. c. 8. and other statutes enact the like , 25. h. 8. c. 8. 27. h. 8. c. 3. & 4. e. 6. c. 2. 5. e. 6. & 6. 2. & . 3. phil. and mary . 12. 4. & 5. phil. and mary , c. 5. 8. eliz. c. 12. 23. eliz. c. 9. with other acts , prescribe divers sorts of seales of lead , to seale cloathes withall , conteyning the length , or length and breadth of the said cloathes ; some of the seales for ill cloathes , to have faultie engraven in them ; others , that are dyed and madered , the letter m. and the like ; some to be kept and affixed by the aulnegers , others by the searchers appointed in every county , towne , or burrough ; such variety of seales , and keepers of them have these severall parliaments prescribed onely for cloath , which yet they stile the kings seales ; though neither made , kept , disposed of , nor the forme prescribed by him , but the parliament . see the like for leather , 5. eliz. c. 8. the statute of 11. h. 6. c. 6. makes mention , of seales assigned to the customers office , and punisheth the abuses of them , set to blanke scrowls , with forfeiture of goods , as in case of felony . 12. ed. 4. c. 3. the statute of tunnage and poundage for guarding the seas ; enacts , cloath of gold , silver , baudkin , velvet , damaske , satyn , chamlets , silkes , &c. brought from beyond the sea shall be sealed in one end thereof before it bee sold , with the seale or marke especially to be ordained for the same , whereof the collectors of that subsidy shall have the one part , and the comptroller the other part , severally in their custody : which is confirmed by 4. h. 8. c. 6. & 21. h. 8. c. 21. 14. & 15. h. 8. c. 3. appointes a severall warden of the worsted-makers in the townes of yarmouth , and lynne , to be annually chosen , and serve to surveigh and search the worsteds there made ; and that the warden of yarmouth so elect and sworne ; shall ordaine and appoint a seale with the letter y : and the warden of lynne a seal with the letter l , to be engraven in the same seal : and to seal in lead with the same seales so to be appointed and engraven , and none other , all worsteds and flannins within these townes and their suburbs : 14. & 15. h. 8. c. 5. ordaines a speciall common seale for the corporation and colledge of physicians in london . 27. h. 8. c. 27. which establisheth the court of augmentations , and prescribes the severall officers in it , with the oathes they shall take ; enacts likewise , that this court shal have one great seale , & one privy seale , to be ingraven and made after such forme , fashion , and manner as shall be appointed by the kings highnesse ; that the chancellour of this court shall have the keeping of these seales , which shall remaine and be ordered as in that act is at large declared . the statute of 33. h. 8. c. 39. which erects the court of surveighers , prescribes a particular seale for that court , the person by whom it shall be kept , and how it shall bee used , together with all the officers of that court , their oathes and fees . so 34. h. 8. c. 26. enacts ; that there shall be severall originall and judiciall seales made for the severall counties and circuits of wales ; prescribes the severall parties that shall keepe these seales , what writts and processes they shall seale with them , and what fees they shall take for them ; as you may read at large in the act. in like manner the statutes of 32. h. 8. c. 45. & 33. h. 8. c. 22. enact the court of wards & liveries , to be a court of record ; and that they shall have one seale to be engravin and made after such form , fashion , and manner as shall be appointed by the kings highnesse , which shal remaine and be ordered as is afterward declared in those acts ; prescibing who shall keepe it , how it shall be used , and what fees shall be paid for it : and 32. h. 8. c. 45. ordaines a particular seal for the court of first fruites and tenthes , which it erects , with the officers that shall keepe it , their oathes , and fees for sealing with it . true it is , these statutes leave the forme and fashion of these seales last mentioned to the kings appointment ( which they might have likewise prescribed , as in the former acts ) being is matter of no great moment ; but the keepers , use , ordering , and fees of all these seales , are punctually limited by the parliament , and not left arbitrary to the king . and to trouble you with no more acts of this nature , the statute of 1. e. 6. c. 2 enacts , that all arch-bishops , and spirituall persons , under the paine of a premunire , even in the kings ecclesiasticall courts , shall make out all their processes in the kings name , with the kings stile , as it is in writs originall and judiciall at the common law , and shall from the first day of i●ly , have in their seales of office , the kings highnesse armes decently set , with certaine carects under the annes , for the knowledge of the diocesse , and shall use no other seale of jurisdiction , but wherein his majesties armes be engraven , here the expresse forme as well as use of these seales is prescribed by the parliament , and not left arbitrary to the king or bishops . if then our parliaments in all these cases have thus prescribed new seales of the kings for his courts and officers , together with the forme , custody , use , and fees of them in these severall acts ; why they may not likewise enjoy the making of a new broad seal to supply the absence of the old , in the cases fore-mentioned , i cannot yet discover , it being the parliaments seal , and great seal of-england , and so commonly stiled in sundry printed statutes , as well as the kings , in respect of the publike justice and affaires of the realme of england , and parliament which represents it ; if the major , bayliffes , bishop , dean , president of a colledge , mr. of a company , abbot or prior , or chief justice shall detaine or withdraw the common seales of their severall corporations or courts ; the common counsell , aldermen , chapter , fellowes , livery-men and courts , may doubtlesse lawfully make new seales without , yea against their consents , and use them too for their common affaires , without injury or forgery : and why the parliament then may not in such cases , make a new great seale of england , by like reason without the kings consent , when the old ( their onely seal ) is purposely withdrawne , and kept from them to hinder their proceedings , i cannot yet discerne . if any here object ; first , that it is high treason both by the common and statute law , to counterfeit or make the kings great seale without his privity or consent , as is evident by glanuil , bracton , britton , here forecited . 3 e. 1. c. 15. 25. e. 3. stat. 5. c. 2. of treasons . 5. h. 4. c. 15. 27. h. 8. c. 2. 1. e. 6. c. 12. 1. mar. parl. 1. c. 6. stamford , l. 1. c. 1. brooke , treason . 3. 13. 17. cromptons iurisdiction of courts . 69. and generally all our law-bookes . therefore for the parliament , or any else by their command , to make and use a new broad seale . i answer : 1 that this is true onely of private men who make a broad seale by their owne particular authority , in deceite of the king and kingdome , not of the parliament , or any imployed to make or use it by their authority ; the parliament the supreamest power of all others , being uncapable of treason , and out of the words and intention of the seand all acts concerning treason , as i have a elsewhere proved at large ; to which i shall referre you . secondly , the king hath his great seale of england , not in his owne particular , but the kingdomes and peoples right alone , as their publique minister and servant , for their use and benefit , the kingdome , and parliament which represents it , being the b proprietors of this seal , which upon the kings decease is ever surrendred to the successor king , as belonging to the kingdome , as the seales of other corporations goe to the mayors , bishops , deanes , abbots , presidents , succesors , not their heires , executors , or administrators , as other mens seals doe . the kingdom and parliament therefore being the true proprietors of it , as it is the publique seal of the kingdome , not the king , may lawfully give order for the new making of it , even without the king , in case of necessity , when it is unduly withdrawn , with-held , thirdly , the forging of the great seale is high treason onely , as it is the c kingdomes common seale , not the kings private and particular seale ; and an offence against the kingdome , and king himselfe only in his politick publike capacity , as head of the kingdome , not in his private : whence counterseiting of the kings signe manual , privy signet , or privy seales were no high treason at common law , ( being no publike , but rather private seales of the kings ) till they were made so by 27. h. 8. c. 2. since repealed by . 1. e. 6. c. 12. 1. mariae sest. 1. c. 1. rastall treason , 13. and so no treason at this day : even as the compassing of the kings death is no treason , considered onely as he is a private man , but as a d publike person , invested with his politick royall capacity . if then the parliament ( the representative body of the kingdome , against which all treason in counterfeiting the great seal are principally committed , & the true proprietory of this seale ) shall order a new great seale to be made , or used , for the service of it selfe and the kingdome in this case of necessity , it cannot possibly be high treason in them or their agents , for then they should be traytors to and against themselues , and suffer for an offence against themselves and the realme , done by their owne votes , and assents in parliament . fourthly , the counterfeiting of the great seale , mentioned in those law bookes and statutes , is that onely which is secret , fraudulent , traitorly in deceit of the king , kingdome , subjects ( f ) like to counterfeiting of false many , ( ever joyned with it ) by private persons , as our law bookes , and all cases of this nature adjudged high treason , attest ; whence it is stiled , crimen falsi : falsificatio sigilli , &c. by ( f ) bracton and others , and such like offenders , fanscors des sealx : and the inditements must be , that they did it proditorie : neither of which can be intended of , or applyed to the new making of a great seale by authority of parliament , for the necessary administration of iustice and benefit of the realme , when the great seale is substracted , as now . fiftly , the lords and parliaments making a new great seale in the absence of edward the 1 : and infancy of henry the 6 without their privity or consent , to supply the defects of justice , which else would have ensued , was never reputed treason , but a lawfull act : therefore the present making of a new seale , to remedy the willfull absence of the old , without the kings consent , ( who withholds it and the keeper from the parliament * against all law and former presidents ) can be no treason but a lawfull act. and since the parliaments of england in the absence , infancy and dotage of their kings , have usually of right made lord protectors , and chancelours , who had power over the great seale ( as i haue e elsewhere largely proved ) they may be the selfesame reason , make a new great seale likewise , to supply the willfull absence of the old . finally , all the objected statutes and law bookes adjudged it high treason , to counterfeit the kings mony as well as his seale , and joyne them both together in one clause but the parliament hath a long time coyned money at the tower , and made new stamps to doe it , when the old were broken or worne out , without any charge or taxe of treason : therefore they by like reason may make a new great seale without treason . if any secondly object : that to make a new great seale ( of engand ) is all one in effect , as to make a new king of england . i answer 1. that to deface the kings old seales and signets , by publique acts of state , as the hollanders did the king of spaines , when they cast off his government for his tyranny ( which they , h and popish authors held they might lawfully doe , ) and to appoint new seales in every province onely , with the names and titles of the private governours and provinciall consuls of every province , without the name and title of the king of spaine , whose authority they abjured with a solemne oath ; would in truth be to set up a new king , and government ; but to make a new seal , onely like , or not much different from the old , to supply its absence , with the kings owne picture , armes , stile and title , is no wayes to impeach , but confirme his royall authority , being done in affirmance , onely , not dis-ffirmance of it , as lawyers speake . thus their making of a new seale in edward the 1. and henry the 6. his raigne forementioned , was the highest confirmation of their authorities , and the greatest expression of the subjects loyaltyes that might bee ; and why the parliaments making of a new great seale to supply the absence & defects of the old , should be deemed a setting up of a new king against his majesty , more than the parliaments frequent constituting of lord protectors , in former times to supply the infancy absence , dotage , or imperfections of our kings ( of which i have cited you many presidents elsewhere ) which all esteemed to be a ratification , not nullification or alteration of their royall authority , ( or the coyning new money now , to supply the want of old , ) transcends my understanding to apprehend : since those who may lawfully make a vice-roy to represent the person , or execute the soveraignty of a king in his name and right , may with as good reason and authority to , make a new great seale , to supply the defects and affected absence of the old , the seale being lesse than the person and soveraignty of the king , and the proper seale of the parliament . 2. this will further appeare by considering in the second place , what power and authority our parliaments have claimed and exercised as of right , over the custody and disposing of the great seale of england . first , they have usually chosen and nominated the lord chauncellour , and keepers both of the great and privy seale of england , together with the lord protectors , lord treasurers , privy counsellors , and other great officers of the realm , as i have i elsewhere plentifully manifested , and committed the great seale to the chancellours custody onely . secondly , they have ordered , k that the chancellour should not be put from the custody of the seale , nor the seale taken from him without the common counsell and consent of the whole realme in parliament ; upon which ground , ralph nevill bishop of chichester , anno. 1236 when king henry the third upon a displeasure , earnestly demanded the great seale of him , being then lord chancellour , absolutely refused to deliver it to the king ; saying , that he could by no meanes doe it , seeing hee had received it by the common covnsel of the realm , and therefore he neither could , nor would resigne it withovt the common covnsell of the kingdome , to wit the parliament : yea the l parliament , an. 28. of henry the third , to prevent the abuses of the great seal which the king then began to take from the chancellour into his owne custody , abusing it to ill ends ) voted ; that if the king by any intervement occasion should take away the great seale from the chancellour ( who should alwaies be chosen by the parliament , or its assent , ) what soever should be sealed in the interim should be reputed voyd & frvstrate ; till restitution of it were made to the chancellour : after this , the m parliament in richard the second his raign , disposed both of the chancellours place and the great seale ; and henry scroope made lord chancellour by it , refused at first to deliver up the seale to the king who demanded it of him ; and when hee extorted it from him , the whole kingdome were much displeased , and murmured against it . thirdly , the chancellour of england , n hath resigned up his office and great seal of england , in and to the parliament , who have disposed of it to a new chancellour in parliament , as you may read in the parliament roles of 4. h. 6. nu. 14. 15. without the king . and the o arch-bishop of york l. chancellour of england , when k. edward the 4th . dyed , was much blamed , for delivering up the great seale of england to the queen mother : whereupon the seal was taken from him ; and delivered by the l. protector to dr. russel bishop of lincolne . in regard of which disposing power , both p of the chancellour and great seale by parliament ; both of them are usually stiled in statutes , the act for triennial parliaments , histories , ( p ) the chancellur and great seale of england . how the parliament hath ordered and appointed the custody of the kings other seales from time to time , i have shewed in the fore-cited acts , and will not repeat ; but conclude , that if our parliaments have enjoyed such a power and jurisdiction over the great seal , the chancellours and keepers of it heretofore , when there was just cause ; they may exercise the selfe-same power over them now , especially when both of them have bin purposely withdrawne , & detained from the parliament so long , to retard , annihilate its proceedings contrary to law , and the act for its continuance . thirdly , the parliament hath exercised a power over the great seale , and other seales of the king ; as the dutchy seal , exchequer seale , seale of the court of words and liveries , of the court of augmentations , of first fruits and tenths , staples , surveyors , seales of cloth and other merchandize , safe conducts , customes , ecclesiasticall courts , and the like ; in prescribing what patents charters , commissions , protections , warrants , grants , writs , pardons should bee passed under them or any of them , and what not ; and where the great and priety seale shall be used to promote right , and where not used to stay right or justice in any case whatsoever . this is evident by the severall statutes of 13. e. 1. of acton burnell , and statute merchants , 25. e. 1. c. 1. 28. e. 1 c. 1. 2. 6. 20 18. e. 2. statute e. 1 prses . 2. e. 3. c. 8. 4. e. 3. c. 4. 5. e. 3. c. 2. 14. e. 3. c. 14. 15. stat. 3. c. 1. & stat. 4. 15. e. 3 c. 3. 18. e. 3. stat. 2. c. 1. 36. e. 3. c. 2. 42. e. 3. c. 9. 1. r. 2. c. 6. 5. r 3. c. 9. 10. 14. 6. r. 2. c. 4. 18. r. 2. c 1. 12 r. 2. c. 8. 13 r. 2. c. 2. 13 r. c. 2. stat. 2 c. 16. r. 2 , c. 6. 2. h. 5. c. 4. 5. h , 5 c. 7. 10. h. 6. c. 7. 15. h. 6. c. 3. 20. h. 6. c 1. 31. 13. eliz c. 7. 14. eliz. c. 6. h. 6. c. 2. 1. e. 4. c. 1. 3. h. 7. c , 1. 4 , h. 7. c. 14. 14. & 15. h 8. c 4. 21. h. 8. c. 16. 17. 20. 23. h. 8. c. 7. 25. h. 8. c. 19. 21. 22. 27. h. 8. c. 2. 5 , 11. 15. 16. 27. 34. & 35. h. 8. c. 16. 21. 26. 1. e. 6. c. 2. 5. 8. 12. 14. 3 , & 4. e. 6. c. 8 39. eliz. c. 5. 43. eliz. c. 4. 11. 12. 5. & 6. e. 6. c. 1. 1. eliz. c. 1. 5. eliz. c. 1. 4. 2 , & 3. phii. & mar. c. 20. above all by * the act for the preventing inconveniences happening by the long intermission of parliaments , made this parliament when fullest by his majesties and both houses unanimous assents ; with infinite other statute . and as the parliament hath thus ordered and limited the use of the kings own seales , so likewise the seales of sheriffes , coroners , corporations , mayors of staples , iustices , iudges , searchers , and other officers ; together with the seales of jurors , electors of knights burgesses of parliament and sundry other persons , as to publike uses . witnesse the statute of rutland . 10. h. 1. 13. e. 1. the statute of acton burnell , and of statute merchants . 13. e. 1. c. 13. 31. 39. the statute of quo warranto 18. e. 1. 1. e. 3. c. 8. 2. e. 3. stat. 3. c. 5. 5. e. 3. c. 2. 10. e. 3. c. 3. 14. e. 3. c. 16. 25. e. 3. parl. 5. c. 1. 5. 21. 27. e. 3. parl. 2. c. 4. parl. 3. c. 1. 9. 42. e. 3. c. 3. 43. e. 3. c. 1. 12. r. 2. c. 7. 8. 13. r. 2. c. 11. 18. 1. h. 4. c. 19. 2. h. 4. c. 17. 4. h. 4. c. 6. 7. h. 4. c. 13. 9. h. 4. c. 2. 11. h. 4. c. 6. 1. h. 5. c. 9. parl. 2. c. 5. 3. h. 5. c. 3. stat. 2. 6. h. 6. c. 4. 8. h. 6. c. 18. 9. h. 6. c. 10. 11. h. 6. c. 9. 16. 15. h. 6. c. 6. 18. h. 6. c. 19. 33. h. 6. c. 7. 1. e. 4. c. 1. 4. e. 4. c. 1. 8. e. 4. c. 1. 1. r. 3. c. 8. 14. & 15. h. 8. c. 3. 23. h. 8. c. 7. 25. h. 8 c. 19. 26. h. 8. c. 14. 1 e. 6. c. 14. with other acts. therefore the parliament may by the same , or a like reason , exercise a iurisdiction in making a new great seale , and directing the ule of it for the common good , to supply the absence of the old . fourthly , the parliament hath caused this new seale to be made , principally to compleat the house of commons by sealing writs for new elections of knights and burgesses , in places of the old who are dead , or justly expelled : and what power the kingdom and parliament have anciently exercised in this , or the like cases , i shall give you a briefe account . first , the lords and commons have sundry times in former ages , not onely enforced our kings to summon parliaments against their wills , when necessary , but likewise sent out writs to summon a parliament , and elect knights and burgesses , under the great seale of england in our kings names , without their privity and assent , as i have * elsewhere manifested by sundry presidents : and by the very act for the * trieniall parliament , ( assented unto by his majesty , and all the lords and commons who are , or were with him at oxford ; this very session of parliament ) it is expresly provided , that in case the king refuse or neglect to summon a parliament every three yeeres , next after the last day of the last parliament preceding it , by writs under the great seale of england ( so frequently stiled in this act ; ) that then every lord chancellour of england , the lord keeper of the great seale of england , and every commissioner and commissioners for the keeping of the great seale of england for the time being , within sixe dayes after the tenth day of september in every such third yeere , shall in due forme of law , without any further warrant or direction from his majestie , his heirs or successors , seale , issue forth , and send abroad severall writs of summons to the respective peeres of the realme , and writs of election to the sheriffs of the severall counties , cities and boroughs of england and wales , &c. for the electing of knights , citizens , and burgesses to serve in parliament : prescribing , that every lord chancellour , keeper , and commissioner aforesaid , shall take an oath , truly and faithfully to issue forth and send abroad all writs of summons to parliament for both houses , at such time and in such manner as is expressed in this act ; under paine of being disabled ipso facto from their places , in case of refusall or neglect . and then the lords are ordered to meet at westminster without writ or summons , and any twelve of them are enabled , to grant out writs of summons under their hands and seales , to all sheriffs of counties , cities , and boroughs , which shall be of the same force to all intents as the writs of summons to parliament under the great seale of england . and in case the lords neglect or refuse to issue such writs , then the sheriffs , majors , and bailieffs of counties , cities , and boroughs , without any writ at all : and in their default or neglect , the free-holders and citizens of each county , city , and borough , are enabled to elect knights , citizens , and burgesses , without any writ at all , and the election and parliament to be as effectuall , as if summoned under the great seale of england . if then a parliament may be thus summoned by the lord keeper himselfe , by a writ under the great seale , without the kings privity , or contrary to his command ; or by a writ under the lords seals only ; or without any writ at all , in some cases , and that by expresse provision of an act made this parliament : why this parliament may not , by as good or like reason ( now it is assembled and perpetuated by another act ) make a new great seale to seale writs of election , or grant out their writs without the great seale , by an ordinance of parliament onely , to compleat the houses , now the great seale hath beene so long absent , and such writs refused to be issued under it , though oft desired ( without any danger of treason , or derogation to the kings prerogatives i cannot yet dicerne . it being farre lesse , for a sitting parliament in this case , to make a new great seale , or issue out writs of election without the kings privity ( now in armes against it ) to recrute it s own members , then for the chancellour , keeper , lords , or commons themselves out of parliament thus , either with , or without writ , to summon and hold a parliament , without , yea against the kings assent , his proclamations or inhibitions to the contrary . and those fundamentall principles of law , state-policy , with that soveraigne power of the parliament and kingdome , above our kings , which induced both houses thus to make , and his majestie readily to assent to this late act , for the common benefit and safety of the realm , in case of his owne or the lord keepers wilfull neglect , or refusall to doe their duties ; will doubtlesse inable the houses now sitting , to make a new great seale , or issue out writs of election , errour , and the like , either under it or without it , during the voluntary absence of the king , lord keeper , and great seale from the parliament ( contrary to law , custome , duty , oath ) of purpose to compleat the houses , and expedite publike justice , obstructed by their absence . and the rather may the parliament doe it in case of writs of election , because such writs , with the elections made by vertue of them , have usually beene ordered , formed , issued our , determined , judged onely by the parliament ; and writs for new elections ( by reason of death or removall ) have constantly issued out , of course , by order or warrant from the speaker or commons house onely , without speciall warrant from the king himselfe without refusall or deniall , as is evident by the statutes of 5 rich. 2. cap. 4. 7 hen. 4. cap. 15. 11 hen. 4. cap. 1. 8 hen. 5. cap. 1. 6 hen. 6. cap. 4. 8 hen. 6. cap. 7. 10 hen. 6. cap. 2. 23 hen. 6. cap. 11. 32 hen. 6. cap. 15. 8 hen. 8. cap. 16. 35 hen. 8. cap. 11. br. parliament 7. dyer f. 60. cromptons iurisdiction of courts f. 3 , 4 , 16. neither can they be denied , o● the houses kept incompleat against their wills by his refusall , without apparent breach of the priviledge of parliament , yea , of magna charta it selfe , as the lords resolved , an. 1256. in henry the third his reigne , and the whole parliament since 1 hen. 4. rot. parl. num . 21 , 22. as i have * elsewhere proved . from all which authorities i humbly conceive , the parliament may lawfully in the case fore-stated , both make a new broad seale and keeper of it , to fill up the houses , and redresse the obstructions of justice , of parliamentary proceedings , occasioned by the great seales absence . to these authorities i shall annex the ensuing reasons both of law and state : first , the parliament the supreame power and judicature in england , having the chiefe interest and propriety in the great seale of england , in respect of ●●s publike use , may lawfully new make and use that seale which is it own in respect of property and use ; and the kings only as their publike minister . secondly , that the parliament being the chiefe state-physician of the realme , may , and ought by law to redresse all publike grievances : therefore the grievances and obstructions of justice , occasioned by the old great seale and lord keepers absence or abuse , by making new . thirdly , the parliament may and ought to supply all defects , defaults of state officers , laws affairs , prejudiciall to the realme : hence it alwayes hath supplied the minority , detage , or absence of our kings by constituting a vice-roy of their own election to exercise all royall authority ; the absence of the lord keeper or speaker of the lower house , when sicke by substituting others to supply their places ; the defects of the common law by new statute-laws ; and providing new laws courts , seale , against new mischiefs , not remediable by old acts. this appeares most lively by the act for trieniall parliaments forecited , wherein the wilfulnesse and negligence of the king , is ordered to be supplied by the lord keeper ; the lord keepers , by the lords ; the lords , by the sheriffs of counties , majors , and bailiffs ; and theirs by the freeholders , citizens , and burgesses . the councell of basil , and others * forecited are to like purpose : and the statute of 25. hen. 8. c. 21. which law abolishing the popes authority , enables the archbishop of canterbury , to grant all ecclesiasticall licences and dispensations here , which the pope alone formerly granted at rome ; and then provides , that in case the archibishop should wilfully and obstinately refuse to grant such licences and dispensations to those who demanded them without a just and reasonable cause ; that then an injunction should issue out of the chancery under the great seale to him , commanding him to grant them ; and if he then wilfully refused to doe it , that then the king upon every such default and wilfulnesse , should grant a commission under the great seale to any two prelates or spirituall persons that would grant them , by an instrument in writing under their seales . the parliament therefore now summoned and sitting , by like reason lawfully may , and is bound in duty to supply the present wilfull absence of the lord keeper and great seale , ( treacherously carried from it beyond expectation , contrary to promise , and so long detained thence ) by constituting new ones in their places . it was one principall article preferred by * the parliament against cardinall wolsey , that when he was sent ambassadour into flanders , to the emperour , he carried the great seale with him without the kings consent ; for which he was displaced and fined . much more then may the parliament displace the lord keeper , for carrying away the great seale ( the onely seale of this high court ) in a surreptitious manner from them , contrary to his duty , without and against their consents , and make a new great seale and keeper in lieu of the old . fourthly , the parliament is bound to take care , that publike justice ( according to * magna charta ( and other acts ) be not delayed nor denied to any subjects that desire or neede it , being the supreamest court of justice , to punish all offences , neglects , supply all defects in the highest officers of justice : therefore to provide a new broad seale and keeper of it , since publike justice is denied to most , obstructed , delayed to all , by the unlegall wilfull absence of the old great seale and lord keeper from the parliament , and courts at westminster . fifthly , the houses of parliament , in point of honour , trust , duty , more especially since their late protestations and covenants , are bound universally to preserve their own just priviledges , rights , and liberties ; whereof these are indubitable ones . that the lord chancellour & keeper of the great seal of england , together with the seal it selfe remaining in his custody , ought alwaies constantly to attend the parliament and be present with it . first , x because the lord chancellor or keeper of the great seale is alwaies a necessary member of the vppor-house , and the speaker of it , by vertue of his very office . secondly , because not onely constant custome , but y sundry acts of parliament , require the chancellours , and keepers speciall presence in parliament , in direct termes . thirdly , because the chancellour , and great seale are , and ought to be necessarily present in parliament , being the onely proper seale of this highest court , for divers publique ends . 1. to issue out writs z of summons and new elections , for summoning the members of both houses , as oft as there is need , to keep the houses compleat . 2. to seale writs of a error , brought in parliament . 3. to seale b writs of priviledge for members of parliament , or their meniall servants . when there is cause . 4. to issue and seale such c new writs as shall be devised in parliament , upon new occasions . 5. to issue out and seale such d commissions as shall be necessary upon publique imployments , trials criminall or judiciall , taxes or subsidies , appointed in and by parliament . 6. to seale such e patents and charters of honours , lands , priviledges , offices , and the like , which shall be thought meet to be granted in parliament , as most old charters were . 7. to seale parliament pardons and all proclamations , exemplifications of private acts of parliament , and such acts as are to be proclaimed , to such who require them , 2 h. 5. c. 4. 1 r. 2. c. 6. 1 h. 7. f. 23. 25. coronc . 49. 33 h. 6. 17. parl. 1. 21 e. 4. 56. dyer . 135. cooke l. 8. f. 7. 8. 28. 43 e. 3. c. 5. 2 h. 5. c. 46. 1 h. 6. c. 2. 26 e. 3. c. 16. ashes tables proclamation . 39. in all these respects , with others , the lord chancellours , keepers , and great seales presence being simply necessary in parliament , ( where by law and custome they ever have beene , and ought to be , till this late president , ) the houses lawfully may , and in point both of honour and justice , ought , for the maintenance of their owne undoubted priviledges , to constitute a new great seale , and keeper of it , if the old be not returned to them speedily , having beene wilfully , above twelve moneth space , withdrawne , detained from them , on purpose to dissolve the parliament , retard or frustrate all its proceedings , and stop the common course of justice , contrary to all law and justice . in few words , this parliament , without any exception of king , courtiers , malignants , or any other i have yet heard of ; have made a new master of the mint , at least restored an old one to his place , who was dispossessed ; coyned money , and made new stamps for that purpose , where the old were broken or worne out , without the kings consent , or any tax of treason , or disloyalty : therefore , by the selfe-same law and reason , they may lawfully make a new great seale , and lord keeper of it for the ends aforesaid , to supply the absence , defects , and prevent the grosse abuses of the old , without any treason or disloyalty . the votes of the house of commons , together with their reasons for the making of a new great seale of england , presented by them to the lords at a conference , iuly 4. & 5. anno 1643. resolved upon the question . ( june 14. & 26. ) 1. that the great seale of england ought to attend the parliament . 2. that the absence of it hath been a cause of great mischiefe to the common-wealth . 3. that a remedy ought to be provided for these mischiefes . 4. that the proper remedy is , by making a new great seale . the mischiefes occasioned by conveying away the great seale from the parliament ( represented to the lords at a conference iuly 5. 1643. ) are these : 1. it was secretly and unlawfully carried away by the lord keeper , contrary to the duty of his place ; who ought himselfe to have attended the parliament , and not to have departed without leave ; nor should have beene suffered to convey away the great seale , if his intentions had been discovered . 2. it hath been since taken away from him , and put into the hands of other dangerous and ill affected persons ; so as the lord keeper being sent unto by the parliament for the sealing of some writs , returned answer , that he could not seale the same , because he had not the seale in his keeping . 3. those who have had the mannaging thereof have imployed it to the hurt and destruction of the kingdome sundry waies . by making new sheriffes in an unusuall and unlawfull manner , to be as so many generals or commanders of forces raised against the parliament . by issuing out illegall commissions of array , with other unlawfull commissions , for the same purpose . by sending forth proclamations against both houses of parliament , and severall members thereof , proclaiming them traitors , against the priviledges of parliament and lawes of the land . by sealing commissions of oyer and terminer to proceed against them , and other of his majesties good subjects adhearing to the parliament , as traitors . by sending commissions into ireland to treate a peace with the rebels there , contrary to an act of parliament made this session . besides , divers other dangerous and illegall acts have been passed under the great seale , since it was secretly conveyed away from the parliament , whereby great calamities and mischiefes have ensued , to the kindomes prejudice . the mischiefes proceeding through want of the great seale . 1. the termes have been adjourned ; the course of justice obstructed . 2. no originall writs can be sued forth without going to oxford ; which none who holds with the parliament can doe , without perill of his life or liberty . 3. proclamations in parliament cannot issue out , for bringing in delinquents impeached of high-treason or other crimes , under paine of forfeiting their estates , according to the ancient course . 4. no writs of error can be brought in parliament , to reverse erronious judgements ; nor writs or election sued out for choosing new members , upon death or removall of any ; whereby the number of the members is much lessened , and the houses in time like to be dissolved , if speedy supply be not had , contrary to the very act for continuance of this parliament . 5. every other court of justice hath a peculiar seale ; and the parliament , the supremest court of england , hath no other seale but the great seale of england ; which being kept away from it , hath now no seale at all ; and therefore a new seale ought to be made . 6. this seale is clavis regni ; and therefore ought to be resident with the parliament , ( which is the representive body of the whole kingdome ) whiles it continues sitting ; the king , as well as the kingdome , being alwaies legally present in it during its session . finis . errata : & omissions . in the humble remonstrance , p. 6. l. 2. 5 , r. 2. c. 2 , 3 10 e. 4. c. 3. omitted p. 21. l. 26. sancitum , p. 25. l. 37. acres , r. hydes . p. 27. l. 21. and. p. 29. l. 9. mariners . p. 31. l. 7. nec . in the opening , &c. p. 5. l. 4. hoc , r. hanc . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a91237e-830 a gen. 38 18. 25 exod 28. 21 c 3● . 6. deut 31 43. iob 14. 17. c 33. 16 c. 37 7 c. 38. 14 c 41. 15. 1 king 21. 8. neh 9. 38 c. 12. 1. est c. 3 12. c 8 8. 〈◊〉 . ier. 22 10 , 11 , 14 , 24. cant. 8. 6. isa 8. 16. dan 6 17. c. 12. 4 9. ● . 9. 24 ezek 28. mat. 27 66 iohn 3. 33. rom 4. 1. 1 cor 9. 2 tim 2. 19 revel. 5 , 1 , 5 9. c. 6 1 , 3. 12. c 7. 1 , 3 c. 8 1. c 9 4. c. 10. 4 c. 20. 3. c 22. 10 polyd virgi . 〈…〉 . 8 c 2. b see ingulp . hist. p. 901. termes of the law . tile fai●s , ● . 94 cooks institutes on littleton , ● 7. a. c see 3 h. 7. 25 26. cookes preface to the 4. report . termes of the law . ti●le faits . d spelman . concil. tom 1. p. 118 , 119. to 126. e spel. gloss . tit bull . p 108. pol. virg. de iuven. rerum , l 8. c. 1. f spelman . concil tom. 1. p 189 to 194. g spelm. ib. p. 207 , 208 , 209 , 210. h ingulph . hist. ● 851. 852 spelm concit . p. 256 , 257. i spelm. ib p. 227 , to 231 k ingulph . hist. p. 853 , 854. l spel. concil. p 324. 324. m ingulp . hist p 854 , 855. n spel. concil. p. 335 338 , 339 o ingulph . hist. p 855 to 857 868. to 862. p spel. concil. p 346 , 347. q ingulp . hist. p. 862. matth. westn . an 854 , 834. spel co●c . p 350 , to 354. m●lm shurtensis . de est reg. angl l. 1 c. 2. p 41. r ingulp . hist. p. 8●3 864. * cooks ep. to the 6 report . ſ ma●mesh . de gestis regum , l. 2. c. 7. p. 53 , 54 t ingulph . hist. p. 874. to 877. spelman concil. p. 428. u ingulph . hist. p. 880. to 886. x malms . de gestis regum , l. 2. c. 8. p. 56 , 57 spelman concil. p. 485. 486. 488. 489. 432. to 435 i. seldeni ad eadmerum notae p. 1 , 9 , 160 cooks preface to the 4 report . y cooks preface to the sixth report . z spelman concil. p. 504. to 510. a spelman p. 533. b ingulph . hist. p. 893 , 913 , 914. c remonstrance against shipmoney pt d concil. tom. 1 p. 308 , 310 , 311 , 312. e huntindon , antiquitates ecclesiae brit. ●o● polychronicon , holins● . grafton , speed , and others . f cooks instit. on lit. f. 7. a g glossar . p 127 see tearms of the law , title fairs . h speeds hist. p. 415. terms of the law , f. 94. i spelman gl●ssar p. 126. * hist. of eng. p 409. k tearms of the law , tit. faits , f 94. speed hist. p. 415. l hist. p. 895. m in apparatu a stemmata lintharogie . n glossar . tit. ●ulla aurea , p. 106 , 107. o de invent . rerum , l. 8. c. 2. ●ce ioan. zonarae , an tom. 3. f. 147. c. p host . ●●len . eccl. l 3. c. 17. q speeds hist. p 415. tearmes of the law , f 94 r concil tom. 1. p. 630. to 637. ſ thin●catalog . of chancelors in holinshed vol. 3. col . 1160. &c. spelman gloss. p. 132. t ingulph hist. p 872. to 892. spelman . gloss. p. 126. u fol. 227. printed by winkin de word at london , an. 1521. x see spelmanni glossar . tit. cancellarius p. 125. to 127. y spelmanni gloss. p. 127 , 128 z speeds hist. p. 415. a see rastals tearms of the law , tit. faits . b history p. 901. c malmesbury matthew paris , ladmerus , huntindon , hoveden polycron , holinshed , speed , daniel , and others in his life . d speeds hist. p. 440 , 450. e in thinns catalogue , and spelman gloss . p. 132. f history p. 912. g page 165 , 166. see the forme of his seale in speeds hist. p. 435. h history p. 450 , 451. * i doubt hoplands , hops and hop-yards were not then in use i holinshed vol. 3. col . 1260 to 1280. k glossarium , p. 132 , 133. l matth. paris p. 53 , 54. eadmerus l. 3. p. 55. malmes. de gest . reg. l● . hoveden , holinshed , matth. west . ●abian , polychron . caxton , grafton stow , damel in 1 hen. 1. speed p. 407. m delatae literae repos●● in tuo sigillo , ●adme . l. 4. p. 86. n fa●merus ibid. & p. 101. * eadmer . nov. l. 4. p. 101. o malms . novel . l. 1. p. 170. huntind . matt. paris , hoveden , mat. west . speed holmsh . daniel ▪ in his life , an. 1. p annal. pars poste . p. 529 , 530. see matt. paris p. 120 , 121 , 122 , 124 , 125. q hoveden annal pars posterior p. 560. to 566. mat. par : p. 127. see holinsh . and speed in his life r hoveden an. pars post . p. 570. 571. mat. paris p. 128. see holinsh . grafton , speed , daniel , fabian . ſ annal. pars post . p. 572. t matth. paris hist p. 94. antiquitates eccles. ●rit. p. 122. godwins catalogue of bps in the life of becket , thins catalog . of chancelors , holinshed in hen. 2. u annal. pars post . p. 748. * geoffry . y lib. 2. tit. de crimine lesae majest. z lib. 1. c. 8. f. 16. stanfords pleas lib. 1. c. 1. a annal. pars poster . p. 551 , 552 , 553. b mat. pari● hist. angl. p. 157. hoveden p. 358. fabian par . 7. p. 353 , 354. polychron . l. 7. c. 24. speed p. 522. c mat. paris p. 47. 64 , 69. hoveden annal. pars poster . with others . d speed hist. p. 530. e speed hist. p. 541. daniels hist. p. 125. cook instit. on littletons . 7. a. f see hoved●n , mat. paris , nubrigen . mat. westm. holinsh . speed , grafton . g hist. angl. p. 155 , 156. h eadmerus , hist. p. 12. 36. 201. hoveden , annal. p. 459 , 498 , 504 , 505 , 509 , 512 , 513 , 523 , 524 , 530 , 538 , 575 , 643 , 611 , 670 , 677 , 707 , 712 , 718 , 721 , 741 , 763 , 766 , 782. i annal. pars . post p. 658 662 667 ▪ 676 , 698 , 700 , 726 , 730 , 732 , 734. 743. 748. matth. paris p. 106. spelmanni concil. p. 142 , 395. mr. seldens titles of honour , p. 123. to 128. register pars . 1 : f. 286 , 392. to 328 : pars 2. 2. f. 3. p. 22 3. 30 , 33 , 35 , 38 , 44 , 54 , 55 , 60 , 62 , part . 35. 22. 26. 29. 31. 35. 42. 47. fitz. nat. bre. f. 132. k hoveden annal. p : 726 , 7●9 730. l hoveden . annal. pars . post . p. 741 , 742 743. m hoveden annal. pars . po●t p. 746. 785. speeds hist. p. 541. daniel 〈◊〉 see holinshed , grafton , and others . n annal. pars . post ▪ p. 746 , 785. o spelmani glossarium , p. 128. * id est capitali● justici●● angliae . p hist. angl. p. 189. 190. q see spelman and then . r matth. paris hist. angl. p. 225 , 227 , 237 , 246 , to 254 , matthew 〈◊〉 holnished , speed and others . ſ annal. p. 814 , 815. t in dor●● rotfinium huj●● anni ; & spelmanni glossarium , p. 131 , 132. th●●s catalogue of chancellors . u fox acts & monuments edit. ult. vol. 1. p. 1334. speed , p. 591. x matth. paris hist. p. 311. speed p. 599. see polychronicon , fabian , holinshed , magna charta it selfe . y matth. paris p. 324 , 325. daniel , p. 151. 152. holinshed , speed , grafton . z bracton . l. 2. de 〈◊〉 lesae majestatis , see stamfords pleas f. 2. a see the second part of the soveraigne power of parliaments p. 48. to 93. b matth west . & daniel . in 1. ed. 1. ( c ) confirmatio 〈◊〉 . 25 e. 1. & cookes institutes on it walsingham hist. ang. p. 35. to 48. ( d ) articuli super chartas ch. 2. see cookes institutes on these acts . * the people then had power to elect these their judges and justices even by act of parliament . e chap. 2. * see 3 ed. 1. cap. 15. * to wit , in 1 edw. 1. or when the great seal was first introduced in edward the confessors dayes . * magna chart. cap. 29. * see 9 edw. 1. the correction of the twelfth chap. of the statute of glocester : 20 edw. 1. de non ponen●o in assissts . 34 ed. 1. cap. 6. * our ancientest s●atutes call it indefinitely the great seale ; as 2 ed 3. stat. 3. c. 8. with others . * matth. west . an. 1272. pag 352. hornes myr. p. 233. here . p. 15. daniels hist. pag. 185. see walsing. hist. aug. p. 1 , 2. speeds hist. p. 646. walsing. ypod. neustr . p. 67. * pag. 15. * hall . store-speed , holinshed , grafton , * 1 h. 6. p. rot parl , 1. h 6. num. 1. &c the second part of the soveraign power of parliaments and kingdoms ( where i have transcribed these records at la●ge ) p. 65 to 70. object . 1. answ . a soveraigne power of parliaments part . 1 p. 107. to 112. part . 2. p. 25. 26. b ibid. part . 2. p. 3. to 20. appendix p. 163. to 271. c ibid. part . 3. p. 7. 8. part . 2. p. 25. 26. d ibid. part . 3. p. 7. 8. ( g ) grimstons history of the netherlands p. 556. to 667 see the appendix 184. 185 * magn. charta c. 29 , e soveraigne power of parliament part 2 p. 4●● to 87. h alvarus p●lagius de planctu ecclesiae . l. 1. art. 56 62. f. 56. si non ex praesumptione privato , sed authoritate publica et communi rex in tyrannum conversus , vel alius tyrannus destruetur , vel ejus potestas ipsa refrenetut ; non est putanda talis multitudo infideliter agere tyrannum destituens te si in perpetu ūance a sibi sc subjecerat quia hoc ipse meruit in multitudinis regimine se non sidelater gerens , ut exigit regis officium , quod ei pactum a subditis non servetur , &c. see the appendix p. 137. 188 i see francis thin in catalogue of lord chauncellors of england : & the 2 part of the soveraigne power of parliaments . p. 41. to 73. k matthew paris , hut . ang. p. 415. matth. west , anno 1222. p. 1●3 . daniel p. 157. godwins catalogue of bishops p. 386. francis thin catalogue of chauncellors holinshed vol. ● . p. 1275 the 2 part of the soveraigne power of parliaments and kingdomes p. 48. 49. l mathew paris hist ; ang : p. 619 , to 623. daniel 161 : 162 : soveraigne power of parliaments part 2. p : 49. 56. m walsingham hist. ang. p. 143. 300. 3 〈◊〉 312 see the soveraigne power of parliaments part 2 p. 57. 58. n see the 2 part of the power of parliaments p. 70 71 o speed holinshed grafton in 1. r. 5 p see 5 eliz. c. 18. 13. eliz. c. 7. 14. eliz. c. 6. the act for trienniall parliaments . * 16. car. c. 1. * the soveraigne power of parliaments part 1. f. 8. to 16. * 16 c. 1. * see the second part of soveraigne power of parliaments . p. 7. 42. * the soveraign power of parliaments part 1. edit. 2. p. 13. * halls chron. 2● hen. 5. c. 19. grasion p. 1191 * 9 hen. 3. c. 29. 2 edw. 3. c. 8. x see modus tenendi parliament ; cambden , holinsh . vowel , and sir thomas smith , lib. 2. cap. 1. in their treatises of the parliament of england . with all the journals and parliament rolls . y 14 e. 3. c. 5. 15. e. 3. c. 4 , 5. stat. 1. 31. h 8. c. 10. z brooke parliament 7. dyer . 60. a. a 1 h. 7. f. 19 , 20. ashes tables error 65. b dyer f. 59. 60 , 5 h. 4. c. 6. br. parl. 11. 1. jac. c. 23. c stat of winchester , 13 e. 1. c. 24. 28. register , f. 271. d 14 e. 3. c. 5. and all acts for subsidies . e see the soveraigne power of parliaments , pars . 2. p. 25. 61 , 66 , 67 , 68 , 70 , 71. & here p. 2. 3. a discourse against painting and tincturing of women wherein the abominable sinnes of murther and poysoning, pride and ambition, adultery and witchcraft are set foorth & discouered. whereunto is added the picture of a picture, or, the character of a painted woman. treatise against painting and tincturing of men and women tuke, thomas, d. 1657. 1616 approx. 167 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 40 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14007 stc 24316a estc s118556 99853763 99853763 19158 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14007) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19158) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1191:2) a discourse against painting and tincturing of women wherein the abominable sinnes of murther and poysoning, pride and ambition, adultery and witchcraft are set foorth & discouered. whereunto is added the picture of a picture, or, the character of a painted woman. treatise against painting and tincturing of men and women tuke, thomas, d. 1657. tuke, thomas, d. 1657. picture of a picture. aut [14], 62 p. [by thomas creede and bernard alsop] for edward marchant, imprinted at london : 1616. with a title-page woodcut. the words "murther .. witchcraft," are enclosed in brackets. a reissue, with cancel title page, of "a treatise against paintng [sic] and tincturing of men and women .. by thomas tuke ..", which had imprint "london, printed by tho. creed, and barn. allsope, for edward merchant ..". the end of text is still initialed: t.t. 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edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discovrse against painting and tincturing of women . wherein the abominable sinnes of murther and poysoning , pride and ambition , adultery and witchcraft , are set foorth & discouered . whereunto is added the picture of a picture , or , the character of a painted woman . ¶ imprinted at london for edward marchant . 1616. a treatise against paintng and tinctvring of men and women : against murther and poysoning : pride and ambition : adulterie and witchcraft . and the roote of all these , disobedience to the ministery of the word . wherevnto is added the picture of a picture , or , the character of a painted woman . by thomas tvke , minister of gods word at saint giles in the fields . rom . 6. the wages of sinne is death . quot vitia , tot venena . a deceitfull heart hath deceiued them : they consider not that a lie is in their face . london , printed by tho. creed , and barn. allsope , for edward merchant dwelling in pauls church-yard , neere the crosse . 1616. ad nigellam magis rvbicvndam , qvam verecundam summo candore . crassa dies . nec enim vergentis vespera saecli splendidius passa est emicuisse iubar . ergo quòd vmbra sumus , nihil est , fratres , sed & vmbrae vmbra est . tum sequitur , quod sumus , vmbra sumus . scilicet hoc mirum : tibi derubuisserubore frontem , sic frontem , faemina , habes , nec hahes . tincta extinctaiacent , minioquerubentia sordent lumina , labrae , genae , quae nec habes , & habes . sola auris superest , audi , corrumpere noli , vt probior fias , & quod habes , habeas . eiusdem . curiosus & curiaesus . gentlemen and yeomen , in my opinion , from the latin miniū , comes our english miniō . who fearing lest the prouerb shold proue good , still wear's two faces , but has left the hood . and trust me la , her word 's not worth two chips : for shee 's a woman of polluted lips . nath. tuke . to women that paint themselues . a lome wall and painted face are one ; for th'beauty of them both is quickly gone . when the lome is fallen of , then lathes appeare , so wrinkles in that face fro th' eye to th' eare . the chastest of your sex contemne these arts , and many that vse them , haue rid in carts . arthur dowton . infucatas . que pictas geritis facies , vos iure potestis dicere cum flacco , puluis & vmbra sumus . iohannes owen lib. 1. epigram . 90. encretata timet fabulla nimbum cerussatatimet sabella solem. martialis lib. 2. epig. 41. infucatas . claudia de pictis olim rufina britannis , gestabat pictas non tamen ipsa genas ; claudia non pictos tam nacta britanna parentes , picta suum perimit quâ fonet arte , decus . sic maribus quondam fuerat quae insania turmis , faemineum vexat iam furibunda chorum . iohan. iefferie . to painted women . stay women-gallants , cast an eye aside , see where a mirrour represents your pride . not that your fardingales fill too much roome , nor that your loftie tires you misbecome : nor paps embossed layed forth to mens view : ( though that be vaine too , if wise men say true ) but that ye haue renounc'd your natiue face , vnder a colour that paint adds a grace , to your intising lookes . but i st no sinne , when vermeil blushes to belie your skinne ? alas what comfort can your looking glasse yeeld you , fond creatures , when it comes to passe that o're the paint is blurd , which makes you fret , or yee see nought else but a counterfet , a shadow of your selfe ? why should you seeme fairer then women ? men oft misesteeme your sweetest beauties : for because they know some of you are lesse beauteous , then they show . and who would willingly her beauty saint , whose face ill-colour'd is clouded o're with paint ? if ye be faire , what need of new complexion ? if blacke , or wrinckled , learne what a confection the first , that was a moralist doth learne you ; be vertuous , a bad face will nothing yerne you . who would be vgly in heauens piercing sight , to seeme faire to some mortall partiall wight ? yet none so partiall , but he needes must see vpon your brow folly and vanitie in their owne colours : and 't is hard to find a painted face sort with a single mind . ed. tylman . in fucum . natalem saciem pigmentis faemina tingit , emendare petens , quod deus ipse dedit . faemina fucatâ facie pictura videtur : nescis an haec mulier sit , vel imago sui . uix puto dicatur facies fucata pudica ; non fucus mendaxora pudicategit . robertus hall. ad delicatiores faeminas pigmentis vtentes . matronae ( modò sint piae , pudicae ) utuntur proprijs , sine arte , formis : qui verò color est adulterinus , it verè color est adulterarum . quarum si numero pudet referri , quid tempus studio preciosum iuant pingendi teritis ? quidora ( magni iehouae fabrieam ) renuntiantes diuinae sapientiae , scelestae tanto corrigitis labore , sumptu ? tandem desinite his studere nugis , quarum vos pretium hoc habetis duum , vt pictae meretriculae audiatis . r. iackson . offace and haire-deceits . they that leaue truth , do leaue the lord : for god is truth , and all accord . but th'natiue colour of face and haire , is true and right , altho not faire . but 's false and wrong , that 's died by art , worke of a lying , wanton hart . then 't is a bad conclusion , that followes this illusion . againe : fvcus is paint , and fucus is deceit , and fucus they vse , that doe meane to cheat . me thinks the very name should stirre vp shame , and make it hatefull to each modest dame. sure none , but such , as take delight in guile , would please themselues with such a garish wile . if truth the inwards held , and gouerned , falshood could not so shine in white and red . t. t. de fuco . gellia habet faciem , facies pallantidos ortae cui cedit , cedunt lilia mista rosis . sanguine sythonij quae nimbi vellera mista , quae tyrio tinctum murice ebur . cur talem persona tegit ? cur inuidet ora spectanda , optaret quae venus esse sua ? o simplex animi ! quam non sit gellia simplex cernis , personâ quae tegitur duplici ? primam si tollas personam , erit alterafucus non facies , vultus non erit , vlcus erit . lecythum habent malae ; rugas oblimat aniles lomento , tragicâfece peruncta genas . creta , timet nimbum , solem cerussa . secundam deme hanc personam ; tertia , larua mera est . larua , poetarum superat quae monstra , chimaeras , empusas , furias , gorgonas , harpyias . quae verò faciem medicamine adulterat : illi mens & adultem erit . frons animi indicium est . tho. farnaby . ad librum . vade , valéqueliber , soboles libertaparentis , ingenui proles ingenij , & genij . exis , mentiri & blandirinescius exis . sic domino liber es par , similisque tuo . euge liber , fuci expers , dilne fucum . fucus eat , pereat , téque vigente cadat . horrescas obelis , in te omnis saeuiat vnguis , faemineâque licet dilacerêre manu . quicquiderit , linguae viris , virusùé malignae : sorstua verae simplicitatis erit . persta , insta , damna in faciem vsque atque fucum , quos stringis , stringunt ista , probiqué probant . aegid . baden . de fucaiis . non homopictus homo est , nec faemina faemina picta : anglum se pingas , illico pictus erit . robertus felton . a painted woman to her loue , being about to go abroad for two or three daies from her . certe equo quae fueram , te discedente , puella , nempe reuersuror facta videbor anus . of the originall of painting the face . describe what is faire painting of the face , it is a thing proceedes from want of grace : which thing deformitie did first beget , and is on earth the greatest counterfet . t. draiton . de fuco . formosam cerussa facit , tamen indicat esso deformem ; rugas improba larua regit . ad fucatam . o quàm te fieri puella vellem formosam minus , aut magis pudicam . ed. tylman . of tincturing the face . to what may i a painted wench compare ? shee 's one disguized , when her face is bare . she is a sickly woman alwaies dying . her color's gone , but more she is a buying . she is a rainebow , colours altogether , she makes faire shew , and beares vs all faire weather : and like a bow : shee 's flexible to bend , and is led in a string by any friend . she is medea , who by likelihood can change old aeson into younger blood , which can old age in youthfull colours bury , and make proserpine of an hagge , or furie , shee 's a physitian well skild in complexions , the sicke will soone looke well by her confections . shee 's a false coyner , who on brazen face , or coper nose can set a guilded grace . and though she doth an hood , like ladies weare , she beares two faces vnder 't i dare sweare . when hosts of women walke into the field , she must the ancient be , we all must yeeld . for she doth beare the colours all men know , and flourisheth with them , and makes a show . and to conclude , shee 'le please men in all places : for shee 's a mimique , and can make good faces . tho. draiton . ad fucatam . tufacieque malâ , & mente es , fucata , malignâ , aut pudet , aut fucus posse pudere vetat . aegit . baden . i haue thought it not vnmeet to set downe here what du bartas hath written of iezebel to painted dames in his fourth booke of the 4. daies worke of the second weeke , turned into english by i. syluester . but besides all her sumptuous equipage , much fitter for her state , then for her age , close in her closet with her best complexions , shee mends her faces wrinkle-full defections her cheeke she cherries , and her eye she cheeres , and faines her fond as wench of fifteene yeeres , whether she thought to snare the dukes affection , or dazle with her pompous prides reflection his daring eyes , as fowlers with a glasse make mounting larkes come downe to death apace : or were it that in death she would be seene as t' were interd in tyrian pompe a queene . chaste lady maides here must i speake to you , that with vile painting spoile your natiue hue . not to inflame younglings with wanton thirst , but to keepe fashion with these times accurst . when one new tane in your seeme beauties snare , that day and night to hymen makes his prayer : at length he espies ( as who is it , but espies ) your painted breasts , your painted cheeks , and eyes : his cake is dough , god dild you , he will none : he leaues his suit , and thus he saith anon : what should i doe with such a wanton wife , which night and day would cruciate my life with ieloux pangs ? sith euery way shee sets her borowed snares , not her owne haires , for nets , to catch her cuckows with loose , light attires , opens the doore vnto all leaud desires , and with vile drugs adultering her face , closely allures the adulterers imbrace . but iudge the best , suppose ( saith he ) i finde my lady chaste in body and in minde ; as sure i thinke ) : yet will she me respect , that dares disgrace the eternall architect ? that in her pride presumes his worke to tax . of imperfection , to amend his tracts ; to helpe the colours , which his hand hath laid , with her fraile fingers with foule durt be raid ? shall i take her , that will spend all i haue , and all her time in pranking proudly braue ? how did i dote ? the golde vpon her head , the lillies of her breast , the rosie red in either cheeke , and all her other riches , wherewith she bleareth sight , and sense bewitches , is none of hers : it is but borrowed stuffe , or stolne , or bought , plaine counterfeit in proofe . my glorious idoll , i did so adore , is but a vizard newly varnished ore with spauling rheumes , hot fumes , and ceruses , fo , fy , such poisons one would lothe to kisse , i wed , at least i ween , i wed a lasse , young , fresh , and faire : but in a yeere and lesse , or two at most , my louely , liuely bride , is turn'd a hagge , a fury by my side , with hollow yellow teeth , or none perhaps , with stinking breath , swart cheeks , & hanging chaps , with wrinkled neck , and stooping , as she goes , with driueling mouth , and with a sniueling nose . the inuectiue of doctor andreas de laguna , a spaniard and physition to pope iulios the third , against the painting of women , in his annotations vpon dioscorides , li. 5. cap. 62. the ceruse or white lead , wherewith women vse to paint themselues was , without doubt , brought in vse by the diuell , the capitall enemie of nature , therwith to transforme humane creatures , of faire , making them vgly , enormious and abominable . for certainly it is not to be beleeued , that any simple women without a great inducement and instigation of the diuel , would euer leaue their natural and gracefull countenances , to seeke others that are suppositions and counterfeits , and should goe vp and downe whited and sised ouer with paintings laied one vpon another , in such sort : that a man might easily cut off a curd or cheese-cake from either of their cheekes . amongst which vnhappie creatures , there are many , who haue so betard their faces with these mixtures and slubbersauces , that they haue made their faces of a thousand colours : that is to say : some as yellow as the marigold , others a darke greene , others blunket colour , others as of a deepe red died in the wooll . o desperate madnesse ; o hellish inuention , o diuelish custome : can there be any greater dotage or sottishnesse in the world , then for a woman in contempt of nature , ( who like a kinde mother giueth to euery creature whatsoeuer is necessarie to it in its kind ) to couer her naturall face , and that pure complexion which shee hath receiued , with stench of plaisters & cataplasmes . what shal god say to such in the last iudgement , when they shal appeare thus masked before him with these antifaces : friends , i know you not , neither do i hold you for my creatures : for these are not the faces that i formed . thus the vse of this ceruse , besides the rotting of the teeth , and the vnsauourie breath which it causeth , being ministred in paintings , doth turne faire creatures into infernall furies . wherefore let all gentlewomen & honorable matrons , that make price of their honesty and beauty , leaue these base arts to the commō strumpets , of whom thy are fittest to be vsed , that by that filthines they may be known and noted . yet do i not altogether mislike , that honest women should wash themselues , and seeke to make their faces smooth , but that they should vse the barly water , or the water of lupines , or the iuyce of lymons , and infinite other things , which dioscorides prescribes as cleanely , and delicate to cleare the face , and not goe continually with ranke smelles of ointments and plaisters about them . howbeit that you may not thinke that this vnhappie trade and practise of painting is altogether new and of late brought into the world , i will recount vnto you a story , which gallen alleageth in that little booke of his , which he intituleth , an exhortation to good arts . phryne a famous harlot of athens being present at a great feast or banquet , where euery one of the guests might by turnes command what he pleased to the rest there inuited , she seeing many women there that were painted with ceruse , inioyned that they should execute her command very seuerely , which was , that they should bring a boule full of warme water , and that they should all wash their faces therein , which was done without gaine-saying , for that was the law of the feast . whereupon the faces of all the women there present appeared foulely deformed and stained ouer , the painting running downe their cheekes to their vtter shame and confusion , and the horror of all that stood by , to whom they seemed and appeared as horrible monsters , onely phryne appeared much more beautifull and faire then before : for albeit her life were not free from blame , yet was her beautie and comely grace , pure , naturall and without artifice , but god be thanked , saith he , our ladies of spaine are so faire of themselues , that they haue no neede of any thing to cleere their complexions , but onely a little orpin , and soliman , or mercury sublimate . now that you may know that hee flouteth his country-women , heare what he saith of this soliman in his annotation vpon the 69. chapter . the excellencie of this mercurie sublimate ( saith he ) is such , that the women , who often paint themselues with it , though they be very young , they presently turne old with withered and wrinkeled faces like an ape , and before age come vpon them , they tremble ( poore wretches ) as if they were sicke of the staggers , reeling , and sull of quick-siluer , for so are they : for the soliman and quicke-siluer differ onely in this , that the soliman is the more corosiue and byting ; insomuch that being applied to the face , it is true , that it eateth out the spots and staines of the face , but so , that with all , it drieth vp , and consumeth the flesh that is vnderneath , so that of force the poore skin shrinketh , as they speake of the famous pantofle of an ancient squire called petro capata , which being often besmeared ouer to make it blacke , and to giue it luster , it shrunke and wrinkled , and became too short for his foote . this harmē and inconuenience ( although it be great , yet it might well be dissembled , if others greater then this did not accompany it ; such as are , a stinking breath , the blacknesse & corruption of the teeth which this soliman ingendreth . for if quick siluer alone , applied onely to the soles of the feete , once or twise , and that in a smal quantitie , doth marre and destroy the teeth ; what can be expected from the soliman , which is without comparison more powerfull and peniuatiue , and is applied more often , and in greater quantity to the very lips and cheekes ? so that the infamous in conueniencies which result from this mercurie sublimate , might be somewhat the more tollerable , if they did sticke and stay onely in them who vse it , and did not descend to their of spring . for this infamy is like to originall sinne , and goes from generation to generation , when as the child borne of them , before it be able to goe , doth shed his teeth one after another , as being corrupted and rotten , not through his fault , but by reason of the vitiousnesse and taint of the mother that painted her selfe , who , if shee loath and abhorre to heare this , let her forbeare to do the other . translated out of spanish by mist . elizabeth arnold . errata . page 4. line 2. reade , worke of god. p. 12. l. 30. put out to labour . p. 15. l. 26. for wast , r. woade . p. 18. l. 8. r. may not lie . p. 23. l. 31. r. to vse all . p. 28. l. 24. r. bring on . p. 32. l. 33. r. and though . p. 34. l. 20. f. promise , r. praise . p. 37. l. 23. f. lie , r lit p. 38. l. 8. f. it , r. lie . p 44. l. 27. f. falsely , r. safely . p. 45. l. 1. r. and machiuillian attempts . p. 47. l. 19. r. in exile . p. 49. l. 1. f fained , r. failed . p. 49. l. penult . r. cannot . p. 52. l. antepenult , r. arichbertus . p. 53. l. 6. r. claudius . p. 54. l. 33. f. cold , r. coulen . p. 55. l. 18. f. naxlicus , r. natholicus . p. 58. l. 5. f. commend , r. mend . reliqua vel corrige , vel condona . of painting the face . though these times & places , in which we now liue , are stained with fouler faults , then this , of which i haue taken vpon me here to intreate , yet because it was ( as i suppose ) neuer so common , as it is now amongst vs , and seeing by conuiuence , or silence , it stil dilates it selfe , and now at length findeth some friends , which sticke not in corners either to defend it , or to extenuate the vilenesse of it , i haue therefore singled it out alone from many other vanities , against which many haue bent themselues by word and writing , purposing to declare vnto the world what i am able to say against it , intreating all with iudgement to ponder what i write , and if they shall perceiue my reasons sound and good , to ioyne together with me in the persecution and banishing of this euill from amongst vs , of whom better things are looked for , and desired . and i humbly beseech almighty god to direct my heart and hand , that i may thinke and write that which shall be pleasing to him , and to prosper and blesse it vnto all that shall reade or heare it , that it may finde friendly entertainment in their hearts , & produce fruits answerable to it in their liues and practise . saint paul inspired with the spirit of christ , giues a golden precept , to which if we will yeeld obedience , as wee should , we shall willingly abstaine from this artificiall facing . whatsoeuer things ( saith hee ) are true , whatsoeuer things are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) venerable , whatsoeuer things are iust , whatsoeuer things are ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chast or ) pure , whatsoeuer things are louely , whatsoeuer things are of good report : if there be any vertue , and if there be any praise , thinke on these things . these things hee would haue vs to delight in , and to doe : the contrary he would haue vs decline , and abandon . but a painted face is a false face , a true falshood , not a true face . illa pictura , saith s. ambrose , that picture , ( or painting ) is of corruption , and not comely , that painting is deceitfull , and not of simplicitie , that painting lasteth but a while , it is wiped off either with raine or sweat : that painting deceiueth and beguileth , that it can neither please him , whom thou desirest to please , who perceiueth this pleasing beauty to be none of thine , but borrowed : and thou doest also displease thy maker , who seeth his worke to be defaced . or is this painting venerable , or venerous and abominable rather ? do men of worth and iudgement respect and fauour it , as a thing honest , and worthy to be esteemed ? did euer patriarke , prophet , apostle , or father of the church approue it ? hath it not beene euer scorned of sage and graue men ? a painted face is not much vnlike an idoll ; it is not that , it would be taken for : and they , that make it , are like vnto it , and so are all they that doe delight therein , and worship it . shall we say the painting of haire or face is iust ? doth the law of god require or fauour it ? or doth reason vncorrupted teach it ? or haue the lawes of any wise and vnderstanding heads endured or enioyned it ? or rather is it not altogether iniurious ? sure there is a wrong done to god , whose workmanship they would seeme to mend , being discontented with it : s. hierome saith , haec ad speculum pingitur , &c. shee paints her selfe by a glasse , and to the contumely of her creator laboureth to be fayrer , then shee was borne . and in an epistle to laeta concerning the institution of her daughter , where hee relateth a storie of a certaine woman grieuously smitten for painting of her daughter , he calleth those that doe such things , violaters of the temple of christ . saint origen likewise taxeth painted women by sundry places of scripture amongst other things , for dawbing their liuing face with dead colours , and affirmeth , that they doe these things in contumeliam creatoris , to the disgrace of their creator . saint ambrose also thus writeth to the same effect : thou art painted , o man , and painted of the lord thy god. thou hast a good artizan and painter : doe not deface that good picture ( non fuco , sed veritate fulgentem ) shining not with deceitfull stuffe , but but with true colours . o woman , thou defacest the picture , if thou dawbest thy countenance with materiall whitenesse , or a borrowed red . tell me , if after one workman hath done , thou vsest the helpe of another to ouer-lay the worke of the former with his new deuises , doth he not take it in ill part , who sees his worke to be disguised ? doe not take away gods picturing , and assume the picture of an harlot , because it is written , shall i take the members of christ , and make them the members of an harlot ? god forbid . if any men adulterate the worke of god , he committeth a grieuous offence . for it is an hainous crime to thinke that man can paint thee better then god. it is a grieuous thing that god should say of thee , i see not the image , i see not the countenance , which my selfe haue formed , i reiect that , which is not mine . seeke him that hath painted thee , deale with him , take grace of him to whom thou hast giuen a reward . what answere wilt thou make him ? of the same minde also is tertuilian , who saith , that they sinne against the lord , which be spot their cheekes with red colours , and die their eyes . the workmanship of god surely doth displease them . they blame and finde fault with the worke-maister of all things in themselues . for they reprehend him , because they mend his worke , because they put vnto it , taking these additions from the aduersarie craftes-man , that is , the diuell . to all these auncient doctors of the church , i will adde the iudgement of a moderne writer by name danaeus , who saith , that fucus faciei , the painting of the face is a deforming of the very worke in vs , and damnable . god then is iniured by this kinde of painting : now let vs see if man also be not wronged by it . doubtlesse these painters are iniurious to themselues and others . saint ambrose , who tearmes these deuises torments rather then ornaments , thus somewhere writeth : whiles she studies to please another , shee displeases her selfe . o woman , what truer iudge of thy deformity doe wee require , then thy selfe , who fearest to be seene ? if thou beest faire , why art thou hidden ? ifill-fauoured , why doest thou counterfet beauty , hauing no regard of thine owne conscience , nor of another bodies errour ? for he loues another , and thou wouldst please another . and thou wilt be angry , if he should loue another , who yet doth learne by thee to commit adulterie . mala magistraes iniuriae tuae , thou art an euill teacher of thine owne wrong . it is iniustice with saigned shewes to endeauour to cousin others , labouring to make them thinke they be that they are not . s. austine doth not sticke to say it is vicious . and if it be not iust to deceiue men with counterfet wares , much lesse lawfull is it to deceiue them with a disguised countenance . besides , this borrowed beautie doth sometimes steale away the praise from that that is naturall . yea , and because this euill craft is so much in vse , it comes to passe sometimes , that they that vse it not , are suspected and said to meddle with it . and whereas euery one should be carefull of their name , they doe much wrong themselues herein , that vse such arts , causing thereby their modestie , humility , wisedome , and continencie to bee called into question , and suspected . and what wrong doe they to themselues in prouoking god against them , to punish them for their pride and vanity ? sir thomas more , one not meanely learned , was wont to say of such , that there were very many , which purchased hell vnto themselues in this life with that labour , with the one halfe whereof they might haue gayned heauen . clemens alexandrinus saith , they are not once , but thrice worthy to perish , which dawbe their browes , and weare their chcekes with their painted stuffe . saint cyprian hath a notable speech full of sting and terror , where hee thus writeth : if some cunning painter should set foorth the countenāce & shape of a woman , hauing ended his worke , another should take vpon him , as being more skilfull , to reforme and mend it , the first workeman might iustly seeme to be wronged and offended : and dost thou thinke ( o woman ) to scape vnpunished , presuming with the like audacious rashnesse to offend god ? doth sinceritie and trueth continue , when those things , that are sincere , are polluted with counterfeit colours , and those things which are true , are changed into falshood with deceitfull trickes ? the lord doth say , thou art not able to make one haire white or blacke : and thou to put downe his saying wouldst thou be stronger ? by audacious iudeauour , and sacrilegious contempt thou colourest thine haires : with an * ill presage of future things thou beginst with flaming haire , and offendest in thine head , that is , in the better part of thy body . oh detestable act ! fearest thou not i pray thee , who art thus disguized , lest the workeman that made thee , should not acknowledge thee ; and lest hee should say , this is not my work , this is none of our image , thou hast polluted thy skin with deceitfull art , thou hast changed thine haire with a coumterfeit colour , thy face is falsisied , thy shape is defiled , thy countenance is borrowed . thou canst not see god , hauing not the eyes that god hath made , but which the diuell hath marred . thou hast followed him , thou hast imitated the red-shining and painted eyes of the serpent , being trimmed vp in thine enemies fashion , thou art to burne also in like manner with him . ought not these things , i pray thee , to be considered of the seruants of god ? are they not to bee dreaded alwayes , both day and night ? but to procced , whatsoeuer things are pure , or chast , saith saint paul. is that pure , or to bee deemed the fruite of a chaste minde which is so common amongst the impurest of women , and altogether contemned of those that are most graue and pious ? allthose things , saith tertullian , are refused as idle , and enemies to chastitie . vbi deus est , ibi pudicitia : where god is , there is chastitie , there is grauitie , the helper and companion of it . how then shall we practise chastitie without the instrument thereof , that is , without grauitie ? and how shall we vse grauitie for the seruice of chastitie , if there be not a certaine seuerenesse both in the face , and in apparell , and in the whole man round about ? saint hierome likewise thus writeth , quid facit in facie christianae purpurissus , &c. what makes this purple and white stuffe in the face of a christian women , the inflamers of youth , the nourishers of lust , impudicae mentis indicia , and tokens of an vnchast soule ? clemens alexandrinus makes this painting a signe of a sicke soule : for as he ( saith clemens ) that hath some salue applied to him , or his eies annointed doth by the very sight , giue cause to suspect that he is diseased : so paintings , tinctures , and affected dressings do signifie , that the soule is sicke within . s. ambrose saith boldly , that ( de adulterio vultus meditantur adulterium castitatis ) by the adulterating of the countenance , they meditate the adulterating of chastity . but i may not pretermit an other speech of clemens , in y t place quoted already , where he saith , that the egyptian temples were faire and sumptuous : but in stead of god , who was not to be found with in them , there was a cat , a crocodile , or some serpent of the country , or some other beast , beseeming a coue or hole , or the mudde , and not a temple ; so ( saith he ) the women , which are exercised in frizling their haire , in annointing their chcekes , in painting their eyes , and dying their haire , and following other wantonnesse with vnlawfull artes , doe seeme to me to draw on vnhappy louers : but if any man shall open the vaile of the temple , i meane their dressing , colouring , dying , and those things , that are plaistered on them , thinking to find true beautie , i wot well he will grow into a lothing and detestation . for he shall not find the image of god dwelling within : but instead thereof , a foraicatresse and adultresse occupy the temple of the soule : he shall discerne a painted ape ; and that seducing serpent , through 〈◊〉 desire of glorie , doth possesse the soule , in stead of an hole , transforming women into whores , discharging the office of a bawd . and that renowned and holy bishop of millaine , whom before we cited , calleth this painting , which of women is so much vsurped , picturam meretricis , the picture of an harlot . plutarch also sheweth , that lycurgus banished tincture out of sparta , as a flatterer of the sense , and forbad the city , to al that vsed the arts of painting , and tricking the body , because euill arts corrupted mens maners . and the said author writeth , that women were at that time so chast , and so farre from the lightnesse of those that followed after , that the crime of adulterie with them , was counted a thing incredible . and as one said to his ghest , how could there be an adulterer in sparta , where luxurie and painting ( luxus & fucus ) are decmed ignominious , and where shamefastnesse , modestie and obedience domineere ? but saint paul proceedeth ; whatsoeuer things ( saith he ) are louelie . doth a painted face procure loue , or lothing rather , if it bee perceiued ? nihil fucatum placet , nothing counterfaited doth afford contentment , as saint ambrose speaketh . who is pleased with counterfet mony , with counterfet friendship , with counterfet stuffe ? who loues hypocrisie in religion ? and what is a woman painted , but a certaine kinde of hypocrite , resembling that in shew , which she is not truly ? is dece it and falshood louely ? and what is this artificiall facing , but a true deceit , or a deceitfull truth ? fucare effigiem figmentis adulterina fallacia est , quâ non dubito ipsos maritos se nolle decipi . to colour the face with artificiall deuises , to make it look more red or louely , is a counterfet and base deceit , saith saint austen , with which i am perswaded , husbands would not bee deceiued . and another saith , quùm facies adulterino colore fucatur , os abomina bili faetore corrumpitur : when the face is painted with a false colour , it becomes an abomination . and if lenocinia formarum , the painting of the face , and borrowing of complection ( ( non nisi prostitutis & impudicis foeminis congruunt ) beseeme none ( as saint cyprian saith ) but whores and dishonest women , why should any one delight therein , as in things pleasing , or worthy loue ? or if it be such a louely thing , what reason had saint hierome to say , erubescat mulier christiana , &c. let a christian woman blush for shame , if she force fauour , if shee take care of the flesh vnto concupiscence , in which they , which are , cannot please god ; as the apostle speaketh ? or why should he say , that dressings void of curiosities , became christian matrons , and forbid laeta to colour her daughters haire , and to begin in her any thing of the flames of hell ? no , no , these arts and actions are not to bee loued , but hated rather . doubtlesse nature and art are both good , and to be beloued : but the abuse of both , or either , is euill , is of the diuell . and is not art abused , when it is made an organ and slaue to pride , wantonnesse , and vanitie ? and that i may speake a little by digression to her , that exercises her selfe in these vnlawfull and vnlouely arts ; tell me , how canst thou desire , that another should not lothe thee , seeing thou lothest thine owne selfe ? for as peter martyr speakes out of saint ambrose , they that seek by these deuices to please others , do testifie , that they haue disliked themselues first . for had they not disliked themselues , and desired something in themselues , nonquaesiuissent suas facies meliores fucis reddere , they would not haue sought to haue mended their faces with painting . their very brauerie , wherin they glory , bewraies their wants . or dost thou loue thy selfe artificiall , and like an idoll , and loth or dislike thy selfe naturall , and in thy natiue colours ? o woman , great is thy pride and folly , foolish pride and proud folly . what folly is it to fall in loue with a picture ? quanta amentia est effigiem mutare naturae , picturam quaerere ? what madnesse is it ( saith a forenamed father ) to change natures shape , and to seeke a picture ? doubtlesse thou deseruest to be lothed of others , because thou dost loth thy selfe , and being displeased with the pleasure of god , doest please thy selfe in that , that is displeasing to him . but i haue digressed ; the apostle addeth , whatsoeuer things are of good report . and in another place he saith , prouide things honest in the sight of all men . say now , is this painting of good report ? doe all , or the wisest , and honestest of all account it honest ? diuers of the fathers , as wee haue seene , haue condemned it in that name . it was ignominious in the daies of lycurgus . peter martyr out of saint chrysostome saith , magna voluptas est , &c. it is very pleasing to see such a face , as god created : whereas on the contrarie , a countenance ( rubricâ & cerussâ plenus ) full of red and white colours , otherwise then naturall , is disallowed . deformitie is no point of dishonestie , fucatio verò deprehensaignominiâ semper notatur , but painting being discerned and knowne , is branded alwaies with reproch and infamie . saint hierome to marcella saith , that those women are matter of scandall to christian eies , quaepurpurisso & quibusdam fucis ora , oculosque depingunt , which doe paint their faces and eyes with certaine artificiall colours , whose faces ( saith he ) being plaistered and deformed with too much brightnesse , are counterfeits of idols . and such old women as vse those , and the like vanities , he calles in mocking , trementes uirgunculas , trembling girles . and vnto furia hee saith , that this furniture is not the lords , this couering is of antichrist , uelamen istud antichristi . sure it is not for christ , but rather against christ , and ill beseemes chast and godly christians , suting fitter with the fauourites and louers of that mother of harlots , araied in purple and scarlet colours , and full of allurements . platina writeth , that paulus secundus , bishop of rome , vsed to paint himselfe ; a thing not much to be found fault with in such a friend vnto the whore , tho very ill beseeming one , that counts himselfe the vicar of christ . it seemes the churches head hath been once a painted one . but to returne , the apostle would haue vs delight and thinke on those things , that are of good account , and hee will haue vs doe it in the sight of all men , according as our sauior saies , let your light so shine before men , that they may see your good works . it is not enough to be good , but she that is good , must seeme good : she that is chast , must seeme chast : shee that is humble , must seeme humble : shee that is modest , must seeme to bee so , and not plaister her face , that she cannot blush vpō any occasiō ( tho she would ) so as to be discerned of another . it is very pat , which tertullian writeth ; pudicit . christianae sat . non est esse , ver . & videri : it is not enough for christian chastitie that it be , but that it be also seene . and good counsell , which he giues to christian women , prodite vos , &c. come forth now furnished with the medicaments and ornaments of the apostles , taking from simplicitie brightnes , and from chastity rednesse , your eyes painted with modestie , for an earing hauing the word of god , and the yoke of christ for a chaine vnto your neeks . subiect your head vnto your husbands , and yee shall make shew good enough . aray your selues with the silke of honestie , the fine linnen of sanctitie , with the purple of chastitie . taliter pigmentatae deum habebitis amatorem , being so painted and tricked vp , ye shall haue god your louer . but saint paul hath not yet ended his speech , if ( saith he ) there be any vertue . but dare any say it is a vertue , or act of vertue , to paint the face or haire ? s. ambrose saith , illa pictura vitij est , this painting is of vice , or vicious . and clemens alexandrinus commends one caeus , who fitly described vertue and vice in two images . for , he made vertue standing simplie clothed with a white-shining garment , and pure , adorned onely with bashfulnesse : but vice with superfluous and changeable apparell , alieno colore exultantem ; and glorying in borrowed colors . but that it may appeare plainely that this kind of painting and colouring is vicious , let vs inquire into the causes of it . tertullian saith expresly , it 's from the diuell . for who ( saith he ) would teach to change the body , but he , that hath changed the soule of man through malice ? hee out of doubt hath stirred vp such wits , that so he might after a sort vs lay hands on god. that , which is naturall , is the worke of god ; therefore that , which is counterfet , is of the diuell . saint cyprian likewise saith as much in effect , affirming , that the apostaticall angels taught women to paint their eyes and checkes , and to alter their haire with counterfet colours , and as he saith , expugnare omnem oris & capitis veritatem , to driue out all the truth of their face and head . if these things be of the diuell , god is little beholding to those that vse them . what a wickednesse is it ( saith tertullian ) to bring in satans deuises after gods worke ? our seruants borrow nothing of our enemies : souldiers ask nothing of the enemie of their commander . and shal a christiā receiue help of that euil one ? i wot not whether this name ( christian ) should belong any longer to him . erit enim eius , de cuius doctrinis instrui concupiscit : for he shall be his , with whose instructions he longs to be instructed . and as the exterior author of these deuises is euill , euen no other then the diuell : so the interior grounds thereof are also euill , as pride , wantonnesse , and lacke of iudgement , or else rebellion of affections against iudgement . what a pride it is , that thou canst not bee content to appeare in thine owne likenesse , and to seeme that to others , which thou art in thy selfe ? the bird appeares in her owne feathers , the peacocke shewes himselfe in his owne colours , the sheepe is seene in her owne fleece and likenesse , white or black ; the tree hath her owne rinde , appeares in her owne blossomes and fruits ; and shall it be horrible to a woman to seeme to be , as she is indeed , displeasing to her to appeare in her owne likenesse , her owne haire , her owne complexion ? she was borne in her owne , nature would shew it self in her proper colours : she was not borne painted in this world ( vnlesse perhaps so , as is expressed in the prophet ) neither shall she rise painted in the next world , and i thinke she would be loth die painted , why then should shee liue painted , why should she loue it ? vtinam miserrimus ego , &c. i would i poore wretch ( saith tertullian ) might see in that day of christian exultation ( an cum cerussà , & purpurisso , & croco , & cum illo ambitu capitis resurgatis ) whether yee shall rise againe with your white , red , and yellowish paintings , and those strang dressings of your head , and whether the angels shall lift you vp so pictured , to meet christ . hodie vos deus , &c. o ye women , let god see you such now , as he shall see yee then . is not this also a point of pride by such deceitful shifts to gaine the praises of men , and to desire to bee reputed fairer , or younger , or better fauoured , then one is indeed ? and doth not god hate pride , and reward humilitie ? doth he not resist the proud , and giue grace to the humble ? what a contempt of god is this , to preferre the worke of thine owne finger to the worke of god ? what impietie is it to goe about to haue that thought gods , which is thine owne ? what iniustice to conceale his worke , and ostent thine owne , and indeed to spoile his with thine owne ? innocentius saith , an artificiall forme is drawne ouer , and the naturall face is painted , as if the artifice of man exceeded the art of god. and is not this a tricke of a wanton , to vse these arts to procure and tie the eies of people to thee , or to gaine some vnfortunate seruant ? is it not a foolish wilinesse , and a certaine wily kind of folly by these lime-twiggs , these painted lime-twiggs , to labour to thinke or labour to catch a wood-cocke , or a wild-goose ? are these deuises allowed , as stales , or snares , to take men in them ? dost thou deeme men as simple , as those birds , that were deceiued by the painters artifice , flying to grapes , that were but painted ? because lycoris pleases her selfe being painted , being otherwise as blacke , as an ouer-ripe mulberry , doth she therefore thinke to gaine an husband , who knowes an ill face wel painted , is but as a peece of counterfeit siluer , or as a faire carpet ouer an vnhandsome table ? tell me , are all men borne rich , or noble ( though all these are borne men , yet all men are not borne these . now shall hee , that is base and needie , and not yet promoued , nor made wealthie , make fare as if he were some noble or rich man ? it were intolerable vanitie . say , is euery man truely vertuous and religious ? no , no more then euery angell is good and holy . now shall he , that is profane and impious , make shew of pietie and true deuotion ? were it not damnable hypocrisie in him ? if he be not , let him not seeme to be . for not being , his very seeming is a sinne vnto him . and dost thou thinke it lawfull for thee to make shewes of fauour and beauty , or of another complexion and temper , then thou art of , by thy dawbing , painting and borrowing , god and nature , which is his handmaid , hauing withheld beautie , or a louely complexion from thee ? vertue is one gift of god , and beautie is another : now as a man may not counterfeit vertue , being vicious : so he may not counterfeit beautie , being destitute of it . doubtlesse vnthankfulnesse to god , hath a great stroke in this vngodly exercise . for were we thankfull to god , as indeed wee should be , would we loth and despise his worke vpon vs , and loue our owne ? would we not care how wee corrupt and mangle his with ours ? if we were thankful to him for our complexions and fauour , how meane so euer , we would humble our selues before him , and not goe about to cozen the world with our borrowed feathers , or shew our selues altogether vnpatient of his handy-worke , yea , wee would labour to supply the want of good outward parts by inward vertues , and by the offices of pietie , charitie , and humilitie ; things , which ( i feare me ) are sildome and little thought of amongst the painters , who , if we may beleeue the speeches of the world ( and they say , market-men vse to speake as the market goes ) are too many of them , not much vnlike ill cloth of a good die ; or to a letter fairely written , and with good inke , but not without some false english , or ill contents . but let vs see how the apostle ends his exhortation . if there be any praise ( saith he ) thinke on these things . now is a painted face worthy to be praised ? is a borrowed beautie , or fresh-coloured haire with womens skill to be commended ? shall we bestow our praises , on what we may not spend our loue ? shall wee laude that , that is not worthy one good looke ? shall that be praised that is vile , and vaine ? quidvanius , qhàm tingeregenas , vugerefaciem , &c. what more vaine , saith innocentius , then to die the cheekes , and annoint the face ? true it is , that god hath giuen a man oyle to make him haue a cheerefull countenance : but this is by refreshing and cheering the blood , and not by daubing or dying the countenance , which is to be discommended in all that vse it , what euer they be . fucation ( saith saint chrysostome ) being espied , is euer markt with ignominy . more ornament is not to be giuen to the bodie , then is profitable for the soule , saith saint basil the great ; for to a generous man , and one truly worthie of this name , it were no lesse reproch to be want only decked , or to take superfluous care of the bodie , then to be affected with some other note of disgrace , and euill affection through slothfulnesse . consider also the iudgement of heathen men . chius , a certaine old man , came vpon some businesse of state to lacedemon , and hauing died his gray haires , he came before archidamus , the lacedemonian king , who seeing the old man disguised , rose vp , and said , quid hic sani diceret , cuius non solùm animus , verùm etiam caput fucis contaminatum est ? what good thing can this fellow say , whose not onely the heart , but head also is stained with deceit ? and so exploded , whatsoeuer he said , reprehending his disposition by the deceit , he vsed with his haire . questionlesse there is lacke of truth in the heart , when false haire is worne for deceit . doubtlesse falshood is in his or her heart , whose face or haire is falsified to deceit . falshood vttered in the face , or haire , is first conceiued and coined in the heart . wantonnes , pride and vanity are conceiued inwardly , before they are expressed outwardly . the hand doth but what the hart bids it . of the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh , and the hand worketh . king philip of macedonie made one of antipaters friends a iudge ; but vnderstanding that hee vsed to colour the haire of his head and beard , he displaced him , saying , he which would not be true in his haires , was not worthy to bee trusted in an office . hee vsed deceit in dying his haire , whereof no great lucre could arise , doubtlesse he will be much more deceitfull in the affaires of his office , where deceit sometimes is very gainefull . the naturall forme and colour is not laid to a mans charge , but only that which is counterfet and ascitious . vtnatura dedit sic omnis recta figura : turpis romano belgicus ore color . natures forme and fauour is right and good : but belgick colours becoms no roman blood : that is to say : the waste of france , and such painting stuffe , are disgracefull in an italian . if an old woman painted her self , they vsed to say , lecythum habet in malis , which is a certaine enigmaticall and biting by-word vsed against old wiues , that they cloked their wrinkles with their artificiall dawbings . festus pompeius saith , that common and base whores , called schoenicole , vsed daubing of themselues , tho with the vilest stuffe . diogenes said to one that had annointed his haires , caue ne capitis suaue ölentia vitae maleolentiam adducat , beware thy sweet head make not thy life stinke ; so may it well be said to those , that buy and borrow their fauour and their colour : beware lest this borrowed grace bring yee not into disgrace both with god and his children , and that the counterfetting of forme doe not deforme you . surely the lord did most terribly threaten the proud and wanton dames of israel for their pride , wantonnesse and vanities . and may it not be said of these painted faces , as the lord said of that people , the shew of their countenance doe witnesse against them ? doubtlesse this kind of fauour finds no fauour , no one word of praise in all the word of god. in iesabel , who painted her eyes is propounded ( saith piscator ) an ensample of a proud woman . nec bona est eafacies , quaeista quaerit adiumenta . it is no good face ( saith martyr ) which seekes these helpes . let vs in the meane while , consider the impudencie of a wicked woman , who being in extreame danger , yet shewes no token of repentance , imo vacat fuco , yea , shee bestowes her time in painting of her face . and on the prophet ieremie , where mention is made of painting the face , or eyes , saint hierome in his comments saith , he speaketh vnder the figure of an adulterous woman . in like manner , caluin thus writing on the said place , saith , that the prophet hath respect to the furniture of whores , because the people was like an adulterous woman . and whores ( saith he ) to intise adulterers , are wont to paint their faces , and by such allurements to entangle and catch men . and where as ezekiel also doth once make mention of this painting . saint hierome ( others likewise consenting with him ) saith vpon the same place , thou hast fulfilled all the habit of an adulterous woman . this painting therefore being no better entertained in the word of of god , and being ( as we haue heard before ) a worke of satan , there is no reason at all why christian women should be addicted to it . i would thinke women should beware of the serpent ( who hath an oare in this boat , as clemens sheweth ) seeing their mother was beguiled with him of old , and that they al fare the worse for him still . neither doe i reade , that euer any graue and discreet woman vsed these deceits . some write of some barbarous people , which delight in painting their skinne . saint hierome writes , that maximilla , montanus his prophatisse , a woman diuell-driuen , did vse to paint . and there is also mention , in the ecclesiasticall historie , made of one prisca , who practised the same arts . caesar likewise writes , that the britanes vsed to colour their faces with their woad : but this was not out of pride , or wantounesse , but to strike a terror in their enemies , with whom they were to fight . but me thinks christians should not onely bee , but seeme so : the children of wisedome should not only be such , but seeme such : they that professe modesty and humilitie , or which haue promisde it in their baptisme , should not onely bee modest and humble , but appeare to be so by their shewes . and to vse the words , i find in peter martyr : as paul said , there is a difference betwixt a married woman and a virgin : so may we say , there should bee a difference betweene the handmaidens of christ , and the handmaides of the diuell . the handmaids of the diuell , because they are vnchast , doe vse these pictures : wherefore the handmaids of christ should flie from them , that they might shew themselues to be vnlike to them . in goodsooth if christian women will so colour and paint themselues , i pray you what doth a matrone differ from an harlot ? i remember saint ambrose saith , that inipso motu , gestu , incessu tenenda verecundia , modestie is to bee kept euen in the motion , gesture , and gate : and shall it be banished out of the face ? habitus enim mentis in corporis statu cernitur , for ( saith he ) the condition of the mind is discerned in the state and behauior of the body . without doubt then a deceitfull and effeminate face , is the ensigne of a deceitfull and effeminate heart . ne dicalis vos habere animos pudicos , si habcatis oculosimpuaicos : say not ( saint saint austin ) that you haue modest and chast affections , if ye haue vnchast and wanton eyes : so i say , say not that thou hast the heart of a chast and humble woman , if thou hast the face and fauour of a proud dame , or wanton minion . and to vse the words of tertullian , how farre from our disciplines and professions , how vnworthy the name of christian is it , to haue a fained face , to whom all simplicitie is commended ; to lie with the countenance , who may lie with their tongue ; to desire that , which is not granted , who should abstaine from that , which is not theirs ; and to practise the making of shewes and faces , whose studie is to be chast and modest ? these artes make those that vse them , too like the diuels , who though they bee angels of darknesse , yet to worke some feate , they will now and then transforme themselues into angels of light : they are one thing , but to deceiue , they will seeme another . and in truth i wonder how they dare pray to god with such impure faces ? how shall they looke vp to god with a face , which he doth not owne ? how can they begge pardon , when their sinne cleaues vnto their faces , and * when they are not able for to blush ? how can shee weepe for her sinnes , saith saint hierom , when herteares will make furrowes in her face ? with what confidence doth she list vp her countenances to heauen , which her maker acknowledges not ? youth is in vaine pretended , and girlish age alleaged for excuse : what hope is there that god will heare , whilest her hart is set on vanitie and pride , on wantonnesse and deceit . dauid saith , if i regard iniquitie in mine heart , the lord wil not heare me : we know ( saith one in the gospell ) god heareth not sinners : but if any man be a worshipper of god and doth his will , him he heareth . doubtlesse these curiosities are not things indifferent , as some imagine them to bee . it is well said by caluin somewhere , too much finenesse and superfluous brightnesse , and finally , all excesse ariseth out of the corruption of the heart . moreouer , ambition , pride , luxurie , affectation , and such like , are not ( saith he ) res mediae , things indifferent . but what need i throw water into the sea , or set vp a candle in the sunne ? but by the doctrine and iudgement of saint paul , as is obserued by peter martyr , men must beware not onely of euill , but abstaine from all appearance of euill . in fucis autem adeò perspicua est malispecies , vt negari non possit . but in these painting practises , the shew of euil is so perspicuous , as it cannot be denied . truly ( saith he ) in gods booke , this painting ( stibium ) is neuer taken in good part . and the greater the persons be , that vse these arts , the worse it is . for , omne animi vitium tantò conspectius in se crimen habet , quanto maior , qui peccat habetur . the greater the man is , that sinnes , the greater is his sinne . it is more scandalous and hurtfull . and the more , that any man hath receiued of god , the more he owes vnto god. the higher a man is , the more humble hee should bee . the greater hee is , the better hee should bee . when high trees and steeples fall , there is much looking . and be men neuer so higher , yet there is one high , before whom , and vnder whom they must humble themselues , and bewaile their pride and vanities , or else they must not looke to bee exalted of him . and if these borrowed faces , and painted locks bee ridiculous and odious in a woman , that is poore and base , as in a kitchin-wench , or such like , how much more discommendable is it in such , as god hath aduanced ? what poore thanks doe they pay him for those benefits of wealth and greatnesse , which without their merit , he hath conferred and cast vpon them ? euen a little staine is noted in fine lawne , a little blot or blurre is discerned in white paper . honourable and rich persons stand as vpon hilles ; all mens eies are on them : they should be patterns of pietie , ensamples of vertue . for by their examples , they doe either much good , or much hurt . if it would please them to consider what the apostle saith vnto the corinthes , i am perswaded they would not meddle with these vanities . reade and weigh what is said in 1. cor. 7. 29. 30. 31. surely they that abuse the world , that abuse their greatnesse , that abuse their wealth and wit , they lose a blessing of the world , of their greatnesse , wealth and wit. these things are theirs , whilest well vsed : but being abused , they are not theirs , but their enemies rather : they make not for them , but against them . oh , how happy had it bin for them , if they had not known what wit , what wealth , what the world , what greatnes meant ! a man must be poore in riches , little in greatnesse , humble in honour , vertuous in beautie , meeke in authority , modest and not selfe-conceited in all his ornaments , else all is nothing , and he is nothing , or a certaine some-thing , worse then nothing . thinke wee not that all christian women , how great soeuer , are bound to those two speeches of their apostle saint paul ? whatsoeuer yee doe , doe all to the glorie of god. and againe : giue none offence , neither to the iewes , nor to the gentiles , nor to the church of god. but doe they paint their faces , or die their haire to the glory of god ? is god honoured by these exercises , or disgraced rather , as wee haue seene before ? saint cyprian saith , foeminae manus deo inferunt , &c. women lay hands on god , when they seeke ( by such counterfet deuises ) to reforme and transfigure that , which he hath formed : nescientes quòdopus dei est omne , quod nascitur , diaboli quodcunque mutatur : none knowing that that is gods worke , which is borne and the diuels , whatsoeuer is changed . and doe they thinke , that this their painting is offensiue vnto none . some they displease and grieue : others they poison by this ill ensample , which is as a match to giue fire to them that are as capable of it , as tinder , flax , or gun-powder : and besides , they giue the enemie occasion to disgrace the church , and that gospell of iesus , which wee professe and boast of . let vs all therefore remember that golden rule , which the apostle there doth giue vs , which ( as hemingius speaketh ) whosoeuer doth willingly and wittingly violate , he without doubt dishonoreth god , and is made guiltie of eternall anger , vntill he shall repent . but if the respect of men cannot preuaile , whose eyes are offended with such vanities , yet let the reuerence of gods holy angels , that tend vpon you , disswade you from them . for they cannot but be offended , as oft as they shal see men peruert nature it selfe , and the order that god hath appointed , and contumaciously to tread it vnder foot . and is not this the ordinance of god , that euery man should appeare in his owne likenes , euery woman be seene in her owne face ? is not this an inuersion of nature , to dissemble and hide the naturall visage with an artificiall , and to offer one for another ? now shall we offend our good angels , our keepers , our protectors , who can as ill endure a painted face , and counterfeit haire , as any man can endure a sluttish face , or nittie locks ? and why should a man be so fond on beautie ? amplasatis forma pudicitia : modestie is sufficient beautie . truly vertue is the best beautie , which is indeed so beautiful and bright , that were it to be seere with eies , it would draw and hold all mens eyes vnto it . a vertuous woman needs no borrowed , no bought complexion , none of these poysons ; for so uictor cals them , when he saith , quid agunt incorpope casto cerussa , & minium , centumque venena colorum ? what doe this white and red paint , and an hundred other poisons of colours in an honest body ? the time , labor and cost , which thou wastest on these superfluities , bestow and spend in getting , keeping , and exercising vertue , which is euen beauties beautie : which ( as saint ambrose speaketh ) no age shall extinguish , no death can take away , no sicknesse can corrupt . but this borrowed beauty is a vanishing beauty , or beautifull vanity ; a little wet , a little swet , a little breath will marre it . perhaps thou wilt say , it is an ornament . an ornament ? a torment it is , saith the said father : the true ornaments of christians ( saith saint austin ) are not only no counterfeit & lying painting , no nor so much as the pompe of gold or garments , but good manners . an ornament ( saith crates ) is that , which doth adorne : and that adorneth , which makes a woman more honest : ( tale vero praestant , non coceus ) but painting ( either of face or haire ) performes not this : but those things , which shew grauitie , moderation , and shamefastnesse . democritus likewise said , that sparingnesse of speech adorned a woman , and that the parcitie euen of an ornament is an ornament to her . i may not omit what saint gregorie nazianzene hath written of the true ornaments of women , where hee saith : anthos hen esti , &c. there is saith he ) one flower to be loued of women , a good red , which is shamefastnesse . this our painter painteth . we will giue thee , if thou desirest , a second : thou maiest draw a palenes vnto thy beautie , spent with the labours of christ with prayers , sighes , and restlesse night and day . these are the medicines both of vnmarried and married people . ho tropos esti gun , &c. to tarry much at home , to conferre of gods word , to set the maides their taskes , to bee delighted onely in their husband , to bind vp their lips , and not to stirre foorth a doores , these manners are precious things for women . so the prime of the apostles , paul and peter , hauing shewne their dislike of some things , which by some foolish women are made euen idols of , shew that the true ornaments of christian women , young and old , high and low , are shamefastnesse , modestie , and good workes , together with the incorruption of a meeke and quiet spirit , which is of great account with god. on the contrarie , painting of the face , colouring of the browes , litting of the haire , and such superfluous curiosities , are abominations in his eyes . but thou wilt say , that the apostle forbids not painting of the cheekes or haire . it is true by name he doth not : but in effect he doth ; and as theophylactus speaketh , if the apostle forbid those things that belong to wealth , then much more those things , which with a certaine vnnecessarie care and study , are composed onely for vaine trimming , as the dawbing of the cheekes and face , and some ointments put to the etes to make them beautifull , and the rest of this rabble . but tell me one thing ; for food and raiment , for strength and health , for naturall fauour , forme and beautie , a man is bound to praise the lord , and a good man will not forget to doe it : hut dare any wanton thanke god for her coloured haire , her borrowed beautie , her artificiall facing ( i remember saint paul saith , in euery thing giue thanks . now i demand of thee , if thou wilt giue thanks in this thing ( i demand againe , why wilt thou liue in that state , in which thou wouldest not die ? surely they forget death and those daies of darknes , that are dead aliue in these toyes and vanities . a serious and sad remembrance of death and of the iudgement , wherein euery one must receiue of the lord according to that , he hath done in his body , whether it be good or euill , would deterre and keepe vs from these abuses , and vaine expense of time ( which is not ours , if we doe abuse it ) and would make vs thinke of better things , then these . it is worth the noting , which isidorus clarius a most eloquent preacher , as stapleton calles him , saith in this argument ; if some man ( saith he ) should promise a woman , that , if she would leaue of her painting and bodily brauerie for a yeere , shee should appeare for an hundred yeeres after the most beautifull of all women , that euer should be , without doubt she would most willingly accept the condition . againe , if it should be told her that she hath leaue for one yeeres space to allkinds of painting and colouring , and all manner of ornaments ; but with that condition , that she should bee the vgliest of all women all her life long after : there is no question , but that she would refuse the offer of that yeeres brauerie for feare of ensuing deformitie . but all these things shall oome to passe , and those things , which are of so much the more moment , by how much eternitte surpasseth a little time , and yet so sluggish are they in a matter of so great importance . for it shall come to passe , that those women , which in this life haue liued modestly , and without paintings , and idle ornaments , shall haue bodies bright as the sunne , and that for euer : but such as would needs appeare conspicuous and beautifull ( by borrowed brauerie ) here , shall possesse eternall deformitie with the diuell and his angels . caluin writing on these words of hoseah , tollat seortationes suas a facie suàs : that is , let her take away her whoredomes from her face , and her adulteries from betweene her breasts , saith , what meaneth this ? for women play not the whores with their face , nor breasts . it is well knowne ( saith he ) that the prophet alludes to the dressing of harlots : because whores , that they may alluremen , dres themselues vp more costly , and paint their faces curiously , and garnish their breasts . immodesty therefore is seene as well in the face , as in the breasts . tremelius also and iunius commenting vpon the said scripture , vnderstand therby in like manner , adulterinos fucos , paintings , and such counterfeit deuises , by the which , ( as one hath wel obserued ) a woman doth not become more beautiful , sed potius naturalis pulchritudinis aliquid subtrahit , but rather takes away somewhat from naturall fauour . master tho. hudson writing of a painted woman , saith accordingly , she surely keepes her fault of sex and nation , and best alloweth still the last translation . much good time lost , she rests her faces detter : for sh 'as made it worse , striuing to make it better . holinshed in his description of scotland , tells , how the picts vsed to paint ouer their bodies : and some write , that medea a notable sorceresse deuised these arts : and sure it is , that the heathen and infidels did first and most vsurp them : seeing therefore we haue cast off their barbarisme & infidelity , let vs also lay aside their other vanities and adulterous deuises . but if for very shame , let not these heathenish images be brought into the houses of god. they doe ill become the bodies of saints which are the temples of the holy ghost , but the congregation of saints worse , who are assembled in gods house , not to shew vanitie , but to learne humilitie ; not to draw down wanton eyes to themselues , but to lift vp their eyes and harts vnto god ; not to deale with vain and idle people , but with iesus christ , whose holy eyes are offended with such sights . master barnabee rich his complaint may heere not vnfitly bee inserted , who thus somewhere writeth : you shall see ( saith he ) some women go so attired to the church , that i am ashamed to tell it alloud they are so bepainted , so beperriwigd , so bepowdered , so be perfumed , so be starched , so belaced , so be imbrodered , that i cannot tel what mental vertue they may haue , that they doe keepe inwardly to themselues : but i am sure to the outward shew , it is a hard matter in the church it selfe to distinguish betweene a good woman and a bad . i would to god our painters would consider what saint ierome writes ( as eustoch . epitaph . paulae . ep . 27. ) of paula , who when he prayed her to spare her eies for the reading of the gospell , which shee marr'd with weeping for her sinnes , returned this answere to the holy father : turpandaest facies , quam contra dei praeceptum purpurisso , & cerussa , & stibio saepè depinxi : that face is to be fouled , which i haue often painted against gods commandement . i must afflict my body , which i haue pampered with many pleasures : long laughing must bee recompensed with continuall weeping . i will end this present treatise with the words of that golden-mouthed teacher of the greek church , i meane saint chrysostome , who writeth much about this argument i haue in hand . his words , as many as concerne our purpose , i will turne as faithfully as i can , which yet by turning will loose some grace , as wine being turned out of one vessell into another . thou hast ( saith he ) a wife too much louing the brauerie of the bodie , painted , wantonizing daily in delights , giuen to babling . for though al these things cannot befall one woman , yet in our speech we will faigne , that they haue all met together . but thou wilt say , woy was it your pleasure to speake of women rather , then of men ? doubtlesse there are men corrupter , then such a woman . but because gouernment is granted vnto men by nature , therfore we haue described a woman & not because moe faults may be found in women , then in men . for you shall often finde among men many , which women neuer , or but very sildome doe commit ; as are murder , the euersion of sepulchres , and vnprofitable fighting with wild beasts , and the like . doe not therefore thinke that we doe these things in contempt of the sex ( let this be farre from me ) but because it is now more commodious to make our description after this manner . be it therefore , there is such a woman , as we haue described , and her husband would reforme her by al his care and industry . by what meanes then shall he effect it ? namely , if he doe not command all things to her at once , but the more easie things , and those things first , which she doth seeme to care lesse for . for if thou wouldst mend all at first , thou shalt do nothing . thou shalt not therefore bie and bie depriue her of her golden ornaments . let her haue them a time , and vse them . for that seemes to be a lesser euill , then a painted and counterfeitface . first therefore take away her painting , and do not that with terror and threats , but with a gentle and sweet perswasion . let her euer and anon heare thee say , that the painted faces of women doe displease thee , and that they cause such a lothing in thee , that thou canst not indure them . alleage also the iudgement of others , that are of thy mind : and tell her that that geare vses to marre them , that are comely without it , that by this meanes thou mightest weede this euill out of her . in the meane while as yet , speake not a word of hell , or heauen : but make her beleeue that it will glad thine heart to see her with such a face , as god hath made : but that a face corrupted and altered from it nature , and filled with artificiall reds and whites is commonly disliked amongst good men . after thou hast wrought her with these words , then speake to her also of hell and heauen . be not slacke to discourse of these things , not once , but againe , and againe ; not spitefullie or in anger , but with loue and pleasantnesse ; sometimes speaking faire , and sometimes turning away thine eyes with dislike , and sometimes againe making much of her . dost thou not see that painters , when they goe about to make a faire picture , doe now apply these colours , and then others , wiping out the former ? be not thou more vnskilfull then painters . they being to paint the shape of the bodie on tables , do vse so great paines and care ; and is it not meet that wee should trie all conclusions , vse all meanes , when we desire to make soules better ! si paulatim sie animum vxoris tuae formaueris , &c. if by degrees thou shalt thus reforme thy wiues mind , thou shalt be the best painter , a faithfull seruant , an honest husbandman . with these also , make often mention of illustrious women , which either haue excelled for beautie , or which haue not been so faire , as of sarah , rebecca , and the like . all which it is certaine haue condemned such vanitie , which may appeare , in that leah , the wife of the patriarch iacob , though she was not faire , nor so well loued of her husband . and besides bred among the gentiles , did yet deuise no such tricke , nor altered her naturall complexion , but constantly kept the lineaments of nature vncorrupted . and wilt thou , whose head is christ , who art a beleeuer , wilt thou allow of the inuentions of satan ? wilt thou not remember that water , that was sprinkled vpon thy face , nor the sacrament , which beautified thy lips , nor the blood , which made red thy tongue ? all which things if thou wouldest keepe in memorie , though thou louedst brauerie very well , thou wouldest not dare , thou couldst not indure to put any powder , or paint vpon thy face . remember that thou art made fit for christ , and thou wilt abominate this deformitie . for he ioyes not in these colours , but requireth a more noble branch , to wit , of the soule , which also he loueth greatly , and which is to bee greatly esteemed , as the prophet sheweth , where he saith , and the king shall greatly desire thy beautie . let vs not therefore put any idle and superfluous thing vpon vs. for there is nothing wanting vnto any of the workes of god , neither is there ought , which needes thy mending . no man presumeth to put any thing to the image , which is made according to the similitude of a king : and if hee shall presume , yet hee shall not scape vnpunished . thou addest therefore nothing to the workemanship of men ; and dost thou striue to amend that , which god hath wrougth ? neither dost thou thinke of hell-fire , nor fearest the desolation of thy soule , which then lies altogether neglected , when thou settest all thy minde , care and studie on thy bodie . why say i the soule is neglected , seeing that it falles out otherwise with the bodie , then thou wishedst . which hence appeareth . because whereas thou studiest by this thing to seeme faire , in truth with this thou appearest deformed : by this thou thinkest to please thy husband , which in truth causeth him no little sorrow : neither doth hee onely , but others also blame thee . wouldest thou seeme a young woman ? but that artifice doth bring an oldnesse . through this thou imaginest , that thou mayest glorie , as being faire : but it workes thee no small disgrace . thou maist * blush , when thou seest not onelie thine equals and friends , but thy maides and seruants , that are priuie to it , and much more , when thou seest thy selfe in a glasse . but why doe i heape vp so many of these things , passing by those greater things ? to wit , that thou offendest god , ouerthrowest modestie , kindlest the stame of iealousie , and imitatest prostituted harlots . all which considering , contemne these diuelish dressings , and vnprofitable arts , and leauing this beautie , indeed deformitie , get yee that beautie in your harts , which the angels desire , which god doth loue , which pleaseth your husbands , that hauing liued here honourablie , yee may also obtaine future glorie . unto the which i would we might come by the grace and mercie of our lord iesus christ . amen . thus farre chrysostome . trin-vni deo gloria . an appendix . all painting or colouring of the face is not of one kind , nor by one meane . the more artificiall and sumptuous is by tincture , the skinne being died and stained with artificiall colours . this the wealthier sort performe by the helpe of pearle . were it not much better to bestow this cost on the poore , which are creatures and images of god , then on such idle images and workes of their owne creation ? o what thankfulnesse doe they shew vnto him , that mispend his gifts on things , he skornes to looke on ! vt quid die ligitis vanitatem , & quaeritis mendatium ? why loue they vanitie , and seeke after lies ? for a painted face is a vanitie , and very lie . it is a point of pride to desire by false deuises , to be reputed of others more excellent , then one is indeed . they therefore that paint or die their faces ( as the maner is ) are not able to cleare themselues of pride , and the practise of it , which is a thing most odious to god and man. pride may shew it selfe in rich apparell , but it doth singularly appeare in a painted face ; because they that paint , would haue that , which is artificiall and borrowed , taken to be naturall and proper . a painted face is a superfluous face : it were well , if the world were well rid of all such superfluous creatures . i cannot thinke that god , who is the lord of our time , doth allow vs to spend one houre of all our time on such a vanitie . and if he allow it not , we steale it , if we take it . this art is often vsed vpon sunday , which is the lords day : and so by this meanes that holy day is profaned , and god dishonoured . they that practise these arts , doe often heare them reprooued by the ministers of christ , who haue authoritie ouer them in the lord , neither can they ( i thinke ) be ignorant how the fathers and doctors of the church haue writ against these vanities . now what is this but grosse irreuerence , and disobedience , when women , and wanton wagges resist and contemne their iudgement and monitions ; or else , to make themselues wiser then their masters , and to bee wise in their owne eies , as if forsooth they knew better what were good , and what were euill , what became , and what mis-became christian men and women , then the church or the most holy and learned pastors and teachers , priests and bishops , that haue been , and are therein ? but , woe vnto those , that are wise intheir owne eyes , and prudent in their owne sight . they that paint or die their haire and faces , their necke and breasts , doe either iudge they do well , and sinne not ; or else they know they doe euill , and yet do it , being transported by the corruption of their willes and affections ; or otherwise they doe well , and sinne not ; or otherwise they doe it out of ignorance , not knowing that they doe euill . for the first , if they think and deeme it good , and not euill to vse these arts , as the fashion is , they receiue an errour , or false ground into their mindes . and how shall they repent of that , which they thinke is lawfull ? how will they beg pardon of that , wherin they glorie , and which they think is good and not euil ? and if they shal iudge that good , which indeed is euill , how shall they not also speake good of euill ? and how are they safe then ( specially if they shall despise instruction ) seeing the lord denounceth , woe vnto those , that speake good of euill , and euill of good , which put darknesse for light , and light for darknesse ? now without all question the grounds of this colouring are pride , or wantonnesse , or deceit , or something that is sinfull . and that , that is of the flesh , is flesh . for the second , if they know they doe ill to paint , and yet vse it , the greater is their sinne ; if they know they doe well not to paint , why then doe they not forbeare ? to him that knoweth to doe good , and doth it not , to him it is sinne , saith s. iames. he that sinnes wittingly , sinnes more willingly , and therefore sinnes more heinously : and ( as saint austen speaketh ) the precept is violated with so much the more iniustice , by how much the more easily it might haue been obserued . but he that knowes his dutie , may more easily doe it , then he that knowes it not . and if he know it , and addresse not himselfe to doe it , he shall be beaten with many stripes . for the third , if they vse these arts , as not knowing that they doe euill , they are not yet wholly excused . for euen this ignorance is a sinne , and deserueth punishment in it selfe . but what if it be wilfull and affected ignorance ? haue they not heard ? haue they no meanes of knowing it to be a sinne ? so they not consider , that the wisest and holiest of either sex contemne and condemne such vanities ? or are they not able to find out the reasons , why they doe vse them ? see they not that pride , vaine-glorie , adulterous affections , and such like , are the very motiues , that make them vse them ? affected ignorance of that , which a man ought to know , is a two fold euill ; one , that it is ignorance ; the other , that it is affected . and the simple and vnaffected ignorance of such things bee not so grieuous , yet in one respect it is more dangerous then when one sins of knowledge . for he that sinnes of ignorance , is farther of frō repentance , then he that sins of knowledge . for he that knowes his dutie , may more easily repent and leaue it , then either he that doth euill , and knowes not that he doth euill , or then he also that thinkes hee doth good , when he doth an euill , and so is so far from repenting of it , that he rather glories in it . they that vse these arts , doe iudge it better , safer , and more laudable , either not to paint and die themselues , or to paint and die themselues . if they hold the former , why cleaue they to the practise of such arts ? why chuse they not the better ? if they maintaine the latter , why are they loth to depart out of the world in that kind of brauery ? why doe they not condemne those , that altogether abstaine from such arts ? or what be their reasons of their opinion ? for my part , i thinke none to be so grosse , as to thinke it better , or so good . there are some , whose leaders seeme greatly to respect the ancient fathers and doctors of the church , and the conflitutions called apostolicall : but the fathers , as may appeare by their writings , quoted in this treatise , are altogether set against these arts and actions : and amongst those canons , this rule is giuen , noli depingere os tuum , quod fecit deus , that is , doe not paint thy face , which god hath made . why then should any that professe themselues the disciples of such their guides , as magnifie these ancients , giue themselues to such forbidden practises ? but it is to be noted , that though among women , and men too , of sundrie opinions in matters of religion , there are many differences and much discord , yet in the practise of pride and vanitie , there is great consent and concord . the diuell is a most politicke and pestilent enemie of man : hee cares not much , tho the manners of a man be good , if his faith be nought ; nor though his faith bee good , if his manners he wicked . and he knowes , that as pride shut him out of heauen , so pride likewise will shut men vp in hell . erasmus telles a prittie tale of a company of gallants , that were met at a banquet , al of them hauing their faces painted , vnlesse one phryne , the fairest of thē . it was thus ; their maner was at their feasts to make certaine sports or ieasts , and that whatsoeuer any of them began to doe , the rest must all of them follow . now phryne washt her face in a basin of water : and because her natural beauty was good , and her yeres fresh and flourishing , she lookt nothing the worser , but the better rather for it : whereas the rest doing the like , because they were al painted , they were al disgraced . but ( they say ) some are now adaies both more cunning & more costly , then that their art should be washt away with a little water . this is to trifle away and deuoure time , not to redeeme it . this is not to buy time , but to sell it for nought . this art is worse then ignorance : this curiosity is more to be blamed ; then carelesnes . and of them that vse it , it may be said , they loue the praise of men more , then the promise of god , who delights in plainnesse , not in deceitfulnes ; in verity , not in hypocrisie . the eie of purity and iustice cannot abide falshood and counterfeiting , as not counterfet money , counterfet men , counterfet friends , counterfet wares , counterfet zeale , counterfet deuotion , so not counterfet greatnes , counterfet wealth , counterfet beautie . i would faine know what a man would haue counterfet , or what counterfet and base thing , hee would haue put vpon him , as true , naturall and proper . a friend , a wife , a child , a father , an horse or dog , fire , water , meat , mony ? what , nothing , nothing ? why thē beauty ? would any be deceiued with art in stead of nature ? no why then shold any deceiue another , if he wold not be deceiued by another or why shold any study to get the praise of another by that , for the which , if hee did espie it , he would not beslow his praise vpon another ? and how ill is a man beholding to himselfe , when hee takes paines , and is at cost to bring an ill name vpon himselfe ? for were he not vaine and deceitful within , he would not expresse and shew it without . and he that is false and deceitful in trifles , how can he bee trusted in matters of greater importance ? but it is not enough for these dyars and painters to do euil , but they will also defend it , and to this purpose they bring the psalmist vpon the stage , as if he taught or allowed these arts . but wheras the psalmist saith , that god gaue men oyle to make the face shine , without doubt he meant it not by tincture or dying ( for we may not make the holy ghost to war with himselfe ) but some other way . for oyle is wholesome to eate , it cheereth the hart , & a chearefull hart causeth a cheareful countenance . besides , oile is vsed for lights or lampes , which illuminate the eies , and so some expound it . and again , if the face be rubbed or annointed with it , it helpeth the natural color , because it heateth and cheereth the bloud . euseb . saith , that oyle is phaidropoiòn , making the face of those that are annointed with it , diathgête , càilampràn , bright & shining . with the anointing of oyle , wherwith the men of old time annointed their heads ( saith ianssonius ) they did procure vnto themselues , and demonstrate gladnes of mind : wherefore also the lord , as witnesseth ambrose , inuiting those that fast , to a cheerefulnesse of spirit , saith , annoint thine head with oyle . wholphius likewise saith , it is the nature of oyle to warme the body , and to defend it against colds , & to refresh the mēbers . muscul . writeth , that oyle was giuen to make the body bright and cheerefull , the vse wherof was fitter for hot countries , then cold : & that god prepared the mitigation of oyle against the outward labefactation of the body : by the vse whereof not only the clearenes of the skin might be preserued or repaired , but also other burts and annoiances cured . bellar. thus also writeth , that he might cheere vp the face with oyle , i. that mā might make his face cheerfull with oile brought forth by thee : for he gaue wine to cheer vp the heart : and he also gaue oyle , either to annoint and cleare the face , or else to eate , as theodoretus teacheth , to wit , that being mingled among hearbes and pulse , it might make the meat more pleasing , and that man might make his face cheerefull in tasting of that meate ; or that god might make the face of man cheerefull with oyle , whilest he giueth him meate seasoned with oyle . for the face appeareth clearer , when a man is nourished with those things , that haue a good relish or sauor . lombard according to s. austin expounds it thus : that man might exbilarate , that is , cheere vp ; his face , that is , his minde ; with oyle , that is , with some grace of the holy spirit , by which he is made to be gracious with others . mollerus , and diuers others also not altogether disliking , maketh the words to sound thus , and wine , that maketh glad the heart of man , and his face to shine more then oyle . but whatsoeuer the interpreters speake here of oyle , i finde in them no one sillable for fucation or painting , which saint chrysostome saith is a deformitie , a superfluitie , and an inuention of the diuell . that which diogenes sometimes said to a certaine youth too curiously drest , may bee fitly applied to any of our youths , that vse these curious arts , if thou goest to men , all this is but in vaine , if vnto women , it is wicked . they are ill beholding to their wits , that would maintaine this kind of tincture lawfull , because one of iobs faire daughters was called keren-happuk , * conustiby : whereby was signified , not that she was painted ( for her naturall beautie was so perfect , that shee needed not ) : but that she had , as pineda with others noteth , not onely very faire eyes , but whatsoeuer also other women are wont to procure vnto themselues by painting and medicines : who also sheweth , it is not the least praise of women , or commendation of their beautie , that they vse not such artificiall trimming of their bodies . where the hebrew . in the 3. of esay hath wandring , or rolling eyes , a man both learned , and godly , saith , thas the germane interpreter hath facie cerussatâ , a painted face , to vpbraid women with their painting or dying , wherewith they counterfeit rednesse of their cheekes and lips , indeuouring to the contumely of god their maker , to be fairer then they were borne . but they will thus pleade , saith he , what euill is it , if by these arts i shall intice an husband to like me ? to whom hee answereth two things . first : non pellicies nisi stolidum & vecordem , thou shalt allure none , but a foole and dizzard . for what wise man will be wooed or wonne by pictures ? who that rightly feareth god , and is not miserably transported by a spirituall furie , will bestow his affection vpon the diuise of a foolish woman ; which belongs indeed to the worke of the most wise creator ? but natiue beautie is his worke : but a scitious and adusterine is her owne , or his rather , that taught her first to sinne . ouid speaking of lucretia saith , that forme and beautie pleaseth , which is made by no art ; it is indeed pleasing both to god and man. artificiall fauour and beautie becomes only artificial creatures , as statues , images , & the like but if the heart were wel sifted , as it is indeed seeme to god , who doth search the heart , and trie the reines , i feare it will be found , that our married listers lie and paint themselues to content themselues , their flesh , being discontented with that , they haue , and are . nec enim content a decore ingenuo mentitur faemina formam , saith prudentius : that is , they counterfet beautie by their their arts , because thy are not content with their own beautie , which they haue by nature . now this sollicitude ( and vnquietnesse ) about beautie is an argument ( saith saint cyprian ) of an ill mind , and of deformitie . she is alway miserable , that pleases not her selfe , as she is . why is the colour of the haire changed ? what means this suffusoation of her eies ? wherefore is the face by art altered into another forme ? and after al this , why doth she consult with her looking glasse , but because she is afraid , lest she should be she , which she is indeed ? but be it , saith the said learned writer ; thou maiest allure and draw on another , that is no foole , into the net : but when he shall see himselfe deceiued , and that there is nothing but a faire counterfet out-side ( non fuci praemium iurgia feres , & c ? ) shall not thy painting and litting be rewarded with chiding and vnkindnesse ? assuredly the gaines , that such deceiuers get , being once discouered , ( and lies it not long ) they may put in their eyes , and see neuer a whit lesse . but howsoeuer some may pretend they vse these arts to get them husbands , with whom they meane to liue honestly in lawful wedlock , as they would make vs beleeue ( tho not the least euill should bee done that the greatest good might come thereof ) yet are there a number , whom the earth is weary any longer to beare , which vse these arts of purpose to win men to commit folly with them for lust , or lucre sake : whom wee may rightly call the diuils faire-ones , to whom belongeth the blacknesse of darknes for euer , which in this estate they cannot possibly escape . either they must repent , and burne these bellowes of concupiscence , and cast away these matches of carnalitie , these instruments of just and vanitie , or themselues must burne for euer in that lake , that burneth with fire and brimstone , being vtterly cast out of the sight of god , and for euer . and all ye that are the daughters of god , and handmaidens of your lord and sauiour , that true-virginman , and eternal god , christ iesus , please your father , doe his will , and not the diuels : and follow your lord , who hath gone before you in humilitie , modestie , chastity and all godly simplicitie . haue before your eyes his blessed mother , and a certaine conuert of her sex , and name and time : and think on sarah , the mother of faithful women : who serued god their father in al sinceritie , wore their owne haire , appeared both at home and abroad in their owne colours , and abhorred all these immodest , wanton , proud and vaine deceits , the inuentions of idle braines , and exercises of idle people , that are neuer lesse idle , then when they bee most idle . reade , and reade againe the sayings of bathshebah , and the exhortations of saint paul , & saint peter . and for euer remember what was threatned to the proud wantons of your sex in israel by the lord himselfe in esay . on which a certaine learned germane doctor , sometime principall professor of theology in the vniuersitie of wittenberg , commenting thus writeth , obseruent hîc mulieres , &c. let women here learne not to pranke it with their haire and painted face , and allure men vnto lust . and let them haue in their sight the painted face of iezabel , and her head curiously and immodestly dressed , the which dogges did deueure . remember ye not , that are married , how he , that married you to your husbands , in the day and houre of your marriage prayed vnto god for you in the prayers of the church , vnto which yee said , amen , that ye might be followers of godly & holy matrons ? who ( i am sure ) all vnto one detest and despise these arts & actions , as abominations , as vnbeseeming women professing sinceritie and godly purenesse ; and becomming only light skirts , and proud & idlewomen that delight in nothing more then pride , and pranking and pleasing of their flesh . now what ye praied for then , labour to performe alwaies after . ye pray but ill , except ye be carefull to practise well . desires are not respected , when deeds are altogether neglected . men and women too , will keepe state , and stand vpon their points ; why then should christian men & women neglect their state , and admit of things , that misbecome their calling ? but as s. ierome saith , nec affectatae sordes , nec exquisitae munditiae conueniunt christiano , i. neither affected slutterie , nor exquisit brauery become a christian , whose true inward glory is but il matched with a false outward glasse . but a woman , that vseth these arts , will say , if i were certaine that to paint or die my skin or haire were a sinne , i would not doe it for all the world . i answere , art thou sure it is not a sinne ? wilt thou doe a thing , that thou art not certaine thou mayest do ? the rule prescribed thee is this , linque incertum , leaue that , whereof thou art not certaine . dost thou stand in doubt of this painting ? then forbeare it , leaue it , vse it not . vse not that , for which thou hast no faith , no ground for thy beliefe . thou art sure it is no sinne not to paint , of this thou art out of all doubt , as thou hast iust cause indeed . then paint not thy selfe , but abstaine , and so thou shalt doe well , and shalt find peace in thine heart . adherre to this , thou art sure of : and hold of thine hand from that , thou art not sure of . yea , but thou wilt say , if it be a sinne , it is the transgression of the law : but what law doth it transgresse ? i answer , it is against the law and order of nature , which produceth and appointeth euery creature to appeare in his owne personall forme , fauor , haire , skin and colour . and it is a manifest transgression of the word of god , which is the law and light of a godly man. for first , when pride of heart doth cause it , it is against that law , that forbids pride , and commands humilitie . secondly , when an whorish or lasciuious humour doth produce it , it transgresseth the precept , which requires holinesse and chastitie , and forbiddeth fornication , adulterie , and all vncleannesse . thirdly , because it is scandalous , and of ill report . therefore it is against the lawes , that forbid offences , and inioyne the meditation and pursuit of those things , that are of a good report with men of vnderstanding , and of the best report and repute in the church of god. fourthly , because it is against the practise and preaching of the grauest and soundest doctors and fathers of the church , that either are now , or haue been heretofore , it is against the fifth commandement , that saith , honor thy father and thy mother ; and against that speech of the apostle saint paul to the hebrewes , saying , obey them that haue the rule ouer you , and submit your selues . fifthlie , because they that vse these arts , mispend their time which god hath but lentthē , and that for no such purposes ; they are theeues , sinning against that precept , that saith , thou shalt not steale . sixthly , because sillie women and foolish youthes , make themselues wiser and more subtill , then their teachers , that would perswade them to leaue such vanities ( yea , these very same ) refusing to be instructed by them , they sinne against god , who saith , be not wise in thine owne eyes . and againe , the priests lippes shall preserue knowledge : and they , that is , the people , shall seeke the law at his mouth , and not out of their owne braines . for he ( and not they ) is the messenger of the lord of hosts . seuenthly , when people paint and die themselues to deceiue their neighbors , or to intise a man or woman , to loue them , and marrie them , or to gaine their praises to their counterfeit beautie , as if it were true and naturall , this is against the law , that commaunds vpright dealing , and forbids deceit and falshood . yea finally , hee loues not god with all his heart , that would haue that affection or commendation , giuen to a picture , or peece of art , which is due to the worke of god , and his handmaide nature , and which no man of vnderstanding , and true deuotion would giue , if hee doe perceiue the fraud . neither doth hee loue his neighbour , as himselfe , nor do to his neighbour , as he would haue his neighbour doe to him , that goes about to deceiue and beguile his neighbour , making him beleeue by vaine flourishes and outward shewes that that is , which is not , and that that is not , which is indeed . these things wee haue toucht already , and therefore thus i end mine answer . yea , but mee thinkes , i heare some spaniard say , that lessius , and other theatines , his fathers-confessors , and the great proctors of the romish religion , do hold it lawfull , that in spaine , where the sunne beame doth swart their women ; it should be permitted to them to paint , as a conciliation of loue between them and their husbands , and therefore hee will require it of her to giue contentment , and to winne her selfe fauour in other companie . surely it is a doctrine that doth well enough become the iesuites , who as they are the great masters of lying , equiuocation , and mentall reseruation , so doe they make no difficultie , to teach that it is lawfull to belie the face , and the complexion . secondly , it well enough beseemes the church of rome , who as shee is the mother of spiritual fornications , magicke , sorcerie and witchcraft . so hath god giuen her ouer to defile her selfe with corporall polutions and fornications , not onely to giue allowance to publike stewes and brothel-houses , but that the masse it self ( which is the master peece of the papacie ) should be made the baude to much vncleannesse , as is well knowne by their masses at midnight , & their morning matins before day . and therfore this old romish iesabel , as she hath painted her owne face with the faire shew of many goodly ceremonies , of antiquity and succession , and multitude of her professors , thereby to set the world at a gaze , so in this particular also she doth tollerate the abuses of her children . thirdly , to husbands that require this obedience from their wiues , wee oppose the apostles rule , who requireth children , seruants , and generally al inferiours , to obey them , to whom they are in subiection onely in the lord , that is , in those things wherein the lawes of god and nature may not be violated and infringed . and lastly , whereas they require it of their wiues out of a carnall respect and sensualitie , the apostle biddeth them to dwell with their wiues according to knowledge : and what greater point of prudence discretion and moderate affection can there bee , then for a man so to cohabite with his wife , as to haue a respectfull care of the children that are to bee borne of them , whose health , and strength , and comlinasse of body , is by meanes of this painting greatly indangered and endamaged , the contagious effects which it breedeth in the mother , hereditarily descending vpon her child , and therefore is well compared by doct. de saguna , to originall sinne , which propagateth it selfe by generation , to whose testimony i referre you , set downe heere in the beginning of this booke , a sone who out of his great experience , and the grounds of his art of phisick laboureth to dehort his countrie women of spaine from this pargetting and rough-casting of their faces by painting . now because this sinne goeth not alone , but as it selfe is vsed to a prouocation and incitement to lust , so lust that it may accomplish its desire , will not sticke to stoope to practise loue-potions by charmes and socerie , yea rather then faile , wil make its way by bloud ; let me therefore touch a little vpon these neighbour sinnes . as vnto the bodies of men diseases are very dangerous , especially if they be let run , and not withstood in time , euen so are sinnes vnto their soules . and as by obedience vnto god , and a vertuous conuersation among men , peace and al good blessings from heauen may bee lookt for for godlinesse ( as the apostle teacheth ) is profitable vnto all things , hauing promise of the life , that now is , and of that which is to come : so by disobedience and wicked sinning against god , his wrath was kindled , good things are hindred , and his iudgements , which are fearefull and intollerable , are most iustly procured . vpon the wicked ( saith dauid ) hee shall raine suaires , fire and brimstone , and an horrible tempest ; this shall bee the portion of their cup. but as some diseased are more noxius and offensiue to the body , then others : so some sinnes are more foule and hainous then others , and will not let the lord alone , but are euer crying in his eares for vengeance ; and therefore should be preuented with greater care , and purged with greater sorrow and deprecation . it is that we are fallen into those perillous times ( prophecied of by saint paul ) in which men shal be proud , vnthankfull , vnholy , traytors , ambitious , incontinent , bloodie , despisers of those that are good , louers of pleasures more then of god , hauing the forme of godlinesse , but denying the power thereof . and with our eyes we see that true , which esay speaketh ; let fauour ( saith he ) bee shewed to the wicked , yet will hee not learne righteousnesse : in the land of vprightuesse will be deale vniustly , and will not behold the maiestie of the lord. see wee not what the lord hath done for this nation , how hee hath planted his church among vs , and giuen vs peace on all sides round about vs ? see we not how hee hath giuen vs his gospell and all his ordinances of saluation , and leaue to vse them freely , openly , & falsely in all tranquilitie ? see we not how hee hath blest vs with two such noble and vertuous princes , one most happily succeeding another , such as in truth the whole world since the beginning of their reignes ( which is now neere 60. yeeres ) is not able to match in either sex in all their royall and christian indowments , and how hee hath protected them to this very day ( someties in a manner miraculously ) against the many , barbarous and diuellish treacheries , and trayterous machiuelions and attempts of their wicked aduersaries ? see wee not with what ease and clemency their gouernments haue continued , and what flouds of temporall fauours haue streamed from the heauens by them vnto vs ; so as that we may say with dauid : the lord is with vs : he hath prepared a table before vs , in the presence of our enemies : hee hath annointed our heads with oyle , and our cuprunneth ouer ? psalm . 23. 4. 5. and yet for all this , the wicked will not amend . but most horrible and transcendent villanies , most grieuous and foule enormities breake out among vs , to the dishonour of god , the disgrace of religion , the shame of their countrie , the griefe of their king , and of all good christian hearts , in so much , that if there were not amongst vs those , that mourned for these euils , which vngodly men reioyce to commit , and but that ( thankes bee to god for it ) there is an exact and iust proceeding against ali such enormious persons , wee might well haue feared some notable and fearefull iudgement had been neere vnto vs. now all sinnes deserue ill with god , but some there are , that for their heinousnesse are said to crie in the eares of the lord , such as is the sinne of murder , as appeares by the speech of god to caine , after he had murdered his brother abel . what hast thou done , saith god ? the voyce of thy brothers blood crieth vnto mee from the ground : genesis 4. 10. this sinne was so fearefull to dauid , as that with a carefull and pensiue heart he prayed against it vnto god , deliuer mee from bloud guiltinesse , o god , thou god of my saluation : psalm . 51. 14. and speaking of bloody people , he saith , the lord will abborre the bloody and deceitfull man : psalm . 5. 6. and againe : the bloodie and deceitfull man shall not liue out halfe his dayes : genesis 9. 5. and indeede the blood of the life of a man is so precious in gods eye , as that hee telles noah and his sonnes , that he will require the bloud of man at the hand both of man and beast . and to stay vs from this so vnnaturall a sinne , besides his commandement , that forbids it , he shewes that euen the praiers of murderers shall find no fauour with him , so long as their sinne cleaues vnto them . when ye spread forth your hands , saith he , i will hide mine eyes from you : yea , when yee make many prayers , i will not heare : your hands are full of blood . and if we marke the dealings of god with murders , it wil appeare that very seldom , or neuer , they scape vnpunished , but by one meanes or other , he finds them out , and meets with them , though it be by suffering them to murder themselues . the first murderer in the world , caine was not indeed kild by god : but hee was suffered to liue such a life , in such torments of conscience and frightings , as if he had had an hell within him , wandring vp and downe like a vagabond vpon the earth , that whosoeuer saw him , and was acquainted with the curse of god , that went along with him , could not but bee terrified from committing murder . abimelech out of ambition murdered 70. of his brethren , but after had his braine-pan crackt by a woman , and was kild out-right by one of his owne men at his owne command . cambyses , the son of cyrus shot a noble mans sonne to the heart with an arrow wittingly , and made his owne brother to bee murdered priuily , and slue his sister for reprouing him for that deede : but at last as hee was riding , hee fell downe vpon the point of his sword , which had fallen out of the scabbard , and so was slaine . cassius and brutus , that had helpt to murder iulius caesar in the senate , was afterwards murdered by themselues . phocas , that had like a barbarous traytor murdered mauricius the emperour his master , was at last taken and put to a most cruell death . hemichild murdered his lord albenius a king of lombardie , as hee was in bed . rosimund his queene hauing her hand in the said murder : but the lord was euen with them both . for shee thinking to haue poisoned him after , made him drinke halfe her poyson , which he feeling in his vaines presently staied his draught , and made her drinke vp the remainder , and so they died both together . ethelbert king of the east-angles vniustly and deceitfully murdered at the perswasion of offa ( the king of mercia ) his queene ; which queene liued not a quarter of a yeere after , and in her death was so tormented , that she bither tong ( which she had abused to the causing of that murther ) in peeces with her teeth . selimus , a turkish emperour murthered his father baiazet by poyson : but not many yeeres after , god tooke him into his hands , and smote him with a most lothsome and stinking disease , which spread ouer all his body , and at length kild him . calippus that slue dian , his familiar friend , and committed many other murders , afterwards liued an exile , and great necessities , and at length was kild himselfe . and for dauid himselfe , whose hand had been defiled with blood , the lord ( notwithstanding his great repentance ) did seuerely chasten him . the lord had threatned him saying , the sword shall neuer depart from thine house : behold , i wil raise vp euil against thee out of thine own house ; and so indeed it came to passe . for one of his sons killd another , and by his owne child hee had liked to haue lost his kingdome . and as the almightie god is iust in punishing of murders : so likewise his prouidence watcheth to discouer them , that murderers sildome or neuer lie hid , but first or last they are discouered . it is strange to consider , how murders haue been detected , sometimes by dogges , as that of lothbroke the dane , of hesiode the poet , and a certaine souldier of king pyrrus , from whose dead body his dog could not be wonne , but fawning vpon the king , as desirous of his aide , the king commanded all his souldiers to come along by him by two and two in a ranke , till at length the murderers came , on whom the dog flew , as if hee would haue killed them , and turning to the king ran againe vpon them , whereupon they were examined , and forth with they confest the fact , and receiued their punishment . somtimes they haue bin discouered by birds , as bessus ( who had murdered his father ) by swallowes ; whom when he heard to chatter , his guiltie conscience wrought him to think that they said in their gibberish , that bessus had kild his father : so that now no longer able to containe himselfe , hee confest his villany , and was put to death for it . the murder of the poet ibycus was discouered by cranes : and luther speakes of the murder of a certaine germane , which was detected by crowes : who also with melancton saw a notable discouerie of a murder made by a young fellow at isenacum , who hauing kild his host , and took from him all his money , began to make hast away : but by the iudgement of god , and terrors of his owne conscience , hee was so frighted and amazed , that he was not able to stirre one foot before hee was taken . a certaine merchant trauelling to paris , was in the way murdered by his man : now as the murder was a doing , a blind man being led by his dogge passed by , and hearing one grone , asked who it was ? to whom the murtherer answered , it was a sickeman going to ease himselfe . but it so fell out after , that this treacherous fellow was in question for the murder of his master : but he denied it : the blindman also was heard of , and brought to the murtherer , and twentie men were caused to speake one after another , and still the blind man was askt , if he knew their voyces : at last when the murtherer had spoken , he knew his voice , & said , this is the man , which answered me on the mountaine . this course was often vsed , and still the blind man named the same , and neuer fained . whereupon the court condemned him to death , and before he died , he cōfest the fact . but what need we go so far for examples , euen this very yere in lancashire was there a villanous murder strangely discouered by a young boy : which story , i hope , wil by some that exactly know it , hereafter be declared and published . in like maner also the murder of sir tho. ouerburie in the tower , though it lay hid some time , yet at length by the prouidence of heauen it is discouered . diuers that haue been found guiltie of that cruell and most mercilesse murder , haue bin condemned to death for the same and hangd ; who though they would faine haue shifted of the fault , and pleaded , not guiltie , as though they had bin innocent , yet it pleased god still before their deaths to touch their hearts , that they did ingeniously confesse their fault , and did beg of god the pardon of it . this sinne of murder is so grieuous , that it cries aloud and shrill , and will not leaue the lord , till he haue disclosed it : many and admirable are the waies , wherby god hath discouered it : some i haue already set downe , and many other might be named , but that i meane not to be large . all which should teach vs to detest and decline this sinne , which shuts mens prayers out of heauen , and puls downe the iudgements of god vpon thē . and the greatest mercy , that god vses to shew to murderers , which repent , is this , that he saues them as it were by death , and preserues their soules from hell by deliuering vp their bodies into the hands of magistrates , his ministers , to take away their liues from thē by law , as they haue taken away the liues of others against law . but among all the deuises of murderers , which are many , these italian deuises by poisoning are most vile and diuelish , and they say , an englishman italianated is a diuell incarnated . if these arts should come in once amongst vs , who shal be secure ? here can a mā see who hurts him , & how shal a mā preuent the blow , if he see not the arme that strikes him ? yea here a man shal be made away vnder the pretext of friendship , yea , hee shall perhaps thank a man for that , that is made to destroy him , which hath death lapt vp in it , which thinks is sent or giuen him as a tokan of loue vnto him . god deliuer vs from these euils , and strengthen the hearts and hands of our magistrates , to cut off all such offenders without respect of persons . but besides this sinne of blood , there are diuers others , which are accessaries thereunto ; the very staine of religion , and the bane of humane society , as pride , ambition , witchcraft , whoredome , and the mother and nurse of all disobedience to the ministerie of the word . against euery of which i will speake a little shewing some notable iudgements of god vpon sundrie persons , that haue therein offended . of pride and ambition . and to begin with pride and ambition , sins hatefull before god and man. these things spoiled the angels of their felicitie , and man of his immortalitie . they were bred in heauen , but they bring to hel . they were throwne out of heauen , and were neuer so fortunate as to find the way thither againe . they are the spoile of vertues , the source of vices , the roots of euils , the disgraces of religion , by remedies they beget diseases and by medecines maladies . the bountie of the ambitious is shewne to rich men , and their patience is for vanitie . when they are aduanced , they are proud and full of bosting , non curant prodesse , sed gloriantur praeesse , and they think themselues better , because they see themselues greater , neither are they thankfull for those degrees of honour , they haue attained to , but they are discontented for lacke of those , they would attaine to . for their desire lookes not backe from whence they sprang , but whither they gang . and it often fares with ambitious men , that haue great estates , as with such , as weare their choates too long , which makes them , if they take not the better heed , to stumble , fall and hurt themselues . but if men would wel weigh with themselues the instabilitie of al earthly things , and consider the iudgements of god vpon ambitious and proud people , whom for their very pride hee doth resist , it would doubtlesse abate their swelling spirits , and teach them to bee lowly-minded . tho. rogers , esquire , of the instabilitie of fortune , written to the earle of hartford . boautie is like a faire , but fading flower . riches are like a bubble in a sireame . great strength is like a fortified tower. honour is like a vaine , but pleasing dreame . we see the fairest flowers soone fade away . bubbles doe quickly vanish like the wind . strong towers are rent , and doe in time decay . and dreames are but illusions of the mind . call but to mind the iudgements of god vpon the proud and ambitious , as on lucifer and his fellows , our first parents , abimelecke , absalon , haman , scnacherih , nebuchadnezzar , olofernes , antiochus , herod , alladius , apryes , caligula , domitian , alexander , timotheus the athenian , aiax , capaneus : and but marke his dealings with the proud and hautie of the world , that neither know god nor man , neither themselues nor others , and then shalt thou bee forced to confesse , that there is a god that abaseth the proud , which ( as dauid saith . psalm . 119 ) are cursed , and erre from gods commandements . and here i cannot but magnifie the wisedome , and honourable proceeding of our state , in detecting and pursuing malefactors of these our times , who hauing carried their leaud practises with a great deale of hautinesse , of secresie and securitie , thought the world , fortuna non arte regi , to bee guided by chance , not by any steddy course of diuine prouidence . but their punishment hath cleared this doubt , absoluitque deos , hath iustified god in his righteous dealing , so that all the world is ready to say with dauid , verily there is a reward for the righteous : doubtlesse there is a god that iudgeth the earth , psalm . 58. 10. one of the offenders hauing made a profitable vse of her arraignement and conuiction , did confesse to the glorie of god , being truly humbled by hearty repentance , that shee was hainously guilty of the murther of sir thomas ouerburie , and was iustly condemned for the same , detesting her former life led in poperie , pride and sensualitie , and exhorting the assistants with much earnestnes to leaue off their yellow bands , and of garish fashions , the very inuentions of the diuell . i wish that her words might take impression in those that heard them , and her example serue others for instruction . of adulterie . i am now come to speake of whoredome , and to shew some of the iudgements of god against it . true it is , that marriage is honorable in al , and the bed vndefiled : but whoremongers and adulterers god wil iudge . god did seuerely chastise dauid for his adultery . for the child so gotten he tooke away , and suffered his daughter thamar to be rauished by his sonne ammon , and his concubines to be defiled by absalom his sonne , that was so deare vnto him , rodoaldus a king of lombardy was slaine , as he was in the very act of adulterie . olrichbertus , eldest sonne to lotharius , a king of france , died as he was embracing his whore . luther somwhere speaks of a noble man so sensuall and whorish , that he slucke not to say , that , if this life of pleasure and harlot-hunting would last euer , he would not eare for heauen , or eternall life . but the filthy wretch died among his harlots , being strucken with a sudden stroke of gods vengeance . messelina , the wife of claudicus the emperour , was a woman of rare in continency . she fell at last in loue with one silius , a faire young gentleman , and that she might marrie him ( tho the emperour her husband was aliue ) she caused his wife sillana to be diuorced , and so married him : for the which after the complaint and suite of the nobles to the emperour , shee was put to death . this sin of adulterie was odious euen among the heathen , as appeareth by the slorie of abimeleck , genes . 26. by the practise of the turkes and tartars , and of aurelianus , who for terrour sake , adiudged one of his souldiers to a cruell death for adulterating his hostisse ; as also by the law of iulia , by which all adulterers were sentenced to die ; and by the words of queene hecuba in euripides , who would haue it made a law , that euery wife should die , that gaue her chastitie to another man. and how vnpleasing this sin is vnto god , any man may see , that reades the lawes , he gaue vnto his people the iewes , by the which adulterers were to bee put to death , or which considers what the apostle writes in sundry places , in which he sheweth , that whoremongers and adulterers shall not inherit the kingdome of god , 1. cor. 6. gal. 5. of witchcraft . bvt there is yet another sin behind , which is very sacrilegious , and altogether derogatorie to the glory of god , and dishonourable to all christian men , which is witchcraft , or all those curious arts and deuises , that are wrought by the diuell , whether it bee superstitious diuination , or iugling , or incantation , in the doing whereof , euery witch is at a league with the diuell , open or secret , and doth wittingly and willingly vse his helpe . this saint paul ( gal. 5. ) numbers vp among the deeds of the flesh , and threatneth them , that vse it , with the losse of heauen . almightie god ( in deut. 18. 10. ) forbids all kinds of witches and witcheries , as abominations vnto him , and for the which he driue out the nations out of canaan , and in leuit. 20. he bids , that a man or woman , that hath a familiar spirit , or that is a wizzard , bee put to death . and he is so bent against this hellish sinne , that he saith expressely ( in leuit. 20. 6. ) that the soule , that turneth after such , as haue familiar spirits , and after wizards , to goe a whoring after . i will euen set my face against that soule , and will cut him off from amongst my people . but behold some of the iudgements of god vpon magicians and witches . platina with others testifie that pope ione obtained the papacy by magique : but after she had been papesse some two yeeres , and a little more , she ( being thought an he ) fell in trauell of a child in the open streetes , as shee was going to the church of lateran , in which shee died ? bladud , the sonne of lud king of brittaine , was giuen much to these blacke arts , and wrought wonders by them : at last he made himselfe wings , and assaied to flie , but the diuell forsooke him in his iourney , so that falling downe he broke his necke . plutarch speakes of a notable witch , called cleomedes , who being pursued by diuers that had had their children kild by him , hid himselfe in a coffer , which when they came to search vpon notice giuen them , they found not the murdering witch in it : for the diuell had carried him quicke away with him . a witch cald cold in lorraine would suffer pistols to bee shot at him , and catch the bullets , as they were a comming : but at length one of his seruants being angry with him , so shot him with a pistoll , that he kild him ? benedict the 9 , a pope , and a magitian , was ( as some write ) strangled to death by the diuell in a forest , whither he had retired to follow his coniuring exercises . cornelius aggrippa , a notable magitian died but basely . simon magus likewise perished in his slight , the diuell forsaking him at the word of s. peter . simon pembroke , a figure-caster of saint georges parish neere london , was presented for a coniurer , and being in saint sauiours church , where he was warned to appeare , he was suddēly strucken by the hand of god , and there died , and there being searcht , there were found about him diuers coniuring bookes , with a picture of a man of tinne , and much other trash . and it is reported , that the inuenter of magicke , zeorastres , a king of bactria , was burned to death by the diuel . and i pray you what got saul by his witch-seeking ? was not his destructiō told him , which accordingly came to passe ? and buchanan telles vs , how naxlicus , a scotish king , was slaine euen by the man , whom hee had sent vnto a witch , to inquire of the successe of his affaires , and of the length of his life , the witch hauing afore told the fellow , that hee was the man that should slay him ▪ by all which we plainely see , that god is offended with these diuellish arts , and all that vse them . how is it then to be lamented , that in this cleare light of the gospell , there should be found amongst vs ( to the dishonour of god , and of his religion , and the infamie of our nation ) men that haue yeelded themselues disciples , students and practicioners in these hollish arts , which saint iohn calleth , the deepe things of satan , reuel . 1. 24. and haue fearefully prostituted themselues to become base instruments and vassals to act and accomplish the hests and commands of wicked ones , vpon whom , though the iustice of the state hath taken hold , as one w●ston and franklin , and hath made them publique spectacles of wrath to the terror of others , yet considering the open signes of their true penitencie , we are to hope charitably of them , and to say of them , as s. paul doth in another case , 1. cor. 5. 5. that they were deliuered ouer vnto death , to the destruction of the flesh , that their spirit might bee saued in the day of the lord iesus . and i desire all men by the mercies of god , to abhorre and forsake all such vngodlinesse , and to deucte themselues vnto god alone , their maker and redeemer , studying to serue him in righteousnesse and holines all the daies of their life . for obedience is better then sacrifice , and to hearken then a the fat of rammes . and the truth is , that all the plagues and iudgements , that euer came vpon the children of israel , light vpon them for their rebellion against god , and their disobedience to his word . and questionlesse it is come to passe by the iust iudgement of god that these offenders , we haue spoken of , and haue lately seene cut of , were giuen ouer of god , and left vnto themselues , because they listened not vnto him , but were disobedient vnto his word . o this disobedience , it is as the sinne of witchcraft , and idolatrie , it is in truth the mother and nurse of all iniquitie . god hath two sorts of iudgements ; iudgements for men to keepe , and iudgements for men to beare : and god hath two sorts of ministers ; ministers of his word , and ministers of his sword : now it is iust with god that they , which will not keepe his iudgements ; should vndergo his iudgements , and that they that wil not be reformed by his word , should be punished and cut off with the sword , and that such as regard not the power and doctrine of ministers , should feele to their smart , the authoritie and force of magistrates . the great god of heauen and earth , euen the father of our lord and sauiour iesus christ , be mercifull vnto vs , and forgiue vs our sinnes , all our abominable and crying offences , keepe backe and remoue his iudgements from vs , continue his blessings amongst vs , preserue and prosper our noble king and all his kingdomes , detect and bring vnder all his enemies , and grant vs truth and peace and loue , through iesus christ our lord , amen . trin-vni deo gloria . the pictvr of a pictvr , or , the character of a painted woman . she is a creature , that had need to be twice defined ; for she is not that she seemes . and though shee bee the creature of god , as she is a woman , yet is she her owne creatrisse , as a picture . indeed a plaine woman is but halfe a painted woman , who is both a substantiue and an adiectiue , and yet not of the neuter gender : but a feminine as well consorting with a masculiue , as iuie with an ash . she loues grace so well , that she will rather die , then lacke it . there is no truth with her to fauour , no blessing to beautie , no conscience to contentment . a good face is her god : and her cheeke well died , is the idoll , she doth so much adore . too much loue of beautie , hath wrought her to loue painting : and her loue of painting hath transformed her into a picture . now her thoughts , affections , talke , studie , worke , labour , and her very dreames are on it . yet all this makes her but a cynamon tree , whose barke is better then her bodie ; or a peece of guilded copper offered for current gold . she loues a true looking-glasse , but to commend age , wants and wrinkles , because otherwise she cannot see to lay her falshood right . her body is ( i weene ) of gods making : and yet it is a question ; for many parts thereof she made her selfe . view her well , and you'ill say her beautie 's such , as if shee had bought it with her pennie . and to please her in euery of her toies , would make her maide runne besides her wits , if she had any . shee 's euer amending , as a begger 's a peecing , yet is she for all that no good penitent . for she loues not weeping . teares and mourning would marre her making : and she spends more time in powdring , pranking and painting , then in praying . shee 's more in her oyntments a great deale , then in her orizons . her religion is not to liue wel , but die well . her pietie is not to pray well , but to paint well . she loues confections better a great deale , then confessions , and delights in facing and feasting more , then fasting . religion is not in so great request with her , as riches : nor wealth so much as worship . she neuer chides so heartilie , as when her box is to seeke , her powder 's spilt , or her clothes ill set on . a good bed-friend shee 's commonly , delighting in sheetes more , then in shooes , making long nights , and short daies . all her infections are but to gaine affections ; for she had rather die , then liue & not please . her lips she laies with so fresh a red , as if she sang , iohn come kisse me now . yet it 's not out of loue , excepting self-loue , that she so seekes to please , but for loue , nor from honesty , but for honor : t is not piety , but praise that spurres her . she studies to please others , but because she wold not be displeas'd her self . and so she may fulfil her own fancy , she cares not who els she doth befoole . a name she preferres to nature , and makes more account of fame , then faith . and though shee do affect singularity , yet she loues plurality of faces . she is nothing like her self , saue in this , that she is not like her self . she sildō goes without a paire of faces , and she s furnisht with stuffe to make more if need be . she saies a good archer must haue 2. strings to his bow , but she hath hers bent both at once : yet you must not say , she weares 2. faces vnder one hood ; for that she 's left long since to t'hawks , & hath got her headgeare that pleases her better ; not because better , but nower . her own sweet face is the booke she most lookes vpon ; this she reads ouer duly euery morning , specially if she be to shew her self abroad that day : & as her eie or chābermaid teaches her , somtimes she blots out pale , & writes red . the face she makes i' th day , she vsually marrs i th' night , & so it s to make a new the nexr day . her haire 's sildom her own , or if the substance , then not the shew , & her face likes her not , if not borrowed . and as for her head , that 's drest , and hung about with toies & deuises , like the signe of a tauern , to draw on such as see her . and somtimes is writtē on her forhead , as on the dolfin at cambridge in capital letters , è pithi , è àpithi , like or look of . she s marriageable & 15. at a clap , and afterwards she doth not liue , but long . and if she suruiue her husband , his going is the cōming of her teares , and the going of her teares is the comming of another husband . 't is but in dock , out nettle . by that time her face is mēded , her sorows ended . ther 's no physick , she so loues , as face physick : and but assure her she'st ne're need other , whiles she liues , and shee 'l die for ioy . rather then she'il leaue her yellowbands , and giue ore her pride , she wil not stick to deny that mistr . turn . spake against them , whē she died . her deuotion is fine apparel deere bought , & a fine face lately borrowed , & newly set on . these carry her to church , and cleere her of recusancy . once in she vnpins her mask , and calls for her book , & now she 's set . and if she haue any more deuotion , shee lifts vp a certain number of eies towards the preacher , rises vp , stands a while , and lookes about her : then turning her eyes from beholding vanities ( such as she her selfe brings with her ) she sits downe , falles a nodding , measures out a nap by the hower-glasse , and awakes to say , amen . she delights to see , and to be seene : for hee labours , more then halfe lost , if no body should looke vpon her . she takes a iourney now and then to visit a friend , or sea cosin : but she neuer trauels more merrily , then when shee s going to london , london , london hath her heart . the exchange is the temple of her idols . in london she buyes her head , her face , her fashion . o london , thou art her paradise , her heauen , her all in all ! if she be vnmarried , shee desires to bee mistaken , that she may be taken . if married to an old man , she is rather a reede and a racke vnto him , then a staffe and a chaire , a trouble rather then a friend , a corrosiue , not a comfort , a consumption , not a counsellour . the vtmost reach of her prouidence is but to be counted louely , and her greatest enuy is at a fairer face in her next neighbour ; this , if any thing , makes her haue sore eyes . she is little within her selfe , and hath small content of her owne ; and therefore is still seeking rather , then enioying . all is her owne , you see , and yet in truth nothing is her owne almost you see ; not her head , her haire , her face , her breasts , her sent , nay , not her breath alwaies . she hath purchased lips , haire , hands and beautie more , then nature gaue her , and with these she hopes to purchase loue . for in being beloued consists her life ; she is a fish , that would faine be taken ; a bird , that had rather a great deale be in the hand , then a bush . these purchases , she vses to make , are not of lands , but lookes ; not of liues , but loues . yet vsually the loue , shee meets with , is as changeable as her face , and will not tarry on her , though she die for 't she spends more in face-phisicke and trifles , then in feeding the poore . and so she may be admired her selfe , she cares not though all her neighbours round about her were counted kitchinstuffe a good huswife takes not more pleasure in dressing her garden with variety of hearbes and flowers , then in tricking her selfe with toyes and gauds . here she is costly , if any where . t is her grace to be gay and gallant . and indeed like an ostrich , or bird of paradise ; her feathers are more worth then her body . the worst peece about her is in the middest . for the tailor , and her chamber-maide , and her owne skill , euen these three , are the chiefest causes of all her perfections . not truths , but shadowes of truths shee is furnisht with ; with seeming truths , and with substantiall lies . yet with all her faire shewes she is but like a peece . of course cloth with a fine glasse , or fairo die ; or as the herbe molio , which carries a flowes , as white as snow , but is carried vpon a roote as blacke , as inke . here first care in the morning is to make her a good face , and her last care in the euening is to haue her box , and all her implements ready against the next morning . she is so curious , and full of businesse , that two such in a house would keepe the nimblest-fingered girle in the parish , shee liues in , from making her selfe one crosse-cloth in a tweluemoneth . she is so deepe in loue with toyes , that without them she is but halfe her selfe : and halfe ones selfe , you know , is not ones selfe . she looses her selfe in her selfe , that she may find her selfe in a picture . her trade is tinckturing , and her lustre is her life . you kill her , if you will not let her die . the hyacinth , or heliotropium , followes not the sunne more duly , then she vanitie .. pride , which is accidentall to a woman , and hatefull to a vertuous woman , is essentiall to her . her godlinesse is not to doe wel , but to goe well . her care is not to liue well , but to looke well . and yet if she liue well , shee ll giue you leaue to chide her , if she looke ill . she so affects the titles of illustrious and gracious , that shee carries them alwaies in print about her . her imagination is euer stirring , and keepes her mind in continuall motion , as fire doth the pot a playing , or as the weights doe the iacke in her kitchin . her deuises follow her fansie , as the motion of the seaes doe the moone . and nothing pleases her long , but that , which pleases her fansies , with one of which shee driues out another , as boies doe pellets in elderne gunnes . she thinkes 't is false to say , that any woman liuing can be damned for these deuises : and it may be true she thinkes . for so long as she liues , she cannot : but if she die in them , there 's the question . shee 's euer busie , yet neuer lesse busie , then when she 's best busie . shee 's alwaies idle , yet neuer lesse idle , then when she is most idle . once a yeere at least she would faine see london , tho when she comes there , she hath nothing to doe , but to learne a new fashion , and to buy her a perwigge , powder , ointments , a feather , or to see a play . one of her best vertues is , that she respects none , that paint : and the reward of her painting , is to be respected of none , that paint not . if she be a maiden , shee would faine be rid of that charge ? if a widdow , shee 's but a counterfet relique ; 't were too grosse superstition but to kisse or touch her . old-age still steales vpon her vnawares : which she discernes not by increase of wisedome , but of weakenesse , nor by her long-liuing , but by her need of dying . to conclude , whosoeuer she be , shee 's but a guilded pill , composde of these two ingredients , defects of nature , and an artificiall seeming of supplie , tempered and made vp by pride and vanitie , and may wel be reckned among these creatures , that god neuer made . her picture is now drawne out , and done . t. t. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a14007-e400 so saith latimer in a certaine sermon . notes for div a14007-e4090 phil. 4. 8. amb. herameron . lib. 6. cap. 8. hieron . cont . heluid . cited by p. mar. loc . com . class . 2. cap. 11. orig. tom . 2. hom . 4. amb. hex . l. 5. c. 8. pictus esô homo , &c. 1. cor. 6. 15. tertul. de habitu muliebri . ca. 5. in illum delinquunt , &c. danaeus . ethic . christ . lib. 2. cap. 14 ambros . de uirginibus , lib. 1. dum alij studet placere , &c. aug. ep. ad possidium . in foeminà non potest non esse vitiosū , quod virum decipiat . * s. tho. more . clem in paedag l. 3. c. 2. ter enim , non semel , dignet sunt , quae pereant , &c. cyprian . de discipl . & hab. virgin . si quis pingendi artifex , &c. mat. 5. 36 * he means , i thinke , they may iustly feare , that these counterfeit flames , or fire-like & yellowish haires , shall be punished with the true flames of hell fire . tertul. de habitu muliebri . ca. 8. hieron . ad furiam de viduit . soruand . tom . 1. clem. alex. in suo paedagogo , li. 3. c. 2. quemadmodum enim , &c. ito fuci , &c. ambros . de virginibus , lib. 1. clem. alex. in paed. l. 3. cap. 2. apnd aegyptios templa , &c. ambros . hex . l. 6. c. 8. plutar. lacon . apotl . eg . plutar. vhi supra . ambros . de offic . lib. 1. cap. 18. augustin . ad possidor . iun. de vilit . condit . humanae . cypr. dedisc . & hab . virg . hieron . ad marceliam de exitu leae . rom. 8. 8. matronas christianas decet neglecta mundities . hieron . 16. martyr . loc . com . clas . 2. cap. 11. rom. 12. 17 pet. mart. vbi supra . hieron . de exitu leae . hieron . ad fur. de vid. ser . tom . 1. ornatus iste non domini est . reu. 17. 4. 5. mat. 5. 16. tertul. de hab . mulieb . cap. 13. ambr. hexam . l. 6. ca 8. gem paedag . lib. 2. cap. 10. tertul. de hab . mulieb . cap. 5. cypr. de disciplina & hab . virg. tertul ab . ezeck . 6. tertul. de hab . mul. c. 7 iames 4. 6. inn. vbi sup . martial . l. 1. epig. 73. cerussata sibi placet lyceris , quae nigrior est cadente more . inn. ib. psa . 104. 15 chrysost . t. 2. hom . 31. in , matth. basil . de legend . li. gentilium . aelian . lib. 8 de var. hist . plutarch . in apotheg . propert. eleg. 19. laërt . lib. 6. isaiah . 3. 16 isaiah 3. 9. piscat . in 2. reg. cap. 9 vers . 30. pet. mart. in 2. reg. 9. 30. hieron . in ier. 4. 80. sub figurâ mulieris adulterae loquitur . caluin . in ier. 4. 30. hieron . in eze. 23. 40. omnem adulterae habitum implesti super eis , &c. maldonatus in hunc locum idem ait ; sicut meretrices , amatoribus suis . clem. alexandr . paed. l. 3. c. 2. caesar . lib. 5. belli gallici . pet. mart. loc . com . class . 2. c. 11. 1. cor. 7. amb. lib. 1. de ossic . c. 18. est etiam in ipso , &c. august . de christiana side . tertul. de hab . mulieb . cap. 5. quantulum &c. some kind of painting makes thē looke alwaies alike . hieron . ad fur. de vid. ser . tom . 1. quomodo flere potest pro pecc . psa . 66. 18. iohn 9. 31. calum . in 1. pet. 3. 1. thes . 5. 22 pet. mart. loc . com . clas . 2. c. 11. iuvenal . i am . 4. & 1. pet. 5. & luke 18. 1. cor. 10. 31. 32. cypr. lib. de hab . virg. heming . in 1. co. 10. 31. bullinger . in 1. cor. 11. propertius . uictar ad salmonem . ambros . de virgin. l. 1. aug. ep . 73. ad possid . uerus ornatus christianorum , &c. stob. ser. 72 stob. 16. nazianz. cont . mul. immodicè comptas . 1. tim. 2. 1. pet. 3. theophylact. in ep . 1. ad tim. cap. 2. 1. the. 5. 18 2. cor. 5. isid . clar. t. 1. orat . 53. si quis mulieri cupiam polliceretur , &c. hoshea 2. vid. dictionar . pauper . a pet. rodol . editum . p. 76 1. cor. 6. 19. 1. cor. 6. 19 chrysost . l. 2 hom . 31. in mat. p. 228 uxorem habes ornatum corporis , &c. chrysostome excuseth his speech against women . greater faults in men commonly , then in women . how the husband is to redresse his wife . painting of the face is an euil brauerie . the husband shold shew his delike of this painting . a painted face displeaseth good men . husbands should vse all good meanes to reforme their wiues . how an husband may proue a very good picturer . holy ancient women vsed not to paint thēselues . tho they were not faire , yet they did not paint their faces . painting of the face an inuention of satan . helpes against these vanities . painting is deformitie . christ delightes not in painted faces . psal . 45. 11. painting a superfluity . a simile shewing this painting to be a wrong to god. painters neglect their soules . it falles out otherwise with these painters , then they thinke . painting marres the colour . * it may better translate it , be ashamed : for a painted face cānot blush . painting an offence of god. the bellowes of iealousie . the imitation of whores . notes for div a14007-e9780 heb. 13 , 17. isaiah 5. 21. iames 4. 17 aug. lib. 14. de ciuit . dei c. 12. luke 12. 47 clem. constit . apostol . l. 1. c. 9. eras . apot-variè mixt . lib. 6. vid. galen . in exhortatione ad bonas artes . euseb . lib. 4. demonstrat . euangel . iacob . iansenius , in psal . 103. 17. amb. de eliâ , & iniu . cap. 10. mat. 6. 17. iohan. wolp . in psal . 104. 15. hom . 34. muscul . in psa . 104. 15 bellarm. in psal . 103. 17 pet. lumb . in psal . 103 17. mol. in psa . 104 , 15 chrys . hom . 31. in mat. * the horne of stibium , which is a blacke and fuliginous medicine of the eies . pined . in iob 42. merlinus , mercer . & piscator on this place of iob. abr. scultetu . in cap. 3. & 4. iesaiae p. 68. 69. scultet . vbi supra . ans . 1 ouid. 2. fast . forma placet , &c. ier. 17. 10. pruden . an hamariigen . cypr. de bono pudicitiae . ans . 2. scult . ib. pro. 31. 1. tim. 2. 1. pet. 3. sal. gesner . in esa . c. 3. doct. 1. sol. ob. sol. heb. 13. 17. prou. 3. 7. mal. 2. 7. fieri potest vt faeminae pigmentis sine peccato vtantur 1. causâ tegendae alicuius maculae . 2. si maritus iuleat vt vxorinter alias magis decora appareat . lessius de iustitia & iure , l. 4 cap. 4. fol. 802. fingere maiorem pulchritudinem ornatu & fuco , licet sit mendacium operis , nonest peccatum mortale . pet. alagora in compendio manuales nauarri , cap. 23. numb . 19. ful . 257. sol. see master perkins in his refora med catholike . chap. 21. perkabid . hen. steph. in apolog. pro herod . c. 15. fo . 179. colos . 3. 18. ephes . 6. 1. pet. 3. 7. psal . 11. 6. 2. tim. 3. 1. isai . 26. 10. isaiah 1. 15. iudges 9. 2. sa. 10. 10 , claudian in ruffin . mistris turnor executed at tiburne the 14. of nouemb . 1615 notes for div a14007-e13230 drinke , or be gone , as the persians vsed to say at their drinkings , barnabees journall under the names of mirtilus & faustulus shadowed: for the travellers solace lately published, to most apt numbers reduced, and to the old tune of barnabe commonly chanted. by corymbœus. barnabae itinerarium. english and latin brathwaite, richard, 1588?-1673. 1638 approx. 148 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 225 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a16651 stc 3556 estc s106155 99841878 99841878 6493 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a16651) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 6493) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1266:05) barnabees journall under the names of mirtilus & faustulus shadowed: for the travellers solace lately published, to most apt numbers reduced, and to the old tune of barnabe commonly chanted. by corymbœus. barnabae itinerarium. english and latin brathwaite, richard, 1588?-1673. marshall, william, fl. 1617-1650, ill. [450] p. printed by john haviland, [london : 1638] corymbœus = richard brathwait. translation of: barnabae itinerarium. in verse. parallel latin and english texts. imprint from stc. signatures: pi¹ a-2e. with an additional title page in latin, "barnabæ itinerarium ..", and an additional title page, engraved, "barnabæ itinerarium, or barnabees iournall", signed by william marshall. in four parts; parts 2-4, and "bessie bell", have two title pages each, in latin and english; register is continuous. reproduction of the original in harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -social life and customs -poetry. 2002-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion barnabae itinerarium , or barnabees iournall . barnabae itinerarium , mirtili & faustuli nominibus insignitum : viatoris solatio nuperrimè editum , aptissimis numeris redactum , veterique tono barnabae publicè decantatum . authore corymboeo . efficit egregios nobilis alla viros . barnabees ●ournall , under the names of mirtilus & faustulus shadowed : for the travellers solace lately published , to most apt numbers reduced , and to the old tune of barnabe commonly chanted . by corymboeus . the oyle of malt and juyce of spritely nectar have made my muse more valiant than hector . ●oyall pheander to his royall alexander . the title , noble friend , of alexander . were it nought else , implyes a great commander . and so you shall be still of me & mine , with barnabe couch'd in a reeling ryme : nor wonder , friend , if his dimensions reele , whose head makes such jambicks with his heele . vpon this worke. this three dayes taske was once imposed me , in the first spring of my minoritie ; no edge of razer then had toucht my chin , nor downy shade approach'd my supple skin ; i knew not th' postures of this indian vapor , nor made my sacrifice unto my taper ; i 'd ne're seene any curtaine nor partition , which beget worke for surgeon and physician ; i was a novice in the schoole of sin , nor yet did taste , what others dived in . excuse this subject then , if 't doe not fit the nicenesse of this age for weight and wit. birds flicker first before they learne to fly , and trust me on my credit so did i. " great tasks when they 'r to shorter times confin'd , " will force a worke mount lower than the mind . ad viatorem . oppida dum peragras , peragran● do poemata spectes , spectando titubes , barnabe , nome● habes . to the traveller . townes while thou walk'st , and seest this poetrie , and seeing stumblest , thou art barnabe . ad translatorem . pessimus est cerdo , qui transtulit ordine calvo , non res sed voces percutiendo leves . ast hic translator corii peramabilis actor , quirythmo pollens fit ratione satur . to the translator . that paltry patcher is a bald translater whose aule bores at the words but not the matter : but this translator makes good use of lether by stitching ryme and reason both together . index operis . mulciber , uva , venus , redolens ampulla , silenus , effigiem titulis explicuere suis. the index of this work. vulcane , grape , venus , bottle , silen's hooke , have all explain'd the title of this booke . sic me parnassi deserta perardua dulcis raptat amor — thus through vast desarts , promontories wilde , parnassus love drawes bacchus onely childe . barnabae itinerarium , anglo-latinum . itineris borealis : pars prima . mirtilus & faustulus interlocutores . mirtil. o faustule , tende palmam , accipe calicem vitibus almam ; tu ne vinctus es dol●re ? vve tinctus sis colore . sperne opes , sperne dapes , merge cur●s , rectè sapis . o faustule , dic amico quo in loco , quo in vico , sive campo , sive tecto , sine linteo , sine lecto , propinasti , queis tabernis , an in terris , an avernis ? faustul . o mirtile , baculum fixi mille locis ubi vixi , in pistrinis , in popinis , in coquinis , in culinis , huc , & illuc , istic , ibi , hausi potus , plus quam cibi . in progressu boreali , vt process● ab australi , veni banbery , o prophanum ! vbi vidi puritanum , felem facient●m furem , quis sabbatho stravit murem . veni oxford , cui comes est minerva , sons platonis ; vnde scatent peramoenè aganippe , hippocrene ; totum fit atheniense , imò cornu reginense . inde godstow cum ●micis , vidi tumbam meretricis ; rosamundam tegit humus , pulvis & umbra corpore sumus : sic qui t●get , quae togetur , ordine certo sep●lietur . inde woodstock , quò spectandum labyrinthum memorandum ferunt , sed spectare nollem , reperi vivam hospitem mollem ; gratior soeiis est jocundis , mille mortuis rosamundis . veni brackley , ubinatus stirpe vili magistratus , quem conspexi residentem , stramine tectum contegentem , et me vocans , " male agis , " bibe minus , ede magis . veni daintre cum puel●a , procerum celebre duello , ibi bibi in caupona , nota muliere bona , cum qua vixi semper idem , donec creta fregit fidem . veni leister ad campanam , vbi mentem laesi sanam ; prima nocte mille modis flagellarunt me custodes ▪ pelle spar●i sunt liv●res meo● castigaere mores . veni gottam , ubi multos si non omnes vidi stultos , nam scrutando reperi unam salientem contra lunam , alteram ni●idam puellam offerentem porco sellam . veni a nottingam , tyrones sherwoodenses sunt latrones , instar robin hood & servi scarlet , & johannis parvi ; passim , sparsim peculantur , cellis , sylvis depraedantur . veni mansfield , ubi nôraem mulierculam decoram , cum qua ●udum feci pactum , dediictum , egi actum , sed pregnantem tim●nsillam , sprevi villam & ●ncillam . veni b overbowles , ubi * dani habitarunt tempore jani ; patet oppidan●s callis circum circa clausus vallis , castris , claustris , & speluncis tectus coecis , textus juncis . sacra die eò veni , aedes sanctae erant plenae , quorum percitus exemplo , quis hospes erat templo , intrans vidi sacerdotem , igne fatuo poculis notum . glires erant incolae villae , iste clamat , dormiunt illi ; ipse tamen vixit itae , si non corde , veste trita ; fortem praese ferens gestum , fregit pedib●s ‘ suggestum . qua occasione nacta , tot● grex * expergefacta , sacerdote derelicto , tabulis fractis gravitèr icto , pransum redeunt , unus horum , pl●bem sequor non pastorem . veni clowne , ubi vellem pro liquore dare pellem , ibi cerebro inani vidi conjugem vulcani , quae me hospitem tractat b●ne donec restat nil crumenae . veni rothram usque taurum , et reliqui ibi aurum , diu steti , sed in pontem titubando fregi frontem , quo pudore pulsus , doctè clam putabam ire nocte . veni doncaster , ubi sitam vidi levem & levitam , quae vieta & vetusta , porum pulebra aut venusta , cupit tamen penetrari , pingi , pungi , osculari . veni * aberford , ubi notum quod aciculis emunt potum , pauperes sunt & indigentes , multum tamen sitientes ; parum habent , nec habentur vlla , quae non tenet venter . veni wetherbe , ubi visam clari ducis meretricem . amplexurus , porta strepit , et strependo dux me cepit ; vt me cepit , aurem v●llit , et praecipitem foris pellit . d hinc diverso cursu , serò quod audissem de pindero wakefeeldensi , gloria mundi , vbi socii sunt jucundi , mecum statui per●grare georgii fustem visitare . veni wakefeeld peramoenum , vbi quaerens georgium grenum , non inveni , sed in lignum fixum reperi georgii signum , vbi allam bibi feram , donec georgio fortior eram , veni bradford , cessi foris , in familiam amoris , amant istae & amantur , crescunt & multiplicantur , spiritus instructi armis , nocte colunt opera carnis . veni kighley , ubi monte minitantes , vivi fontes , ardui colles , aridae valles , laetitamen sunt sodales , festivantes & jucundi , ac si dominiessent mundi . veni giggleswick , parum frugis profert tellus clausa jugis ; ibi vena prope viae fluit , refluit , nocte , die , neque norunt vnde vena , an a sale vel arena . veni clapham , unus horum qui accivit voce forum , primae hora ut me visit , mihi halicem promisit ; halicem mihi , calicem ei , pignus i● amoris mei . veni ingleton , ubi degi donec fabri caput fregi , quo peracto , in me ruunt mulieres , saxa plunnt , queis perculsus , timens laedi , hi● posteriorae dedi . veni lonesdale , ubi cernam aulam factam in tabernam ; nitidae portae , nivei muri , cyathi pleni , paucae curae ; edunt , bibunt , ludunt , rident , cura dignum nihil vident . veni cowbrow , vaccae collem , vbi hospitem tetigi mollem , pingui ventre , lae●o vultu , tremulo cursu , trepido cultu , vti bibula titubat vates , donec ●●cidit supra nates . veni natland , eò ventus , eboraci qui contemptus colligit , hospi●ium dedit , mecum bibit , mecum edit , semipotus , sicut usi , circa maypole , plebe lusi . veni kirkland , veni kendall , omnia hausi , vulgo spendall , nocte , die , peramice bibi potum mistum pic● . " tege caput , tonde ●●●sum , " mann caput fit insanum . his relictis , staveley vidi , vbi tota nocte bibi , semper lepidus , semper laetus , inter bilares vixi coetus , queis jurando sum mansurus , donec barnabe rediturus . finis . in bacci thyrsum & barnabae nasum , epigramma , aliàs , nasutum dilemma . haedera laeta bono non est suspensa falerno , thy● sus enim bacci , barnabae nasus erit . non opus est thyrso , non fröde virente cupressi , si non thyrsus e●●it , barnabe nasus olet . corollarium . non thyrsus , thyasus ; cyathus tibi thyrsus & ursus , thyrsus quo redoles , ursus ut intus oles . barnabee's iournall , english and latine : his northerne journey : first part. mirtilus & faustulus inter-speakers . ●irtil . o faustulus , stretch thy hand out , take thy liquor , doe not stand out ; art thou prest with griping dolour ? let the grape give thee her colour . ●read's a binder , wealth 's a miser , ●rinke down care , and thou art wiser . ● faustulus , tell thy true hart , ●n what region , coast , or new part , ●ield or fold thou hast beene bousing , ●ithout linnen , bedding , housing , ●n what taverne , pray thee show us , ●ere on earth , or else below us ? ●austul . o mirtilus , i will show thee , thousand places since i saw thee , in the kidcoat i had switching , in the tap-house , cook-shop , kitching , ●his way , that way , each way shrunk i , ●●ttle eat i , deeply drunk i. 〈◊〉 my progresse travelling northward , ●●king my farewell o th' southward , 〈◊〉 banbery came i , o prophane one ! ●here i saw a puritane-one , ●●nging of his cat on monday , ●●r killing of a mouse on sonday . 〈◊〉 oxford came i , whose copesmato 〈◊〉 minerva , well of plato ; ●●om which seat doe streame most seemlie ●anippe , hipp●crene ; ●●ch thing ther 's the muses minion , ●ueenes college-horn speakes pure athenian . thence to godsto , with my lovers , where a tombe a strumpet covers ; rosamund lies there interred , flesh to dust and shade's compared , lye he'bove , or lye she under , to be buried is no wonder . ●ence to woodstock i resorted , ●here a labyrinth's reported , 〈◊〉 of that no'count i tender , ●und an hostesse quicke and slender : ●●d her guests more sweetly ●ying , ●●an a thousand rosamunds dying ▪ ●rom thence to brackley , as did beseeme one , ●he may'r i saw , a wondrous meane one , ●●tting , thatching and bestowing ●n a wind-blowne house a strowing , ●n me , cald he , and did charme mee , drinke lesse , eat more , i doe warne thee . ●ence to daintree with my iewell , ●mous for a noble duell , ●here i drunk and took my common ●a t●phouse with my woman ; ●hile i had it , there i paid it , ●ll long chalking broke my credit . ●hence i came to th' bel● at leister , ●here my braines did need a plaister ; ●irst night that i was admitted , 〈◊〉 the watchmen i was whipped , ●●ack and blew like any tetter ●eat i was to make me better . ●hence to gottam , where sure am i , ●hough not all fooles i saw many ; ●ere a she-gull found i prancing , ●nd in moon-shine nimbly dancing , ●here another wanton madling ●ho her hog was set a sadling . ●hence to a nottingam , where rovers , ●igh-way riders , sherwood drovers , ●●ke old robin-hood , and scarlet , ●r like little iohn his varlet ; ●ere and there they shew them doughty , ●ells and woods to get their booty . thence to mansfield , where i knew one , that was comely and a trew one , with her a nak'd compact made i , ●er long lov'd i , with her laid i , towne and her i left , being doubtfull lest my love had made her fruitfull . thence to b overbowles , where * danus dwelt with 's danes in time of ianus ; way to th'towne is well disposed , all about with trenches closed , pallisado's hid with bushes , rampires overgrowne with rushes . 〈◊〉 a feast day came i thether , ●hen good people flockt together , ●here induc'd by their exemple , ●●pair'd unto the temple ; ●here i heard the preacher gravely ●ith his nose pot-tipt most bravely . ●ormise-like the people seemed , ●hough he cride , they sleeping dreamed ; ●●r his life , tho there was harme in 't , ●eart was lesse rent than his garment ; ●ith his feet he did so thunder ●s the ‘ pulpit fell asunder . ●●ch occasi●n having gotten , ● awake , the pulpit broken ; ●●e the preacher ●ay sore wounded , 〈◊〉 more boords than beards surrounded , ●o dinner , who might fas●er , among them i left pastor . ●ence to clowne came i the quicker , ●ere i 'de given my skin for liquer , ●e was there to entertaine us 〈◊〉 nogging of vulcanus , 〈◊〉 afford't me welcome plenty , 〈◊〉 my seame-rent purse grew empty . ●●ence to th' bull at rothram came i , ●here my gold , if i had any , ●ft i , long i stoutly rored ●ll o th' bridge i broke my forehead , ●hence ashamed while brows smarted , ●y night-time thence departed . ●●ence to doncaster , who 'l beleeve it ! ●●th a light-one and a levite ●●ere i viewed ; too too aged , 〈◊〉 to love so farre engaged , 〈◊〉 on earth she only wished 〈◊〉 be painted , pricked , kissed . thence to * aberford , whose beginning came from buying drink with pinning ; poor they are and very needy , yet of liquor too too greedy ; have they never so much plenty , belly makes their purses empty . thence to wetherbe , where an apt one to be tweake unto a captaine i embraced , as i gat it , door creek'd , captain tooke me at it , took me and by th' eares he drew me , and headlong down staires he threw me ▪ d turning thence , none could me hinder to salute the wakefield pinder ; who indeed 's the worlds glory , with his cumrades never sory , this the cause was , lest you misse it , georgies club i meant to visit . streight at wakefeeld was i seene a , where i sought for george a greene a , but i could find no such creature , on a signe i saw his feature : where the strength of ale so stirr'd me , i grew stouter farre than geordie . ●hence to bradford , my tongue blisters ●t the family of sisters , they love , are lov'd to no eye-show , they increase and multiply too , ●urnis●'d with their spritely weapons 〈◊〉 flesh feeles clarks are no capons . thence to kighley , where are mountaines steepy-threatning , lively fountaines , rising hils , and barraine valleis , yet bon-socio's and good fellowes , joviall-jocund-jolly bowlers , as they were the world controulers . thence to giggleswick most sterill , hemm'd with rocks and shelves of perill ; neare to th' way as traveller goeth , a fresh e spring both ebbes and floweth , neither know the learnd'st that travell what procures it , salt or gravell . thence to clapham , drawing nyer he that was the common cryer , ☞ to a breakefast of one herring did invite me first appearing . herring he , i drinke bestowed , pledges of the love we owed . thence to ingleton , where i dwelled till i brake a blacksmiths palled , which done , women rush'd in on me , stones like haile showr'd down upon me , whence amated , fearing harming , leave i tooke , but gave no warning . thence to lonesdale , where i viewed an hall which like a taverne shewed ; neate gates , white walls , nought was sparing ▪ pots brim-full , no thought of caring : they eat , drink , laugh , are still mirth-making , nought they see that 's worth care taking . ●hence to cowbrow , truth i 'le tell ye , ●ine hostesse had a supple bellie , ●odie plumpe , and count'nance cheerfull , ●eeling pace ( a welcome fearfull ) ●ike a drunken hag she stumbled , ●ill she on her buttocks tumbled . ●hence to natland , being come thither , ●e who yorks contempts did gather gave me harbour , light as fether we both drunke and eat together , till halfe-typsy , as it chanced , we about the maypole danced . thence to kirkland , thence to kendall , i did that which men call spendall , night and day with sociats many drunk i ale both thick and clammy . " shroud thy head , boy , stretch thy hand too , " hand h'as done , head cannot stand to . leaving these , to staveley came i , where now all night drinking am i , alwayes frolick , free from yellows , with a consort of good fellows , where i 'le stay and end my journay , till brave barnabe returne-a . finis . upon bacchus bush and barnabees nose , an epigram , or nose twitching dilemme . good wine no bush it needs , as i suppose , let bacchus bush bee barnabees rich nose . no bush , no garland needs of cipresse greene , barnabees nose may for a bush be seene . corollarie . no bush , no garland ; pot 's thy bush & beare , of beare & bush thou smellest all the yeere . barnabae itinerarium . pars secunda . authore corymboeo . foecundi calices quem non fecere disertum ? barnabae itinerarium , pars secunda . mirtil. faustè ( faustule ) rediisti , narra ( precor ) quò venisti , villas , vicos visitasti , coetus , si●us peragrasti , certè scis ab aquilone● multum mali , parum boni . faustul . i lle ego sum qui quondam , crines , mores , vestes nondum sunt mutatae , nam recessi , calceamentis queis discessi , neque pectine usus fui , sic me meis j●vat frui . sed arrectis auribus audi , quid dilexi , quicquid odi , g pontes , fontes , montes , valles , caulas , cellas , colles , calles , via● , villas , vicos , vices , castas cautas , meretrices . dicam ( quod mirandum ) verum , non pauperior sum quàm eram , vno nec quadrante ditior , lautior , ●aetior , nec foelicior , mollior , melior , potior , p●jor , minùs sanus , magis aeger . ego enim mundum totum tanti esse quanti potum semper duxi ; mori mallem nobilem quàm vitare allam : " sobrius similis apparet agno , " ebrius alexandro magno . leviore nam maeandro capite capto , sum lysandro multò fortior , & illaesum puto me capturum rhesum ; sed ne tibi gravior essem , nunc descendam ad progressum . primò occurrit peragranti h oppidum johannis ganti , sedes nota & vetusta , mendicantibus onusta , janitorem habens qualem mundus vix ostendet talem . veni ashton , ubi vinum , militem , & heroinam , clarum , charum , & formosam , damam , domum speciosam vidi , mersi mero musam , done● pes amisit usum . veni garestang , ubi malè intrans forum bestiale , fortè vacillando vico huc & illuc cum amico , in iuvencae dorsum rui , cujus cornu laesus fui . veni preston , ductus eram ad bacchantem banisterum , ac si una stirpe nati , fratres fuimus jurati ; septem dies ibi mansi , multum bibi , nunquam pransi . veni euxston , ubi hospes succi plena , corpore sospes , crine sparso , vultu blando , at halit● ( proh ) nefando , qua relicta cum ancillis , me ad lectum duxit phyllis . veni wiggin prope coenam , ad hospitulam obscoenam ; votis meis fit secunda , ebria fuit & jocunda ; sparsit anus intellectum , me relicto , mi●xit lectum . veni newton in salictis , vbi ludens chartis pictis cum puella speciosa , cujus nomen erat * rosa , centi-pede provocavi ad amandum quam amavi . veni warrington , profluentes rivos ripas transeuntes specto●s , multo satius ratus mergi terris quàm in aquis , vixi lautè , bibi letè , don●e aqua● signant metae . veni budworth usque gallum , vbi bibi fortem allam , sed ebrietate captus , ire lectum sum coactus ; mihi mirus affuit status , ad●obus sum portatus . sed amore captus grandi visitandi thomam gandi , holmi petii sacellum , vbi conjugem & puellam vidi pulchr●s , lieet serò h●● neglexi , mersus mero . hinc ad tauka-hill perventum , collem valde lutu●entum , faber mihi bene notus mecum bibit donec potus , quo relicto , cythera sponte cornua fixit lemnia fronte . novo-castro subter linum , mulsum propinavi vinum ; nullus ibi fit scelestus , vox cl●mantis in suggestis ; portas castitatis frangunt , qu●● extincta luce tangunt . veni stone ad campanam , vidi i deliam non dianam ; hic suspectam habens vitam pastor gregis , iesuitam me censebat , sed in certas nil invenit praeter chartas . haywood properans malignam , nocte praeparat aprugnam mihi hospes ; sed quid restat ? calices ●aurire praestat : nullum baccho gratius libum , quàm mutare potu cibum . veni ridgelay , ubi faber , cui liquor summus labor , mecum bibit ; nocte data mihi m●tula perforata , vasis crimine detecto , fit oceanus in l●cto . veni bruarton , claudi domum , vbi querulum audiens sonum , conjugem virum verberantem , et vicinum equitantem ; quo peracto , frontem lini spuma byne instar vini . inde k lichfield properab●m , vbi quendam invitab●m perobscaenum opibus plenum , ad sumendum mecum coen●m ; hausto vino , acta coena , solvit divitis crumena . veni colesill , ad macellum , vbi in cervisiam cell●m fortè ruens , cella sorde● , vxor mul●et , ursa mordet ; sed ut lanius fecit focum lectum , dereliquilocum . veni meredin , meri-die , vbi longae fessus viae , hospitem in genu cepi , etulteriùs furtìm repi ; cum qua propinand● mansi , donec sponsam sponsum sensi . veni coventre , ubi dicunt quod filum●exunt ●exunt , ego autem hoe ignoro , nullum enim empsiforo , nec discerni juxta morem , lignum , lucem , nec colorem . veni dunchurch per la●rones ad lurcones & lenones , nullum tamen timuihorum , nec la●ronem , nec liqu●rem ; etsi dives metu satur , cantet vacuus viator . manè daintre ut venissem , corculum quod reliquissem , avidè quaerens per musaeum , desponsatamesse eam intellexi , qua audita , " vale ( dixi ) proselyta . veni wedon , ubi varii omnis gentis tabellarii convenissent , donec mundus currit cerebro rotundus : " solvite sodales laeti , " plus l reliqui quàm accepi . veni tosseter die martis , vbi baccalaureum artie bacchanalia celebrantem vt inveni tam constantem , fecime consortem festi tota nocte perbonesti . veni stratford , ubi grenum procis procam , veneris venam , nulla tamen forma jugis , m verdor oris perit rugis ; flos ut viret semel aret , forma spreta procis caret . tenens cursum & decorum , brickhill , ubi juniorem veni , vidi , propter mentem vnum octo sapientum ; sonat vox ut philomela , ardet nasus ut candela . hocklayhole ut accessassem , cellam scyllam incidissem , antro similem inferni , aut latibulo lavernae ; ibi diu propinando , saevior eram quàm orlando . veni dunstable , ubi mures intus reptant , extus fures , sed vacandum omni m●tu furum temulento coetu , pars ingenii mansit nulla quam non tenuit ampulla . veni redburne , ubi mimi neque medii , neque primi : prologus hedera redimitus simiano gestu situs , n convivalem cecinit odem , heus tu corrige diploidem ! illinc stomacho inani petii oppidum o albani , vbi tantum fecit vinum , dirigentem ad londinum manum manu cepi mea , ac si socia esset ea . veni barnet signo bursae , vbi convenissent vrsi , propinquanti duo horrum parùm studio si morum , subligacula dente petunt , quo posteriora foetent , veni highgate , quo prospexi p vrbem perditè quam dilexi , hic tyronibus exosum hausi cornu tortuo sum , ejus memorans salutem cujus caput fit cornutum . veni hollowell , pileum rubrum , in cobortem muliebrem , me adonidem vocan● omnes meretricis babylonis ; tangunt , tingunt , molliunt , mulcent , at egentem , foris pulsant . veni islington ad leonem , vbi spectans histrionem sociatum cum choraulis , dolis immiscentem sales , cytharae repsi in vaginam , quod praestigiis dedit finem . aegrè jam relicto rure , securem aldermanni-bury primò petii , qua exosa sentina , holburni rosa me excepit , ordine tali appuli griphem veteris bayly . vbi experrectus lecto , tres ciconias indiès specto , quò victurus , donec aestas rure curas tollet moestas ; festus faustulus & festivus , calice vividus , corpore vivus . ego etiam & sodales nunc galerum cardinalis visitantes , vi minervae bihimus ad cornua cervi , sed actaeon anxius ●orum , luce sep●rat uxorem . sub sigillo tubi fumantis & thyrsi flammantis , motu mulciberi naso-flagrantis . officina juncta baccho juvenilem fert tobacco , uti libet , tunc signata , quae impressio nunc mutata , uti fiet , nota certa qua delineatur charta . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sine telis non typis . finis . in errata . inter accipitrem & buteonem , juxta phrasem percommunem , spectans ista typis data , haec comperui errata ; quae si corrigas ( candide lecto ) plena coronet pocula nectar . a vertice ad calcem erratis admove falcem . errando , disco . i am venus vinis reditura venis , jam venus venis peritura plenis , nam venus venis patitur serenis , nectare plenis . * barnabees journall . the second part . by gorymboeus . ore-flowing cups whom have they not made learn'd ? barnabees iournall , the second part. mirtil. faustulus ! happily returned ; tell me , pray thee , where th'st joarned ; what townes , villages th' ast viewed , what seats , sites or states were shewed ; sure thou know'st the north's uncivill , small good comes thence , but much evill . faustul . what i was once , same i am now , haire , conditions , garments same too , yea there 's no man justly doubteth , these the same shooes i went out with ; and for combe i ne're us'd any , lest i lost some of my meney . but attend me , and partake it , what i loved , what i hated , g bridges , fountaines , mountaines , valleis , cauls , cells , hillocks , high-wayes , shallows , paths , towns , villages and trenches , chast-choice-chary-merry wenches . truth i 'le tell thee , nothing surer , richer am i not , nor poorer , gladder , madder nor more pleasing , blither , brisker , more in season , better , worser , thinner , thicker , neither healthfuller nor sicker . for the world i so farre prize it , but for liquor i 'd despise it , thousand deaths i 'd rather dye too than hold ale mine enemy too : " sober , lamb-like doe i wander , " drunk , i 'm stout as alexander . when my head feeles his maeander , i am stronger than lysander ; th'ile of ree i little feare it without wound to winne and weare it ; but lest tedious i expresse me , to my progresse i 'le addresse me . first place where i first was knowne-a , was brave iohn a gants h old towne-a , a seat ▪ antiently renowned , but with store of beggars drowned : for a iaylor ripe and mellow , the world h' as not such a fellow . thence to ashton , good as may be was the wine , brave knight , bright ladie , all i saw was comely specious , seemly gratious , nea●ly precious ; my muse with bacchus so long traded , when i walk't , my legs denaid it . thence to garestang , pray you harke it , ent'ring there a great beast-market , as i jogged on the street-a 't was my fortune for to meet-a a young heyfer , who before her tooke me up and threw me o're her . thence to preston , i was led-a , to brave banisters to bed-a , as two borne and bred together we were presently sworne brether ; seven dayes were me there assigned , oft i supt , but never dined . thence to euxston , where mine hostesse feeles as soft as any tost is , jucy , lusty , count'nance toothsome , braided haire , but breath most loathsome ; her i left with locks of amber , phyllis light me to my chamber . thence to wiggin about supper , to an hostesse , none more slutter , buxome was she yet to see to , she 'd be drunk for companie too ; wit this beldam soon did scater , and in bed distill'd her water . thence to newton in the willows , where being boulstred up with pillows , i at cards plaid with a girle * rose by name , a dainty pearle , at cent-foot i often moved her to love me whom i loved . thence to warrington , banks or'eflowed , travellers to th'towne were rowed , where supposing it much better to be drown'd on land than water , sweetly , neatly i sojourned till that deluge thence returned . thence to cock at budworth , where i drunk strong ale as browne as berry , till at last with deep-healths felled , to my bed i was compelled ; i for state was bravely sorted , by two poulterers supported . where no sooner understand i of mine horest hoast tom ▪ gandi , to holme chappell forthwith set i , maid and hostesse both were prety , but to drinke tooke i affection , i forgot soone their complexion . thence to tauke-a-hill resort i , an hill steepy , slippery , durty ; smith with me being well acquainted drunk with me till 's wits were tainted , having left me , venus swore it , she 'd shooe-horn her vulcans forehead . at new-castle under line-a , there i trounc'd it in burn't wine-a ; none o th' wicked there remained , weekly lectures were proclaimed : chastity they roughly handle , while blind zeale snuffs out the candle . thence to th' bell at stone streight draw i , i delia no diana saw i ; by the parson i was cited who held me for jesuited ; in his search , the door fast locked , nought but cards were in my pocket . thence to haywood taking flight-a , the hostesse gave me brawne at night-a ; but what 's that unto the matter ? whiskins sorted with my nature : to brave bacchus no gift quicker than oblations of strong liquor . thence to ridgelay , where a black-smith , liquor being all hee 'd take with , boused with me ; mid-night waking and a looking-glasse there taking , chamber-pot was hol'd quite thorow , which made me lye wet till morrow . thence to bruarton , old claudus did approve us and applaud us , where i heard a wofull bleating , a curst wife her husband beating ; neighbour rode for this default-a , while i dyde my front with malt-a . thence to k lichfield went i right on , where i chanced to invite one , a curmudgeon rich but nasty to a supper of a pasty . having sipt , and supt , and ended , what i spent , the miser lended . thence to colesill , to a shamble like an old fox did i amble , to a cellar , troth i 'le tell ye , fusty , musty , headlong fell i ; but the butcher having made-a th' fire his bed , no more i staid-a . thence at meredin appeare i , where growne surfoot and sore weary , i repos'd , where i chuckt jone-a , felt her pulse , would further gone-a ; there we drunk , and no guest crost us , till i tooke the hoast for th'hostesse . thence to coventre , where 't is said-a coventre blew is only made-a ; this i know not , for sure am i in no market bought i any ; bacchus made me such a scholer , black nor blew , i knew no colour . thence to dunchurch , where report is of pimps , punks a great resort is , but to me none such appeared , bung nor bung-hole i ne're feared ; though the rich chrone have feares plenty , safe he sings whose purse is empty . at daintre earely might you find me , but not th' wench i left behind me , neare the schoole-house where i ●oused , her i sought but she was spoused , which i having heard that night-a , " farewell ( quoth i ) proselyta . thence to wedon , there i tarried in a waggon to be carried ; carriers there are to be found-a , who will drink till th' world run round-a : " pay , good fellows , i 'le pay nought heere , " i have l left more than i brought heere . thence to tosseter on a tuesday , where an artfull batchler chus'd i to consort with ; we ne're budged , but to bacchus revels trudged ; all the night-long sat we at it till we both grew heavy pated . thence to stratford where frank m green-a , daintiest doe that e're was seene-a , venus varnish me saluted , but no beauty long can sute it ; beauty feedeth , beauty fadeth , beauty lost , her wooer vadeth . holding on my journey longer , streight at brickhill with tom . younger . i arriv'd ; one by this cheese-a styl'd the eighth wiseman of greece-a , voyce more sweet than prognes sister , like a torch his nose doth glister . to hocklayhole as i approached , scylla's barmy cell i broached , darke as th' cave of pluto's station , or laverna's habitation ; quaffing there while i could stand-o , madder grew i than orlando . thence to dunstable , all about me ; mice within , and thieves without me ; but no feare affrights deep drinkers , there i tost it with my skinkers ; not a drop of wit remained which the bottle had not drained . thence to redburne , where were players , none of roscius actiue heyres ; prologue crown'd with a wreath of iuy , jetted like an ape most lively : i told them sitting at the n banket they should be canvas'd in a blanket . from thence with a stomack empty to the towne of o albane went i , where with wine i was so undon , as the hand which guides to london in my blind hand i receaved , and her more acquaintance craved . thence to th' purse at barnet known-a , there the beares were come to town-a ; two rude hunks , 't is troth i tell ye , drawing neare them , they did smell me , and like two mis-shapen wretches made me , ay me , wrong my bretches . thence to highgate , where i viewed p city i so dearely loved , and th' horne of matriculation drunk to th'freshmen of our nation , to his memory saluted whose branch'd head was last cornuted . thence to hollowell , mother red cap , in a troupe of trulls i did hap ; whoors of babylon me impalled , and me their adonis called ; with me toy'd they , buss'd me , cull'd me , but being needy , out they pull'd me . thence to islington at lion , where a juggling i did spy one , nimble with his mates consorting , mixing cheating with his sporting ; creeping into th'case of 's viall spoil'd his juggling , made them fly all . country left ; i in a fury to the axe in alder-bury first arrived , that place slighted i at rose in holborne lighted , from the rose in flaggons sayle i to the griphin i th' old-bayly . where no sooner doe i waken , than to three cranes am i taken , where i lodge and am no starter till i see the summer quarter ; pert is faustulus and pleasing , cup brimfull , and corpse in season . yea , my merry mates and i too oft to th' cardinals hat fly to , where to harts horns we carouse it , as minerva doth infuse it , but actaon sick o th' yellows mewes his wife up from good fellows . under th' signe of pipe still fuming , and the bush for ever flaming , mulciber the motion moving , with nose-burning master shaming : a shop neighbouring neare iacco , where young vends his old tobacco , as you like it , sometimes sealed , which impression since repealed , as you make it , he will have it , and in chart and front engrave it : harmelesse but no artlesse end cloze i here unto my friend . finis . upon the errata's . be●wixt hawke and buzzard , ô man , after th'phraze of speech so cōmon , having seene this journall at print , i found these erata's in it ; which if thou correct ( kind reader ) nectar by thy muses feeder . from the head unto the foot nought but error , looke unto 't . ●his observation have i found most true , ●rring , i learne mine errors to subdue . now venus pure veines are with wines inflamed , now venus full veines are by wines restrained , for venus swolne veines are by morphuus chained , from folly wained . barnabae itinerarium . pars tertia . authore corymboeo . inflatum hesterno venas , ut semper , iaccho . barnabae itinerarivm . itineris borealis : pars tertia . mirtil. io ( faustule ) gratulaniur qui te amant & amantur , te incolumem rediturum ! spreta curia , pone curam , narra vias , quas calcasti , queis spirasti , quas spectasti . ne ephesios diana fit celebriore fama ; omnes omnia de te fingunt , siatuam pictores pingunt ; tolle metum , mitte moram , fact● clarum viatorem . faustul . mitte moram , tolle metum ! quis me unquam minùs laetum cum adversis agitatum , aut secundis tam inflatum vidit , ut mutando morem reddant me superbiorem ? aspernarer ego mundum , nisi mundus me jucundum bonis sociis , radiis vitae sociali tinctis siti celebraret ; adi , audi , et progressumeo gaude . primo die satur vino , veni islington à londino , iter arduum & grave , serò tamen superavi , acta vespertina scena , siccior eram quàm arena . veni kingsland , terram regis , speciosam coetu gregis , equum ubi fatigantem , vix ulterius spatiantem , nec verberibus nec verbis motum , gelidis dedi herbis . veni totnam altam crucem , quò discessi ante lucem ; hospes sociis parùm caret , nemo faustulum , spectaret ; pratum stratum , & cubile o piaculum ▪ fit foenile . vt reliqui crucem altam , lento cursu petii waltham , in hospitium oswaldi , qui mi regiam q theobaldi , monstrat domum , quo conspecto , haus● noctem sine lecto . de augustissima domo theobaldi . veni hodsdon , stabant foris chartis pictis impostores , queis deceptis , notis causis , ante eirenarcham pacis eos duxi , ut me videt , laudat eos , me deridet . veni ware , ubi belli saltus , situs , & amwelli amnes lenem dantes sonum , qui ditarunt middletonum : sunt spectati more miti , " o si essent aqua vitae ! veni wademill , ubi ritè pleno cyatho dempta siti , quidam clamitant jo●o●è , me spectantes ●tios● , cö-ementem haec flagella , " vbi equus , ubi sella ? veni puckridge , eò ventum mendicantes ferè centum me praecingunt ; dixi verum , " quod pauperior illis eram ; quo responso , mente una me relinquunt cum fortun● . veni buntingford , ad senilem hospitem , & juvenilem conjugem , quae scit affari placidè , lepidè osculari ; area fl●rida , frutice suavi● , vbi minurizat avis . veni roiston , ibi seges , prata , sata , niveae greges , vbi pedes pii regis ; hinc evolvens r fati leges , mihi dixi : quid te pejus , ista legens , malè deges ? veni caxston , paupere tecto , sed pauperiore lecto ; quidam habent me suspectum , esse maculis infectum pestis , unde exui vestem , vocans hospitem in testem . veni cambridge , prope vitem , vbi musae satiant sitim ; sicut muscae circa fimum , aut scintillae in caminum , me clauserunt juxta murum , denegantes rediturum . media nocte siccior essem ac sununquam ebibissem , sed pudore parùm motus , hinc discessi semi-potus : luci , loci paludosi , sed scholares speciosi . veni s godmanchester , ubi vt ixion captus nube , sic elusus à puella , cujus labr● erant mella , lectum se adire vellet , spondet , sponsum sed fefellit . veni huntington , ubi cella facto pacto cum puella , hospes me suspectum habens , et in cellam tacitè labens ; quo audito , vertens rotam , ●inxi memet peraegrotum . veni harrington , bonum omen ! verè amans illud nomen , harringtoni dedi nummum , et fortunae penè summum , indigenti postulanti , benedictionem danti . veni stonegatehole nefandum vbi contigit memorandum . quidam servus attu●nati vultu pellicis delicatae cap●us , intrat nemus merè vt coiret muliere . mox è dumo latro repit , improvisum eum cepit , manticam vertit , moechum vicit , et post herum undum misit : manibus vinctis sellae locat , hinnit equus , servus vocat . cogitemus atturnatum suspicantem hunc armatum , properantem depr●dari , vti strem●è calcari : currit herus , metu teste , currit servus sine vest● . psallens t sautry , tumulum veni , sacerdotis locum poenae , vbi rainsford jus fecisset , et pastorem condidisset : vidi , ridi , & avari rogo rogos sic tractari . veni ad collegium purum , cujus habent multi curam ; perhumanos narrant mores patres , fratres & sorores : vnum tenent , unà tendunt , omnes omnia sacris vendunt . a● sint isti corde puro , parumscie , minus curo ; si sint , non sunt hypocritae orbe melioris vitae : cellam , scholam & sacellum pulchra vidi supra stellam . veni stilton , lento more , sine fronde , sine flore , sine prunis , sine pomis , vti senex sine comis , calva tellus , sed benignum monstrat viatori signum . veni wansforth-brigs , immanem vidi amnem , alnum , mum ; amnem latum , anum la●tam , comptam , cultam , castam , cautam ; portas , horto● speciosos , portus , saltus spatiosos . sed scribentem digitum dei spectans miserere mei , a●riis , angulis , confestìm evitandi cura pestem , fugi , mori licet natus , nondum mori sum paratus . inde prato per-amoeno dormiens temulentè foeno , rivus surgit & me capit , et in flumen altè rapit ; quorsum ? clamant ; nuper erro a wansforth-brigs in anglo-terra . veni u burleigh , licet bruma , sunt fornaces sine fumo , promptuaria sine promo , clara porta , clausa domo ; w o camini sine foco , et culinae sine coquo ! clamans , domum ô inanem ! resonabat * ecco , famem ; quinam habitant intramuros ? respirabat ecco , mures ; ditis omen , nomen habe ; ecco respondebat , abi. veni y stamford , ubi bene omnis generis erumenae sunt venales , sed in summo sunt crumenae sine nummo : plures non in me reptantes , quàm sunt ibi mendicantes . licet curae premant charae , veni in z foramen sarae ; proca semel succi plena , lauta , laeta & serena , at v●nusta fit vetusta , mundo gravis & onusta . sarae antrum ut intrassem , et ampullas * gurgitassem , in amore sara certo , ore basia dat aperto ; saepe sedet , quando surgit cyathum propinare urget . veni witham , audiens illam propter lubricam anguillam verè claram , nixus ramo coepi expiscari hamo ; et ingentem eapiens unam , praeceps trabor in a lacunam . veni b grantham mihi gratam , inclytè pyramidatam , ibi pastor cum uxore coeundi utens more , de cubiculo descendit , quia papa ibi pendet . oppidani timent clari paulo spiram asportari , scissitantes ( valde mirum ) vbi praeparent papyrum , quâ * maturiùs implicetur , ne portando * laederetur . veni c new-worke , ubi vivos sperans mersos esse rivis , irrui cellam subamoenam , generosis vinis plenam , donec lictor intrans cellam , me conduxit ad flagellum . veni tuxworth sitam luto , vbi viatores ( puto ) viam viscum esse credunt , sedes syrtes ubi sedent ; thyrsus pendet , diu pendit , bonum vinum rarò vendit . veni retford , pisces edi , et adagio locum dedi , coepi statim propinare , vt pisciculi natare discant , meo corpore vivo , sicuti natarunt rivo . veni scrubie , deus bone ! cum pastore & latrone egi diem , fregi noctem , latro me fecisset doctum : ei nollem assidere , ne propinquior esset perae . veni bautree , angiportam , in dumetis vidi scortam , gestu levem , lumine vivam , vultu laetam & lascivam ; sed inflixi carni poenam , timens miserè crumenam . veni d doncaster , sed levitam audiens finiisse vitam , sprevi venerem , sprevi vinum , perditè quae dilexi primum : nam cum venus insenescit , in me carnis vim compescit . nescit sitis artem modi , puteum roberti hoodi veni , & liquente vena vincto e catino catena , tollens sitim , parcum odi , solvens obolum custodi . veni f wentbrig , ubi plagae terrae , maris , vivunt sagae , vultu torto & anili , et conditione vili : his infernae manent sedes , quae cum inferis ineunt foedus . veni ferribrig , vietus , pede lassus , mente laetus , vt gustassem uvam vini , fructum salubrem acini : saevior factu● sum quàm aper , licet vini lenis sapor . veni g pomfrait , ubi miram arcem , * anglis regibus diram ; h laseris ortu celebrandam , variis gestis memorandam : nec in pomfrait repens certior , quàm pauperculus inertior . veni sherburne , adamandum , et aciculis spectandum ; pastor decimas cerasorum quaerit plus quam animorum : certè nescio utrum mores , an fortunae meliores . veni bramham , eò ventus , vidi pedites currentes ; quidam auribus susurrat , " crede faustule , hic praecurret , " nam probantur : qui narratur pejor , melior auspicatur . veni tadcaster , ubi pontem sine flumine , praelucentem , plateas fractas , & astantes omni loco mendicantes spectans , illinc divagarer , ne cum illis numerarer . veni eboracum , flore iuventutis cum textore fruens , conjux statim venit , " lupum verò auribus tenet ; ille clamat aperire , illa negat exaudire . sic ingressus mihi datur , cum textori denegatur ; qui dum voce , importunè strepit , matulam urinae sentit ; sapientèr tacet , dum betricia mecum jacet ▪ ibi tibicen apprehensus , iudicatus & suspensus , plaustro cöaptato furi , ubi tibia , clamant pueri ? nunquam ludes amplius billie ; at nescitis , inquit ille . quod contigerit memet teste , nam abscissa jug●lo reste , vt in fossam furcifer vexit , semi-mortuus resurrexit : arce reducem occludit , vbi valet , vivit , ludit . veni towlerton , stadiodromi retinentes spem coronae , ducunt equos ea die iuxta tramitem notae viae ; sequens autem solitam venam , sprevi primum & postremum . veni helperby desolatum , igne nuper concrematum , ne taberna fit intacta , non in cineres redacta ; quo discessi ocyor euro , restinguendi sitim cura . veni h topcliffe , musicam vocans , et decore ordine locans , vt expectant hi mercedem , tacitè subtraexi pedem ; parum babui quod expendam , linquens eos ad solvendum . veni i thyrske , thyrsis hortum , vbi phyllis floribus sportam instruit , at nihil horum nec pastorem , neque florem ego curo , bacchum specto horto , campo , foro , tecto . veni alerton , ubi oves , tauri , vaccae , vituli , ●oves , aliaque campi pecora oppidana erant decora : forum fuit jumentorum , mihi autem cella forum . veni smeton , perexosum collem quem pediculosum vulgò vocant , tamen mirè moechae solent lascivire , ad alendum dehilem statum , aut tegendam nuditatem . veni k nesham , dei donum , in coenobiarchae domum ; vberem vallem , salulirem venam , cursu fluminis amoenam , laetam sylvis & fr●ndosam , herae vultu speciosam . veni darlington , prope vicum conjugem dux● peramicam ; nuptiis celebrantur festa , nulla admittuntur moesta ; pocula noctis dant progressum , ac si nondum nuptus essem . veni l richmund , sed amicos generosos & antiquos , nobiles socios , sortis mira , cùm nequissem invenire , sepelire cur as ibi , tota nocte mecum bibi . poena sequi solet culpam , veni redmeere ad subulcum , ilia mensae fert porcina , priscanimis intestina , quae ni calices abluissent , adhuc gurgite inhaesissent . veni carperbie peravarum , coetu frequens , victu carum ; septem solidorum coena redit levior crumena : nummo citiùs haurieris , quàm liquore ebrieris . veni wenchly , valle situm , prisca vetustate tritum , amat tamen propinare pastor cum agnellis charè , quo effascinati more , dormiunt agnicum pastore . veni middlam , ubi arcem vidi , & bibentes sparsim bonos socios , quibus junxi , et liquorem libere sumpsi ; aeneis licet tincti nasis , fuimus custodes pacis . veni m ayscarth , vertice montis , valles , & amoenos fontes , niveas greges , scopulos rudes , campos , scirpos , & paludes vidi , locum vocant templum , speculantibus exemplum . veni worton , sericis cincta sponsa ducis , ore tincta , me ad coenam blandè movet , licet me non unquam novit ; veni , vidi , vici , lusi , " cornu-copiam optans duci . veni bainbrig , ubi palam flumen deserit canalem , spectans , utì properarem ad johannem ancillarem , hospitem habui ( verè mirum ) neque foeminam , neque virum . veni n askrig , notum forum , valdè tamen indecorum , nullum habet magistratum , oppidanum ferre statum : hîc pauperrimi textores peragrestes tenent mores . veni o hardraw , ubi fames , cautes frugis perinanes ; nunquam vixit hic adonis , ni sub thalamo carbonis : diversorta sunt obscoena , fimo foeda , fumo plena . veni gastile , ubi cellam , cellam sitam ad sacellum intrans , bibi stingo fortem , habens lanium in consortem , et p pastorem parvae gregis , rudem moris , artis , legis . veni * sedbergh , sedem quondam lautam , loetam , & jocundam , sed mutatur mundus totus , " vix in anno unus potus : ibi propriae prope lari non audebam vulpinari . veni q killington , editum collem , fronde laetiore mollem , ibi tamen parùm haerens , semper altiora sperans , hisce dixi longum vale , solum repetens natale . veni kendall , ubi status praestans , prudens r magistratus , publicis festis purpuratu● , ab elizabetha datus ; hic me juvat habitare , propinare & amare . finis . barnabees journall . the third part . by corymboeus . full-blowne my veines are , & so well they may , with brimming healths of wine drunk yesterday . barnabees jovrnall . his northerne journey : third part . mirtil. whup ( faustulus ) all draw ny thee that doe love thee , or lov'd by thee , joying in thy safe returning ! leave court , care , & fruitlesse mourning ; way th' ast walked , pray thee shew it , where th' ast lived , what th' ast viewed . not th' ephesian diana is of more renoumed fam-a ; acting wonders all invent thee , painters in their statues paint thee ; banish feare , remove delay-man , shew thy selfe a famous way-man . faustul . leave delay , and be not fearfull ! why ; who e're saw me lesse cheerfull when i was by fortune cuffed , or by fortunes smiles so puffed , as i shewd my selfe farre prouder than when she more scornfull shewd her ? for the world , i would not prize her , yea , in time i should despise her , had she in her no good fellow that would drinke till he grew mellow ; draw neare and heare , thou shalt have all , hearing , joy in this my travall . first day having drunk with many , to islington from london came i , journey long and grievous wether , yet the ev'ning brought me thether , having t'ane my pots by th' fier , summer sand was never dryer . thence to kingsland ; where were feeding cattell , sheepe , and mares for breeding ; as i found it , there i feared that my rozinant was wear'ed : when he would jog on no faster loose i turn'd him to the pasture . thence to totnam-high-crosse turning i departed 'fore next morning ; hostesse on her guests so doted faustulus was little noted ; to an hay-loft i was led in , boords my bed , and straw my bedding . having thus left high-crosse early , i to waltham travelled fairly , to the hospitall of oswald , and that princely seat of q th'bald ; there all night i drunk old sack-a with my bed upon my back-a . of the kings house at tibbals . thence to hodsdon , where stood watching cheats who liv'd by conicatching , false cards brought me , with them plaid i , deare for their acquaintance paid i ; 'fore a iustice they appeared ; them he praised , me he jeered . thence to ware , where mazie amwell mildly cuts the southerne chanell ; rivers streaming , banks resounding , middleton with wealth abounding : mightily did these delight me ; " o i wish'd them aqua vitae ! thence to wademill , where i rest me for a pot , for i was thirstie ; on me cryde they and did hout me , and like beetles flockt about me : " buy a whip sr ! no , a laddle ; " where 's your horse sr ? where your saddle ? thence at puckridge i reposed , hundred beggars me inclosed ; " beggars , quoth i , you are many , " but the poorest of you am i ; they no more did me importune leaving me unto my fortune . thence to buntingford right trusty , bedrid host , but hostesse lusty , that can chat and chirp it neatly , and in secret kisse you sweetly ; here are arbours decked gaily , where the buntin warbles daily . thence to roiston , there grasse groweth , medes , flocks , fields the plowman soweth , where a pious prince frequented , which observing , this i vented : " since all flesh to r fate 's a debter , " retchlesse wretch , why liv'st no better ? thence to caxston , i was led in to a poor house , poorer bedding , some there were had me suspected that with plague i was infected , so as i starke-naked drew me , calling th'hostesse streight to view me . thence to cambridge , where the muses haunt the vine-bush , as their use is ; like sparks up a chimney warming , or flyes neare a dung-hill swarming , in a ring they did inclose me , vowing they would never lose me . 'bout mid-night for drinke i call sr , as i had drunk nought at all sr , but all this did little shame me , tipsy went i , tipsy came i : grounds , greenes , groves are wet and homely , but the schollers wondrous comely . thence to s godmanchester , by one , with a clowd as was ixion , was i gull'd ; she had no fellow , her soft lips were moist & mellow , all night vow'd she to lye by me , but the giglet came not ny me . thence to huntington , in a cellar with a wench was there a dweller i did bargaine , but suspected by the hoast who her affected , down the staires he hurr'ed quickly , while i made me too too sickly , thence to harrington , be it spoken ! for name-sake i gave a token to a beggar that did crave it and as cheerfully receive it : more he need't not me importune for 't was th' utmost of my fortune . thence to stonegatehole , i 'l tell here of a story that befell there , one who served an atturney t'ane with beauty in his journey , seeing a coppice hastens thither purposely to wanton with her . as these privatly conferred , a rover tooke him unprepared , search't his port-mantua , bound him faster , and sent him naked to his master : set on 's saddle with hands tyed , th' horse he neyed , man he cryed . th'atturney when he had discerned one , he thought , behind him armed in white armour , stoutly sturr'd him , for his jade hee keenly spurr'd him : both run one course to catch a gudgeon , this nak't , that frighted to their lodging . singing along down t sautry laning , i saw a tombe one had beene laine in , and inquiring , one did tell it , 't was where rainsford buried ●h ' prelat : i saw , i smil'd , and could permit it , greedy priests might so be fitted . to th' newfounded college came i , commended to the care of many ; bounteous are they , kind and loving , doing whatsoe're's behoving : these hold and walke together wholly , and state their lands on uses holy . whether pure these are or are not , as i know not , so i care not ; but if they be dissembling brothers , their life surpasseth many others : see but their cell , schoole and their temple , you 'l say the stars were their exemple . thence to stilton , slowly paced , with no bloome nor blossome graced , with no plums nor apples stored , but bald like an old mans forehead ; yet with innes so well provided , guests are pleas'd when they have tride it . thence to wansforth-brigs , a river , and a wife will live for ever ; river broad , an old wife jolly , comely , seemely , free from folly ; gates and gardens neatly gracious , ports and parks and pastures spatious . ●eeing there , as did become me , written , lord have mercy on me , on the portels , i departed , ●est i should have sorer smarted ; though from death none may be spared , 〈◊〉 to dye was scarce prepared . on a hay-cock sleeping soundly , th' river rose and tooke me roundly downe the current ; people cryed , sleeping , down the streame i hyed ; where away , quoth they , from greenland ? no ; from wansforth-brigs in england . thence to u burleigh , though 't was winter , no fire did the chimney enter , buttries without butlers guarded , stately gates were dooble-warded ; hoary w chimneyes without smooke too , hungry kitchins without cooke too . hallowing loud , ô empty wonder ! * ecco streight resounded , hunger . who inhabits this vast brick-house ? ecco made reply , the titmouse ; ominous cell , no drudge at home sir ! ecco answer made , be gone sir. thence to ancient y stamford came i , where are pencelesse purses many , neatly wrought as doth become them , lesse gold in them than is on them : clawbacks more doe not assaile me , than are beggars swarming dayly . though my cares were maine and many , to the hole of sara came i , once a bona-roba , trust me , though now buttock-shrunke and rustie ; but though nervy-oyle and fat-a , her i caught by you know what-a . ●aving boldly thus adventur'd , ●nd my sara's socket enter'd , ●er i sued , suted , sorted , ●ussed , bouzed , sneesed , snorted : ●ften sat she , when she got up ●ll her phraze was , " drink thy pot up . thence to witham , having red there that the fattest eele was bred there , purposing some to intangle , forth i went and tooke mine angle , where an huge one having hooked , by her headlong was i dooked . a thence to b grantham i retiring , ●amous for a spire aspiring , there a pastor with his sweeting 〈◊〉 a chamber closely meeting ; 〈◊〉 great fury out he flung there cause a popish picture hung there . here the townsmen are amated that their spire should be translated unto pauis ; and great 's their labour how to purchase so much paper to enwrap it , as is fitting , to secure their spire from splitting . thence to c new-worke , flood-surrounded , where i hoping most were drowned , hand to hand i straightwayes shored to a cellar richly stored , till suspected for a picklock , th' beedle led me to the whip-stock . thence to tuxworth in the clay there , where poor travellers find such way there ; wayes like bird-lime seeme to show them , seats are syrts to such as know them ; th' ivy hangs there , long has't hong there , wine it never vended strong there . thence to retford , fish i fed on , and to th' adage i had red on , with carouses i did trimme me , that my fish might swim within me , as they had done being living , and i th' river nimbly diving . thence to scrubie , ô my maker ! with a pastor and a taker day i spent , i night divided , thiefe did make me well provided : my poor scrip did cause me feare him , all night long i came not neare him . thence to bautree , as i came there from the bushes neare the lane there rush'd a tweake in gesture flanting , with a leering eye and wanton ; but my flesh i did subdue it , fearing lest my purse should rue it . thence to d doncaster , where reported ●ively levit was departed , ●ove i loath'd and spritely wine too , which i dearely lov'd sometime too : ●or when youthfull venus ageth , 〈◊〉 my fleshly force asswageth . thirst knowes neither meane nor measure , robin hoods well was my treasure , ●n a common e dish enchained , ● my furious thirst restrained : ●nd because i drunk the deeper , ● paid two farthings to the keeper . ●hence to f wentbrig , where vile wretches , ●ideous hags and odious witches , ●rithen count'nance and mis-shapen ●re by some foule bugbeare taken : ●hese infernall seats inherit , who contract with such a spirit . thence to ferrybrig , sore wearied , ●urfoot , but in spirit cheered ; ● the grape no sooner tasted than my melancholy wasted : never was wild boare more fellish , though the wine did smally relish . thence to g pomfrait , as long since is , fatall to our * english princes ; for the choicest h licorice crowned , and for sundry acts renowned : a louse in pomfrait is not surer , then the poor through sloth securer . thence to sherburne , dearely loved , and for pinners well approved ; cherry tenths the pastor aymeth more than th' soules which he reclaimeth : in an equi-page consorting are their manners and their fortune . thence to bramham , thither comming , i saw two footmen stript for running ; one told me , " th' match was made to cheat thē , " trust me faustulus , this will beat 'em , " for we 've tride them : but that courser he priz'd better , prov'd the worser . thence to tadcaster , where stood reared a faire bridge , where no stood appeared , broken pavements , beggars waiting , nothing more than labour hating , but with speed i hastned from them , lest i should be held one of them . thence to yorke , fresh youth enjoying with a wanton weaver toying , husband suddenly appeares too " catching of the wolfe by th' eares too ; he cryes open , something feares him , but th'deafe adder never heares him . thus my entrance was descried , while the weaver was denied , who as he fumed , fret , and frowned with a chamber-pot was crowned ; wisely silent he ne're grudged while his betty with me lodged . piper being here committed , ●uilty found , condemn'd and titted , she was to knavesmyre going , ●his day , quoth boyes , will spoile thy blowing ; ●rom thy pipe th' art now departing ; ●ags , quoth th' piper , you 'r not certaine . ●ll which happen'd to our wonder , ●or the halter cut asunder , ●s one of all life deprived ●eing buried , he revived : ●nd there lives , and plays his measure , ●olding hanging but a pleasure . thence to towlerton , where those stagers or horse-coursers run for wagers ; ●eare to the high way the course is , where they ride and run their horses ; ●ut still on our journey went we , ●irst , or last , did like content me . thence to helperby i turned desolate and lately burned , not a taphouse there but mourned , being all to ashes turned , whence i swiftly did remove me for thirst-sake , as did behove me . thence to h topcliffe , musick call'd i , in no comely posture fail'd i , but when these expected wages , to themselves i left my pages ; small being th' curt'sy i could shew them th'reckning i commended to them . thence to i thyrske , rich thyrsis casket , where faire phyllis fils her basket with choice flowers , but these be vaine things , i esteeme no flowers nor swainlings ; in bacchus yard , field , booth or cottage i love nought like his cold pottage . thence to alerton , rankt in battell , sheepe , kine , oxen , other cattell , as i fortun'd to passe by there were the towns best beautifier : faire for beasts at that time fell there , but i made my fayre the celler . ●hence to smeton , i assailed ●●wsy hill , for so they call it , ●here were dainty ducks , and gant ones , ●enches that could play the wantons , ●hich they practise , truth i 'le tell ye , ●or reliefe of back and bellie . thence to nesham , now translated , once a nunnery dedicated ; ●allies smiling , bottoms pleasing , ●treaming rivers never ceasing , ●eckt with tufty woods and shady , graced by a lovely lady . thence to darlington , there i boused till at last i was espoused ; marriage feast and all prepared , not a fig for th' world i cared ; all night long by th' pot i tarried as if i had ne're beene married . thence to l richmund , heavy sentence ! there were none of my acquaintance , all my noble cumrads gone were , of them all i found not one there , but lest care should make me sicker , i did bury care in liquor . penance chac'd that crime of mine hard , thence to redmeere to a swine-heard came i , where they nothing plast me but a swines-gut that was nastie , had i not then wash'd my liver , in my guts't had stuck for ever . thence to carperbie very greedy , consorts frequent , victuals needy ; after supper they so tost me as seven shillings there it cost me : soone may one of coyne be soaked , yet for want of liquor choaked . thence to wenchly , valley-seated , ●or antiquity repeated ; ●heep and sheepheard as one brother kindly drink to one another ; till pot-hardy light as feather sheep and shepheard sleep together . thence to middlam , where i viewed th'castle which so stately shewed ; down the staires , 't is truth i tell ye , to a knot of brave boyes fell i ; all red-noses , no dye deeper , yet not one but a peace-keeper . thence to m ayscarth , from a mountaine ●ruitfull vallies , pleasant fountaine , woolly flocks , cliffs steep and snowy , ●ields , f●nns , sedgy rushes saw i ; which high mount is call'd the temple , ●or all prospects an exemple . thence to worton , being lighted i was solemnly invited by a captains wife most vewlie , though , i thinke , she never knew me ; i came , call'd , coll'd , toy'd , trifl'd , kissed , " captaine cornu-cap'd i wished . thence to bainbrig , where the river from his channell seemes to sever , to maidenly iohn i forthwith hasted , and his best provision tasted ; th' hoast i had ( a thing not common ) seemed neither man nor woman . thence to n askrig , market noted , but no handsomnesse about it , neither magistrate nor mayor ever were elected there : here poor people live by knitting , to their trading , breeding fitting . thence to o hardraw , where 's hard hunger , barraine cliffs and clints of wonder ; never here adonis lived , unlesse in coles harbour hived : ins are nasty , dusty , fustie , both with smoake and rubbish mustie . thence to gastile , i was drawne in to an alehouse neare adjoining to a chappell , i drunk stingo with a butcher and domingo th' p curat , who to my discerning was not guilty of much learning . thence to * sedbergh , sometimes joy-all , gamesome , gladsome , richly royall , but those jolly boyes are sunken , " now scarce once a yeare one drunken : there i durst not well be merry , farre from home old foxes werry . thence to q killington i passed , where an hill is freely grassed , there i staid not though halfe-tyred , higher still my thoughts aspired : taking leave of mountains many , to my native country came i. ●hence to kendall , pure her state is , ●rudent too her magistrate is , ●n whose charter to them granted ●othing but a r mayor wanted ; ●ere it likes me to bee dwelling , ●ousing , loving , stories telling . finis . barnabae itinerarium . pars quarta . authore corymboeo . si vitulum spectes , nihil est quod pocul● laudes . barnabae itinerarivm . itineris borealis : pars quarta . mirtil. o faustule , dic quo jure spreta urbe , vivis rure ? quo tot lepidos consortes , genio faustos , gurgite fortes , reliquisti , socios vitae , gravi laborantes siti ? vale dices tot amicis , tot lyei vini vicis , tot falerni roscidi cellis , tot pelliculis , tot puellis ? quid te movet , dic sodali , vrbilongum dicere vale ? faustul . quid me movet ? nonne cernis me tamdiu in tabernis propinasse , donec mille clamant , ecce faustulus ille , qui per orbem ducens iter , titulo ebrii insignitur ! qui natali bibit more ortu roseae ab aurorae usque vespram , & pudorem vultus , quaestus & odorem sprevit ! audi culpae poenam , scenam faustuli extremam . vale banbery , vale brackley , vale hollow-well , vale hockley , vale daintre , vale leister , vale chichester , vale chester , vale nottingam , vale mansfield , vale wetherbe , vale tanfield . vale aberford , vale bradford , vale tosseter , vale stratford , vale preston , vale euxston , vale wiggin , vale newton , vale warrington , vale budworth , vale kighley , vale cudworth . vale hogsdon , vale totnam , vale giggleswick , vale gottam , vale harrington , vale stilton , vale huntington , vale milton , vale roiston , vale puckridge , vale caxston , vale cambridge . vale ware , vale wademill , vale highgate , vale gadshill , vale stamford , vale santree , vale scrubie , vale bautree , vale castrum subter linum , vbi vates , venus , vinum . vale tauk-hill , quem conspexi , lemnia lydia , quam dilexi , arduae via quos transivi , et amiculae queis cōivi , faber , taber , sociae latae , et convivae vos valete . nunc longinquos locos odi , vale fons roberti hoodi , vale rosington , vale retford , et antiqua sedes bedford , vale dunchurch , dunstable , brickhill , alban , barnet , pimlico , tickhill . vale waltham , & oswaldi sedes , sidus theobaldi , vale godmanchester , ubi mens elusa fuit nube , vale kingsland , islington , s london , quam amavi perditè quondam . vale buntingford , ubi suaves vepres , vites , flores , aves , huspes grata & benigna , et amoris preb●ns signa ; aliò juvat spatiari , pasci , pati , recreari . vale stone , & sacellum quod splendentem kabet stellam , vale haywood , bruarton , ridglay , lichfield , coventre , colesyl , edglay , meredin , wakefield , & amoeni campi , chori georgii greeni . vale clowne , doncaster , rothram , clapham , ingleton , waldon , clothram , witham , grantham , new-work , tuxworth , uxbridge , beckensfield , & oxford , geniis & ingeniis bonis satur , opibus platonis . sprevi nunc textoris acum , vale , vale eboracum , alio nunc victurus more , mutans mores cum t colore ; horre● , proprium colens nidum , sacram violare fidem . vale wentbrig , towlerton , sherburne , ferry-brig , tadcaster , helperbe , merburne , vale bainbrig , askrig , worton , hardraw , wenchely , smeton , burton , vale ayscarth , carperbe , redmeere , gastyle , killington , & sedbergh . armentarius jam sum factus , rure manens incoactus , suavis odor lucri tenet , parùm curo unde venis , campo , choro , tecto , tho●o , caula , cella , sylva , fore . equestria fora . veni malton , artem laudo , vendens equum sine cauda , morbidum , mancum , claudum , coecum , fortè si maneret mecum , probo , vendo , pretium datur , quid si statim moriatur ? ad forensem rippon tendo , equi si sint cari , vendo , si minore pretio dempti , equi a me erunt empti ; " vt alacrior fiat ille , " ilia mordicant anguillae . septentrionalia fora . veni pomfrait , uberem venam , * virgis laserpitiis plenam ; veni topcliffe cum sodali , non ad vinum sed venale ; veni thyrske , ubi boves sunt venales pinguiores . veni allerton laetam , latam , mercatori perquàm gratam , in utiliorem actum , eligo locum pecori aptum ; veni darlington , servans leges in custodiendo greges . i●de middlam cursum flecto , spe lucrandi tramite recto , nullum renuo laborem , quastus sipiens odorem ; " nulla vi● modò vera , " est ad bunos mores sera . tra-montana fo●ra . hisce foris nullum bonum capiens , septentrionem ocyore peto pede , dictiore frui sede : asperae cautes , ardui colles , lueri gratia mihi molles . veni applebie , ubinatus , primam sedem comitatus ; illine penrith speciosam , omni merce ●opiosam ; illinc roslay , ubi tota grex à gente venit scota . hinc per limitem obliquam veni ravinglasse antiquam ; illinc dalton peramoenum ; hinc oustonum fruge plenum ; donec hauxide specto s●nsim ; illinc sedem lancastrensem . 〈◊〉 garestang , ubi nata 〈◊〉 armenta fronte latâ ; hinc ad ingleforth ut descendi , pulchri vituli sunt emendi ; illinc burton limina peto , grege lautâ , fronde laetâ . veni hornebie , sedem claram , " spes lucrandifert avarum ; coeca-sacr● fames auri me consortem secit tauri ; sprevi veneris amorem " lu●rum summum dat odorem . veni lonesdale , venientem laticem socii praepotentem haurientes , hae sitantes , fluctuantes , titubantes , allicerent , ( narro verum ) sed non sum qui semel eram . me ad limen trabunt orci , vti lutum petunt porci , aut ad vomitum fertur canis , sed intentio fit inanis ; oculis clausis hos consortes praeterire didici mortis . mirtil. miror ( faustule ) miror vere , bacchi te clientem beri , spreto genio ▪ jucundo , mentem immersisse mundo ; dic quid agis , ubi vivis , semper eris mundo civis ? faustul . err●● ( mirtile ) si me cred●s nunquam bacchi petere s●des ; thyrsus vinctus erit collo , " semel in anno ridet apollo ; pellens animi dolores , mutem crines , nunquam mores . socios habeo verè gratos , oppidanos propè natos , intra , extra , circ●muros , qui mordaces tollunt curas : hisce juvat sociari , et u apricis spatiari . nunc ad richmund , primo flore , nunc ad nesham eum uxore , laeto cursu properamus , et amamur & amamus ; pollent floribus ambulachra , vera veris simulachra . nunc ad ashton invitato ab amico & cognato , dant hospitium abditae cellae , radiantes orbis stell● , menso , mera , omnia plena , grata fronte & serena . nunc ad cowbrow , ubi laetus , vnâ mente confluit coetus , nescit locus lachrymare , noscit hosp●s osculari , facit in amoris testem anser vel gallina sestum . nunc ad natland , ubi florem convivalem & pastorem specto , spiro ora rosea , a queis nectar & ambrosea ; castitatis autem curae me intactum servant rure ▪ nunc ad kirkland , & de eo " prope templo , procul deo dici potest , spectent templum , sacerdotis & exem●lum , audient tamen citiùs sonum tibia quàm concionen . nunc ad kendall , propter * pannum , coetum , situm , w aldermannum , virgines pulchras , pias matres , et viginti quatuor fratres , verè clarum & beatum , mihi nactum , notum , natum . vbi dicam ( pace vestra ) tectum mittitur è fenestra , cura lucri , cura fori , saltant cum johanne dori : sancti fratres cum poeta , lae●a canunt & faceta . nunc ad staveley , ubi aves melos , modos cantant suaves , sub arbustis & virgultis molliore musco fultis : cellis , sylvis , & tabernis , an foeliciorem cernis ? mirtil. esto faustule ! recumbe , rure tuo carmina funde ; vive , vale , profice , cresce , arethusae alma messe ; tibi zephyrus sub sago dulcitèr afflet . faust . gratias ago . finis . aurea rure mihi sunt secula , pocula tmoli . fruges adde ceres , & frugibus adde racemos , vitibus & vates , vatibus adde dies . in errata . lector , ne mireris illa , villam si mutavi villa , si regressum feci metro , retro ante , anteretro inserendo , " ut praepono godmanchester haringtono . quid si breves fiant longi ? si vocales sint dipthongi ? quid si graves sint acuti ? si accentus fiant muti ? quid si placidè , plenè , planè , fregi frontem prisciani ? quid si sedem muto sede ? quid si carmen claudo pede ? quid si noctem sensi diem ? quid si veprem esse viam ? sat est , verbum declinavi , " titubo-titubas-titubavi . finis . ad philoxenum . te viatores lepidi patronum , te tuae dicunt patriae coronam , vatis & vitis roseae corymbum , artis alumum . te tuus vates lyricis salutat , qui fidem nulla novitate mutat , nec nova venti levitate nutat , fidus ad aras . barnabees journall . the fourth part . by corymboeus . if thou doest love thy flock , leave off to pot . barnabees jovrnall . his northerne journey : the fourth part . mirtil. o faustulus , takes't no pitty for the field to leave the city ? nor thy consorts , lively skinkers , witty wags , and lusty drinkers , lads of life , who wash their liver and are dry and thirsty ever ? wilt thou here no longer tarrie with these boyes that love canarie ? wilt thou leave these nectar trenches , dainty doxes , merry wenches ? say , what makes thee change thy ditty , thus to take farewell oth'city ? faustul . what is 't makes me ? doest not note it how i have i th' taverne floted , till a thousand seeke to shame me , there goes faustulus , so they name me , who through all the world traced , and with stile of maltworme graced ! who carouseth to his breeding from aurora's beamelins spreding to the ev'ning , and despiseth favour , thrift which each man prizeth ! now heare faustulus melancholly , th' clozing scene of all his folly . farewell banbery , farewell brackley , farewell hollow-well , farewell hockley , farewell daintre , farewell l●ister , farewell chichester , farewell chester , farewell nottingam , farewell mansfield , farewell wetherbe , farewell tanfield . farewell aberford , farewell bradford , farewell tosseter , farewell stratford , farewell preston , farewell euxston , farewell wiggin , farewell newton , farewell warrington , farewell budworth , farewell kighley , farewell cudworth . farewell hogsdon , farewell totnam , farewell giggleswick , farewell gottam , farewell harrington , farewell stilton , farewell huntington , farewell milton , farewell roiston , farewell puckridge , farewell caxston , farewell cambridge . farewell ware , farewell wademill , farewell highgate , farewell gadshill , farewell stamford , farewell sautree , farewell scrubie , farewell bautree , farewell castle under line too , where are poets , wenches , wine too . farewell tauk-hill , which i viewed , lemnian lydia , whom i sewed , steepy wayes by which i waded , and those trugs with which i traded , faber , taber , pensive never , farewell merry mates for ever . now i hate all forraine places , robin hoods well and his chaces , farewell rosington , farewell retford , and thou ancient seat of bedford , farewell dunchurch , dunstable , brickhill , albàn , barnet , pimlico , tickhill . farewell waltham , seat of oswald , that bright princely starre of the'bald , farewell godmanchester , where i was deluded by a fairy , farewell kingsland , islington , s london , which i lov'd , and by it undon . farewell buntingford , where are thrushes , sweet briers , shred vines , privet bushes , hostesse cheerefull , mildly moving , giving tokens of her loving ; i must in another nation take my fill of recreation . farewell pretious stone , and chappell where stella shines more fresh than th'apple , farewell haywood , bruarton , ridglay , lichfield , coventre , colesyl , edglay , meredin , wakefield , farewell cleene-a meedes and mates of greene-a . farewell clowne , doncaster , rothram , clapham , ingleton , waldon , clothram , witham , grantham , new-worke , tuxworth , uxbridge , bekensfield , & oxford , richly stor'd ( i am no gnatho ) with wit , wealth , worth , well of plato . farewell yorke , i must forsake thee , ●ervers shuttle shall not take mee , hoary hayres are come upon me , youthfull pranks will not become me ; ●h'bed to which i 'm reconciled ●hall be by me ne're defiled . farewell wentbrig , towlerton , sherbuern , ferry-brig , tadcaster , helperbe , merburne , farewell bainebrig , askrig , worton , hardraw , wenchley , smeton , burton , farewell asycarth , carperbe , redmeere , gastyle , killington , and sedbergh . ● am now become a drover , countrey-liver , countrey-lover , ●mell of gaine my sense benummeth , ●ittle care i whence it commeth , ●e't from campe , chore , cottage , carpet , ●ield , fold , cellar , forrest , market . horse-faires . to malton come i , praising th'saile sir , of an horse without a taile sir , be he maim'd , lam'd , blind , diseased , if i sell him , i 'm well pleased ; should this javell dye next morrow , i partake not in his sorrow . then to rippon i appeare there to sell horse if they be deare there , if good cheape , i use to buy them , and ith'country profit by them ; " where to quicken them , i 'le tell ye , " i put quick eeles in their bellie . northerne faires . thence to pomfrait , freshly flowred , and with * rods of licorice stored ; thence to topcliffe with my fellow , not to bouze wine but to sell-lo ; thence to thyrske , where bullocks grazed , are for sale ith'market placed . thence to allerton cheerefull , fruitfull , to the seller very gratefull , there to chuse a place i 'm chariest , where my beasts may shew the fairest ; thence to darlington , never swarving from our drove-lawes , worth observing . thence to middlam am i aiming in a direct course of gaining , i refuse no kind of labour , where i smell some gainfull savour ; " no way , be it ne're the homeliest " is rejected being honest . tra-montane faires . in these faires if i finde nothing worthy staying , i 'm no slow thing , to the north frame i my passage wing'd with hope of more advantage : ragged rocks , and steepy hillows are by gaine more soft than pillows . thence to native applebie mount i , th' antient seat of all that county ; thence to pearelesse penrith went i , which of merchandize hath plenty ; thence to roslay , where our lot is to commerce with people scottish . by a passage crooktly tending , thence to ravinglasse i 'm bending ; thence to dalton most delightfull ; thence to oaten ouston fruitfull ; thence to hauxides marish pasture ; thence to th'seat of old lancaster . thence to garestang , where are feeding heards with large fronts freely breeding ; thence to ingleforth i descended , where choice bull-calfs will be vended ; thence to burtons boundiers passe i , faire in flocks , in pastures grassie . thence to hornebie , seat renouned , " thus with gaine are worldlings drowned ; secret-sacred thirst of treasure makes my bullocks my best pleasure ; should love wooe me , i 'd not have her , " it is gaine yelds sweetest savour . thence to lonesdale , where were at it ●oyes that scorn'd quart-ale by statute , till they stagger'd , stammer'd , stumbled , railed , reeled , rowled , tumbled , musing i should be so stranged , i resolv'd them , i was changed . 〈◊〉 the sinke of sin they drew me , ●here like hogs in mire they tow me , 〈◊〉 like dogs unto their vomit , ●●t their purpose i o'recommed ; ●●ith shut eyes i flung in anger ●●om thoses mates of death and danger . mirtil. surely ( faustulus ) i doe wonder how thou who so long liv'd under bacchus , where choice wits resoūded , should'st be thus i th' world drowned . what do'st , where liv'st , in briefe deliver , wilt thou be a worldling ever ? ●austul thou err'st ( mirtilus ) so doe mo too , if thou think'st i never goe to bacchus temple , which i follow , " once a yeare laughs wise apollo ; ●here i drench griefes , sleight physitians , ●●yre i change , but no conditions . ●heerefull cumrades have i by me , ●ownsmen that doe neighbour ny me , ●ithin , without , where e're i rest me , ●arking cares doe ne'r● molest me : ●ith these i please to consort me , ●nd in u open fields to sport me . now to richmund , when spring 's comming , now to nesham with my woman , with free course we both approve it , where we live and are beloved ; here fields flower with freshest creatures representing flora's features . now to ashton i 'm invited by my friend and kinsman cited , secret cellars entertaine me , beauteous-beaming stars inflame me , meat , mirth , musick , wines are there full , with a count'nance blith and cherefull . now to cowbrow , quickly thither joviall boyes doe flock together , in which place all sorrow lost is , guests know how to kisse their hostesse , nought but love doth border neare it , goose or hen will witnesse beare it . now to natland , where choice beauty and a shepheard doe salute me , lips i relish richly roseack , purely nectar and ambroseack ; but i 'm chaste , as doth become me , for the countreys eyes are on me . now to kirkland , truly by it may that say be verified , " far from god , but neare the temple , though their pastor give exemple , they are such a kind of vermin , pipe they 'd rather heare than sermon . now to kendall , for * cloth-making , sight , site , w alderman awaking , beauteous damsels , modest mothers , and her foure and twenty brothers , ever in her honour spreading , where i had my native breeding . ●here i 'le tell you ( while none mind us ) ●e throw th' house quit out at windows , ●ought makes them or me ought sory , ●hey dance lively with iohn dori : ●oly brethren with their poet ●●ng , nor care they much who know it . now to staveley streight repaire i , where sweet birds doe hatch their airy , arbours , osyers freshly showing with soft mossie rinde or'e-growing : for woods , ayre , ale , all excelling , would'st thou have a neater dwelling ? mirtil. bee 't so faustulus ! there repose thee , cheere thy country with thy posie ; live , fare-well , as thou deservest , rich in arethusa's harvest ; under th' beach while shepheards ranke thee zephyrus blesse thee . faust . i doe thanke thee . finis . here in the countrey live i with my page , where tmolus cups i make my golden age . ceres send corne , with corne adde grapes unto it , poet to wine , and long life to the poet. upon the errata's . reader , thinke no wonder by it , if with towne i 've towne supplied , if my meeters backward nature set before what should be later , " as for instance is exprest there , harrington after godmanchester . what though brieves too be made longo's ? what tho vowels be dipthongo's ? what tho graves become acute too ? what tho accents become mute too ? what tho freely , fully , plainly i've broke priscians forehead mainly ? what tho seat with seat i 've strained ? what tho my limpe-verse be maimed ? what tho night i 've t'ane for day too ? what tho i 've made bryers my way too ? know ye , i 've declin'd most bravely " titubo-titubas-titubavi . finis . to philoxenus . thee , pleasing way-mates titled have their patron , their countreys glory , which they build their state on , the poets wine-bush , which they use to prate on , arts mery minion . in lyrick measures doth thy bard salute thee , who with a constant resolution suits thee , nor can ought move me to remove me frō thee , but my religion . bessie bell : cantio latine versa ; alterni , vicibus , modernis vocibus decantanda . authore corymboeo . bessie bell. damaetas . eliza-bella . dam . 1. bellula bella , mi puella , tu me corde tenes , o si claus â simus cellâ mars & lemnia venus ! tanti mî es , quanti tuares , ne spectes bellula mundum , non locus est cui crimen obest in amoribus ad cöeundum . bel. 2. crede damaetas , non sinit aetas ferre cupidinis ignem , vir verè laetus intende pecus curâ & carmine diguum . non amo te , ne tu ames me , nam jugo premitur gravi , quaecunque nubit & unocubat , nec amo , nec amor , nec amavi . dam . 3. virginis vita fit inimica principi , patriae , proli , in orbe sita ne sis invita sponsa nitidula coli . aspice vultum numine cultum , flore , colore jucundum , hîc locus est , nam lucus adest in amoribus ad cōeundum . bel. 4. ah pudet fari , cogor amari , volo , sed nolo fateri , expedit mari lenocinari , a● libet ista tacere . non amo te , quid tu amos me ? nam jugo premitur gravi , quaecunque nubit & uno cubat , nec amo , nec amor , nec amavi . dam . 5. candida bella , splendida stella , languida lumin● cerne , emitte mella eliza-bella , lentula taedia sperne . mors mihi mora , hac ipsâ horâ iungamus ora per undam , nam locus est cui crimen abest in amoribus ad côeundum . bel. 6. perge damaetas , nunc prurit aetas , me nudam accipe solam , demitte pecus si bellam petas , exue virginis stolam . sic amo te , si tu ames me , nam jugo premittur suavi , quaecunque nubit & u●o cubat , et amo , & amor , & amavi . bessie bell : englished ; to be sung in alterne courses , & moderne voyces . by corymboeus . bessie bell. damaetas . eliza-bella . dam . 1. my bonny bell , i love thee so well , i would thou wad scud a lang hether , that we might here in a cellar dwell , and blend our bows together ! deere a'rt to me as thy geere's to thee , the warld will never suspect us , this place it is private , 't is folly to drive it , loves spies have no eyes to detect us . bel. 2. trust me damaetas , youth will not let us , yet to be cing'd with loves taper , bonny blith swainlin intend thy lamkin , to requite both thy layes and thy labour . i love not thee , why should'st thou love me , the yoake i cannot approve it , then lye still with one , i 'de rather have none , nor i love , nor am lov'd , nor have loved . dam . 3. to lead apes in hell , it will not do well , 't is an enemy to procreation , in the world to tarry and never to marry would bring it soone to desolation . see my countnance is merry , cheeks red as chery , this cover will never suspect us , this place it is private , 't is folly to drive it , loves spyes have no eyes to detect us . bel. 4. 'las , maidens must faine it , i love though i laine it , i would , but i will not confesse it , my yeares are consorting and faine would bee sporting , but bashfulnesse shames to expresse it . i love not thee , why should'st thou love me , that yoake i cannot approve it , then lye still with one , i 'de rather have none , nor i love , nor am lov'd , nor have loved . dam . 5. my beauteous bell , who stars doest excel , see mine eyes never dries but do weat me , some cōfort unbuckle my sweet honey-suckle , come away , doe not stay , i intreat thee . delay would undoe me , hye quickly un●o me , this river will never suspect us , this place it is private , 't is folly to drive it , loves spyes have no eies to detect us . bel. 6. come on damatas , ripe age doth fit us , take aside thy nak't bride and enjoy her , so thou coll thy sweeting , let flocks fall a bleeting , my maids weed on thy meed i 'le bestow there . thus love i thee , so be thou love me , the yoake is so sweet i approve it , to lye still with one is better than none , i doe love , i am lov'd , and have lov'd it . good reader , if this impression have errors in it , excuse it : the copy was obscure ; neither was the author , by reason of his distance , and imployments of higher consequence , made acquainted with the publishing of it . his patavinus erravit pr●lis , authorem suis lacerando telis . philander . errata . inter barnabae errores , hi mutârunt preli mores . " delirans iste sapiens gottam " reddit coetum propter cotem . tertia parte , vide grantham . amongst other faults in print , you shall find this error in 't . " did not that sage of gottam strangely faile , " who for a whetstone●ender'd ●ender'd him a whale ? in the third part , see grantham . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a16651-e1030 a mortimeriados morti dos , gloria pulvis , atria sunt frondes , nobilis aula seges . nunc gradus anfractus , cisterna fluenta spadonis , amplexus vermes , oscula mista rogis . clamat tempus edo , vocemque repercutit ecco , sed nunquam redeo , voce resurgit ego . o vos horoës attendite fata sepulchris , heroum , patriis qui rediere thoris ! non estis luti m●lioris in orbe superbis ; hi didicere mori , discite morte sequi . b temporibus jani sedes fuit ultima conspicuis vallis obsitae , fixa palis . * dani , ‘ fragmina suggesti sacrarunt fercula festi . lucret. * o cives , cives , sacris attendite rivis , praeceptor legerit , vos verò negligitis . * eo tempore , quo in hoc pauperiore vico hospitium suscepimus , quidam acicularius , è grege praecaeteris , fam● egregius , aciculari pulvere suffecatus interiit : in cujus memoriam hoc inseriptum comperimus epitaphi● . — ô mors crud●lis quae tuís telis artificem stravisti , qui meliorem erasit pulverem quàm tu de eo fecesti . d in corneolo angiportu , subamoeniore horto speciosa manet scorta , meretriciâ procans sportâ . egremio collis saliens scatet unda parennts , quae fluit & refluit , nil tamen aestus habet . pirgus inest fano , fanum sub atumine collis , collis ab elatis actus & auctus aquis . a brave mortimer's now dead , his glory dust , his courts are clad with grasse , his hall with rust . his staires steepe steps , his horse-t●oughs cisterns are , wormes his embraces , kisses ashes share . ●ime cryes , i eat , and ecco answers it : ●ut gone , e're to returne , is held unfit . o heroes of these heroes take a view , they 'r to their fathers gone , and so must you ! of better clay you are not than these men , and they are dead , and you must follow them . b in ianus time was danus seated here , as by their pales and trenches may appeare . ‘ the fragments of which pulpit they were pleas't to sacrifice to th' ashes of their feast . lucret. ●●y you , good townsmen , sacred springs affect , ●●t not your preacher read , and you negl●ct . * at such time as we sojourn'd in this poor village , it chanced that a certaine pinner , and one of the choicest of all his flocke , being choaked with pin-dust , dyed : to whose memory wee find this epitaph indorsed . — ò cruell death to rob this man of breath , who whil'st he liv'd in scraping of a pin . made better dust , than thou hast made of him . d neare horne-alley in a garden a wench more wanton than kate arden sojourns , one that scorns a wast-coat , wooing clients with her basket . e neare th' bottom of this hill , close by the way a fresh spring ebs and flowes all houres oth'day . the poore mans box is in the temple set , temple on hill , th'hill is by waters bet . notes for div a16651-e8590 g anglia , mons , fons , pons , ecclesia , f●mina , lanae . h scinditur ● clivo turris , bitumine murus ; moenia sic propriis sunt reditura rogis . * quàm rosa spiravit ! sed ●doribus aquilo flavit , et rugas retu●it quas meminisse dolet . i ● mell●a , mea delia ▪ k cautibus , arboribus , cinaris , frondentibus herbis , crevit in ecclesiam vallis opima tuam . l nauseanti stomacho effluunt omnia . m vere fruor titulo , non sanguine , fronte , capillo ; nomine si vireo , vere tamen pereo . n actor . dapes convivi● , sapore vario . auctor . diplois spatio lataque medio . corrige diploidem aegregie nebulo . o hic albanus erat , tumulum , titulumque reliquit ; albion albanum vix parit alma parem . p tot colles romae , quot sunt spectacula trojae , quae septem numero , digna labore tuo . ista manent trojae spectacula : 1 busta , 2 gigantes , 3 histrio , 4 dementes , 5 struthiones , 6 ursa , 7 leones . * s●por nam vinis provocatur venis , cui nulla magis inimica venus . g england amongst all nations , is most-full of hills , wells , bridges , churches , women , wooll . h an ancient arch doth threaten a decline , and so must strongest piles give way to time . * fresh was my rose , till by a northwind tost , she sap , sent , verdure , and her vigour lost . i ô my honey-suckle delia ▪ k inclos'd with cliffs , trees , sciences , artichokes , the fruitfull vale up to thy temple lookes . l my queasy stomach making bold , to give them that it could not hold . m green is my name from him whom i obey , but tho my name be green , my head is gray . n actor . even as in a ban a-quet are dish●es of sun-dry ta-ast . author . even so is thy doo-blet too long i th wa-ast ; goe mend it thou knave , goe mend it . o here alban was ; his tombe , his title too ; " all albion shew me such an alban now . p seven hils there were in rome , and so there be seven sights in new-troy crave our memorie : 1 tombes , 2 guild-hall giants , 3 stage-plaies , 4 bedlam poore , 5 ostr●ch , 6 beare-garden , 7 lyons in the towre . notes for div a16651-e18450 q o domus augustae radiantia limina nostrae ! an vestrum est mundi lumine clausa mori ? regia quo sponsi pietas dedit oscula sponsae : et spirare sabae vota suprema suae ! r pascua , prata , canes , viridaria , flumina , saltus , ocia regis erant , rege sed ista ruent . s quercus anilis erat , tamen eminùs oppida spectat ; stirpe viam monstrat , plumea fronde tegit . t vrna sacellani viventis imago sepulti , quique aliis renuit busta , sepultus crat . egregium illud santry sacrarium sacerdotis avari retinuit memoriam . u ista domus sit dasypodis dumus . statius . w — hederaeque trophaea camini . * — custos domus ecco relictae . y quo schola ? quo praeses ? comites ? academica sedes ? in loculos literas transposuere suas . z sileni antrum , eo enim nomine egregiè notum . * exiccass● a littora maeand●i sunt anxia limina lethi ; fluctus ubi curae , ripa-memento mori . b h●nc canimus mirum ! non protulit insula spiram , talem nec notam vidimus orbe coetem . * structura ▪ * penetretur ▪ c vlmus arenosis pulcherrima nascitur oris , arcis & effusis vestit amoena comis . hic campi vlrides , quo● trentia flumina rivis foecundare solent , ubera veris habent . hic porr●ctiore tractu distenditur bevaria vallis . valles trinae & opimae dapes insulae divinae . d major causidico quo gratior esset amico , in comitem lento tramite jungit equo : causidicus renuit , renuente , patibula , dixit , commonstrabo tibi ; caus . tuque moreris ibi . e viventes venae , spinae , catinusque catenae , sunt robin hoodi nota trophaea sui . f rupe cavedia struxit inedia , queis oscitantèr latuit accedia . g hic repetunt ortum tristissima funera regum , quae lachrymas oculis excutiere meis . * regibus anglorum dedit arx tua dirae ruinam , hoc titulo fatum cerne s : : : : : tuum . h latiùs in rupem laser est sita dulcis arentem , veste nova veris floribus aucta novis . h labentes rivi resonant sub vertice clivi , quae titulum villae primò dedere tuae . alias . infra situm rivi saliunt sub acumine clivi , quo sedes civi splendida , nulla nivi . i thyrsis oves pascens perapricae pascuae vallis , prima dedit thyrsco nomina nota suo . sycomori gelidis tityrus umbris discumbens , phyllidi serta paravit , et niveas greges gramine pavit . k littora lentiscis , gemmârunt germina gemmis , murenulis conchae , muricibusque comae . l nomen habes mundi , nec erit sine jure , secundi , namque situs titulum comprobat ipse tuum . m gurgite praecipiti sub vertice montis acuti specus erat spinis obsitus , intus aquis . n clauditur amniculus saliens fornicibus arotis , alluit & villae moenia juncta suae . o labitur alveolis resonantibus anmis amoenus , qui tremulâ mulcet voce , sopore fovet . p quota est hora , refert ? solem speculando respondet . ecce sacerdotes quos tua terra parit ! * prospicies thyrsum sinuosiùs arte rotundum , organa quò cerebri mersa fuere mei . q arboribus gelidam texens coriatius umbram , aestatem atque hyemem fronde repelle gravem . r nunc saturnius appulit annus , major fiet aldermannus . q this seat , this royall object of the sight , shall it for ever bid the world , good night ? where our preceding kings enjoy'd such blisse , and seal'd their amorous fancies with a kisse ! r fields , floods , wasts , woods , deare , dogs , with well-tun'd crye , are sports for kings , yet kings with these must dye . s an aged oake takes of this towne survey ; findes birds their nests , tels passengers their way . t here of the whip a covetous priest did lick ; who would not bury th' dead , was buried quick . nothing more memor●ble than that chappell of sautry , rete●ning still with her that covetous priests memory . u this house the levarets bush . w ivy the chimneis trophy . * ecco's the keeper of a forlorne house . y where be thy masters ? fellows ? scholers ? bursers ? o stamford to thy shame , they 'r all turn'd purs●rs . the drunkards cave , for so it may be call'd , where many malt-worms have beene soundly mall'd . a maeanders shores to lethe's shadows tend ; where waves sound cares , and banks imply our end . b ● may compare this towne , and be no lyer , with any shire for whetstones and a spire . c a sandy plat a shady elme receaves , which cloths those turrets with her shaken leaves . here all along lyes bevars spatious vale , neare which the streames of fruitfull trent doe fall . vallies three so fruitfull be , they 'r the wealth of britannie . d that cur●'fie might a curtesie enforce , the mayre would bring the lawyer to his horse : you shall not , quoth the lawyer ; m. now i sweare , i 'le to the gallows goe . l. i 'le leave you there , might not this mayre for wit a second pale-as have nam'd the town-end full as well as gallows ? e a well , thorne , dish hung in an iron chainè , for monuments of robin hood remaine . f ●n a rock want built her booth , where no creature dwels but sloth . g the tragick stage of english kings stood here , which to their urns payes tribute with a teare . * here stood that fatall theatre of kings , which for revenge mounts up with aery wings . h here licorice grows upon their mellowed banks , decking the spring with her delicious plants . h topcliffe from tops of cliffs first tooke her name , and her cliffe-mounted seat confirms the same : where streames with curled windings overflowne bestow a native beauty on the towne . i here thyrsis fed his lambkins on the plaine , so thyrske from thyrsis tooke her ancient name . here tityrus and phyllis made them bowers of tender osyers , sweet-breath'd sycomours . where shores yeeld lenticks , brāches pearled gems , their lamprels shells , their rocks soft moffy stems . l from a rich mound thy appellation came , and thy rich seat proves it a proper name . m here breaths an arched cave of antique stature , closed above with thorns , below with water . n a channell strait confines a chrystall spring , washing the wals o th' village neighbouring . o a shallow rill , whose streames their current keep , with murm'ring voyce & pace procure sweet sleep . p i askt him what 's a clock ? he look'd at th' sun : but want of latin made him answer — mum. * here grows a bush in artfull mazes round , where th' active organs of my braine were drownd . q here the retyred tanner builds him bowrs , shrowds him from summers heat and winters showrs . r now saturns yeare h 'as drench'd down care , and made an alderman a mayre . notes for div a16651-e35030 s — ista novae mea noenia trojae . nunc novae longum valedico trojae , laeta quae stori , gravis est senectae , vina , picturae , veneris facetae , cuncta vale●e . sin verò conjux , famuli , sorores , liberi , suaves laribuslepores confluant , mulcent varios labores : cuneta venite . t insessit hyems niveis capillis , insessit hyems g●lidis lacertis , nec meaturat carmina phyllis , vrbe relictà rustica vsrtes . conspicui vates repetendo cupidinis aestus , spreta canunt lepidis , ut senuere , procis . * virgulta laseris florent amwnula , in hac angelicâ latiùs insulâ . vide lib. 3. stanz . 48. u sic per apricos spatiari locos gaudeat , mentem relevare meam anxiam curis , studiisque gravem . * lanificii gloria , & industria ita praecellens , ut eo nomine sit celeberrimum . camb. in brit. pannus mihi panis . mot. w nomine major eas , nec sis minor omine sedis , competat ut titulo civica vita novo . s — these be my new troyes dying elegies . now to that new troy bid adue for ever , wine , venus , pictures , can allure me never , these are youths darlings , ages hoary griever , fare ye well ever . farewell for ever , see you will i never , yet if wife , children , meney hurry thether , where we may plant and solace us together , welcome for ever . winter h 'as now behoar'd my haires , ●enumm'd my ioynts and sinewes too , ●●byllis for verses little cares , ●eave city then , to th' country go . ●oets , when they have writ of love their fill , ●rowne old , are scorn'd , though fancy crowne their quill . * rods of licorice sweetly smile in that rich angelick i 'le . see book 3. stanz . 48. u thus through the faire fields , when i have best leasure , diapred richly , doe i take my pleasure , to cheere my studies with a pleasing measure . * a towne so highly renouned for her commodious cloathing , and industrious trading , as her name is become famous in that kind . camb. in brit. cloth is my bread . mot. w now hast thou chang'd thy title unto may're , let life , state , style improve thy charter there . a nevv description of ireland vvherein is described the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined. no lesse admirable to be perused then credible to be beleeued: neither vnprofitable nor vnpleasant to bee read and vnderstood, by those worthy cittizens of london that be now vndertakers in ireland: by barnabe rich, gent rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. 1610 approx. 231 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 67 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10713 stc 20992 estc s115922 99851139 99851139 16398 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10713) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16398) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 728:7) a nevv description of ireland vvherein is described the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined. no lesse admirable to be perused then credible to be beleeued: neither vnprofitable nor vnpleasant to bee read and vnderstood, by those worthy cittizens of london that be now vndertakers in ireland: by barnabe rich, gent rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. [16], 116 p. [by william jaggard] for thomas adams, printed at london : 1610. printer's name from stc. running title reads: the description of ireland. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 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selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature -early works to 1800. ireland -social life and customs -early works to 1800. ireland -religion -17th century -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new description of ireland : wherein is described the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined . no lesse admirable to be perused then credible to be beleeued : neither vnprofitable nor vnpleasant to bee read and vnderstood , by those worthy cittizens of london that be now vndertakers in ireland : by barnabe rich , gent : malui me diuitem esse , quam vocari . printed at london for thomas adams . 1610. the contents of the chapters contained in this booke . of the little credite that is to bee giuen to their testimonies , that haue hitherto written of ireland . cap. 1. of the temperature of the ayre , and the fertility of the soile vniuersally through ireland . cap. 2. of the nature & disposition of the irish how they are inclined . cap. 3. from whence it proceedeth , that the irish are so repugnant to the english . cap. 4. that the irish by nature are inclined to cruelty . cap. 5. of the ingratitude of the irish . cap. 6. of the inciuilty both of manners and conditions vsed by the irish . cap. 7. of the vulgar sotte of the irish , what account they make of an oath . cap. 8 that a conquest should draw after it , law , language , and habite . cap. 9. of certain septs and degrees amongst the irish . ca. 10. of the manner of the irish coshering . cap. 11. how ireland was purged from all venimous wormes , by the praiers of saint patrick . cap. 12. of the holy saintes that hath beene borne , bred , and brought vp in ireland . cap. 13. of the superstitious conceit that is holden by the irish , about certaine wels. cap. 14. a true discription both of the citty , and cittizens of dubline . cap. 15. of some defects in the gouernment of dublin . ca. 16. of the trade & traffique that is vsed in dublin . ca. 17. of the ambition of the irish . cap. 18. of the doctrine of the pope , how imbraced by the irish . cap. 19. how the papists of ireland , are neither ashamed nor afraid , to manifest themselues . cap. 20. the inconuenience of popery , how it hurteth in ireland . cap. 21. whither there by any possibility , that the irish should be able to maintaine warre against the kinges maiestie . cap. 22. of those lets and impedimentes that defeated our late gracious qu. in her seruices against the irish . ca. 23. of pardons and protections , how hurtfull in ireland . cap. 24. of the dallying out the time of seruice , and the delayes of ireland . cap. 25. how tyrone was still supplyed with souldiors , and all other prouisions for warre , at the queenes charges . cap. 26. that the irish are more dangerous then necessary , for his maiestie seruice in ireland . cap. 27. the conclusion . to the right honourable , robert earle of salisbury , vicount cranburn , baron cecill of essenden , lord high treasurer of england , principall secretarie to his maiestie , one of the lordes of his honourable priuie councell , and knight of the noble order of the garter , &c. most honorable , and most worthie earle , the seuerall bookes that are spread , bearing the names and titles of histories , of summaries of chronicles , & of diuers other collections drawn from vnworthy authors : some of them printed , some otherwise published here in ireland , by papists , by lieng chroniclers , by idle poets , by bardes and irish rythmers , all of them conteining matter of vntruth : as the memories of superstitious foundations , lies and fables , foolishly medled and compacted togither : written rather in the maintenance and fauour of lewd misdemeanor , of superstition , of idolatry , and do rather giue encouragement to wicked subiects to enter the field of rebellion , to take armes against the prince , to disobey , to contemn , to despise , not onelie the princes lawes , and his maiesties gracious proceedings , but also setting open the wide gate that leadeth to many misdemeanors against the prince himselfe . i haue therefore thought it a matter much importing his maiesties seruice , to do my best endeuor to stop this gap thus broken downe , that thus openeth the way to the wastfull spoile of rebellion , of treason , of superstition , of idolatrie , of disobedience , of contempt : and to giue a booke to the well-disposed of that realme of ireland , wherein they may behold that truth , which they themselues haue heard with their eares , haue seene with their eies , and are able to testifie vpon dailie experience . these lines thus squared out , i durst not presume to present to your honor , in respect of anie abilitie that i acknowledge to be in my selfe , i knowe there can come nothing from me , that may be anie waies answerable to your exquisit iudgment or worthinesse : but it is your owne vertue , your owne affabilitie and noble disposition , that was yet neuer knowne to despice or discountenance any mans endeuours , that were honestlie intended , or vndertaken to a good end and purpose . it is this , your honorable inclination , that hath encouraged me : this is it hath made me to presume of a fauorable acceptance . to you therefore , and to your honor alone , i haue in most humble and submissiue manner , bequeathed those experiments , which forty yeares obseruation hath taught me to know . to your honor , whose exquissite iudgment is best able to discerne , and whose wisdome and knowledge is most fitting to redresse : by whose honorable care for the good of the common-weale , england and ireland , are both made happie . by whose prouidence and wisdome ( next vnder his maiestie ) we haue hitherto reaped the fruits of a most happie and blessed gouernment . to your honor therefore , i submit my labors , my loue , my lines , my seruice , my selfe , my endeuors , & all that i haue , to be at your honors dispose : and thus will rest to praie for your honour , that god would still continue his blessinges vpon you , as hitherto he hath done . your honors , in all humble and dutifull affection : barnabe rych . ❧ to the curteous and friendly reader , either english or irish , either protestant or papist , either learned or vnlearned , or to any other whosoeuer , i care not . one of the diseases of this age , is the multitude of books , that doth so ouercharge the worlde , that it is not able to disgest the abundance of idle matter that is euery day hatched and brought into the world , that are as diuers in their formes , as their authors be in their faces . it is but a thriftlesse , and a thankelesse occupation , this writing of bookes , a man were better to sit singing in a coblers shop , for his pay is certaine , a penny a patch : but a booke-writer , if hee get sometimes a few commendations of the iudicious , he shall be sure to reape a thousande reproaches of the malicious . bookes are like cheese , that is neuer well seasoned to euery mans tast ; for one will say it is too salt , another wil say it is too fresh , a thirde will say it is to tart , another thinkes it to be too milde ; one will haue it too hard , another too soft , another too tough , another too brittle , it neuer pleaseth euery mans tast ; no more do bookes . i am censured for writing of a book , to be a malicious enemy to ireland , to poore ireland , that ( god knoweth ) is rather to be pittied , then spighted . i confesse , i haue made my selfe known in print , to be an enemy to popery , but not to ireland . aristotle being vpbraided by some of his friends , that he had beene ouer mercifull to a wicked man : i haue indeede ( saide aristotle ) bin mercifull towardes the man , but not towards his wickednesse . so say i by ireland , though i finde fault with the idolatry that is committed in the country , yet i find no fault with the countrey it selfe , nor with a great number of good people that are of the irish birth , that i neuer ment to reproue , neither am i able to detect . but for those that haue found , so many faults with my book , that i so honestly meant for the good of the countrey . i forgiue them from my heart , for i durst sweare for them , they did it more for want of wit , then for any malice they beare to my person . i haue liued in ireland of a poore pay , the full recompence of 47. yeares , spent in my prince and countreyes seruice , i haue not begged nor purchased any man lāds , rents , or reuennewes ; i haue not heaped to my selfe , eyther offices or church-liuinges : yet something i haue noted of the countrey by obseruation . i see a number of good people , that are both capable of obedience & discipline , if they were not misled : but their minds ( alas ) are still poysoned with popery , and what is he that it not touched with a kinde of compassion , to see the poore & silly people so seduced & carried away by these iuggling iesuites ? what monstrous miracles are there daily presented , and how many lying woonders are there to bee witnessed , testified by men scarce worth to bee credited , and yet with what confidence are they receiued and beleeued ? i haue yet once againe betaken me to my penne , and i haue writ something . i know not what my selfe : he that would vnderstand it , let him read a gods name , he shall finde i haue dealt plainly , without welt or gard . i woulde not haue it thought , that i make any difference between the english and the irish , in respect of their birth , for i know there be as woorthy men in ireland , as any are in england , though not in such generality , nor so many in number : neyther is that to be wondered at , for there are many reasons to enduce it : so i know , there are too many of the english , that are planted in all the parts of ireland , that are no lesse superstitious , no lesse idolatrous , nor no lesse contentious both to god and the k. then the most wilde or sauage irish man , that neuer came in place where to learne good or bad . it is not therefore either the countrey or the countryman , that maketh me either to loue or hate , it is their manners and conditions that maketh mee both to prayse or dispraise . as m. stanihurst therefore in his description of ireland , in the 8. chapter , discoursing of the manners and dispositions of the meere irish ( for so hee tearmeth them ) before he entereth into the matter , fore-warneth his reader , not to impute any barbarous custome , that he shold there speake of to the cittizens , townes-men , or to the inhabitants of the english pale , for that he reputeth thē to be men of another spirit , better trained vp in science , knowledge , ciuility , in curtesie , and such other like complements of humanity . let mee intreat the like fauour , that hauing now occasion to speake of the manners and customes of the irish , do not thinke me yet to be so generall , but that i doe make a great difference , betweene those that are rude , vnciuill , vnreuerent , vncleanly , and vntaught , and those other againe that are milde , modest , mercifull , kinde , curteous , and that are euery way indued with wit , reason , and vnderstanding . and i do make the like exceptions betweene those that are irreligious , superstitious , idolatrous , seditious , rebellious ; that doe retaine iesuites , seminaries , and other traiterous priests , then of those , that contrariwise are professors of the gospell , that do embrace the holy scriptures , and do indeuour themselues in the seruice of their god , and obedience to their prince . now , for these men of little wit , and lesse vnderstanding , that because by the text of the holy scriptures , i haue hunted their pope from saint peters chaire , to the seat of antichrist , would therefore conclude , that i were an enemy to ireland ; let them vnderstand , that i loue ireland , and that i thinke there is as neere a high way to go to heauen from out of ireland , as there is from any part of england , or else my selfe would neuer haue stayed so long in the countrey . now , for the people , they are in ireland , as in all other places , some good , some bad , yet more rude & vnciuil in ireland , then they be in any part of the worlde that is known : but for poperie ( i protest ) they are more foolish-superstitious in irelande , then they be in rome it selfe . but i do therefore , rather pitty , then malice them ; there be a great many of known papists in dublyne , that i doe loue , and wish well vnto : for , may not a man loue a papist , as hee loueth a friend that is diseased ? admit i had a brother that were visited with morbus galicus it selfe , might i not loue him , and hate his sicknesse both at once ? euen so i loue a papist , i loue the party , when i defie his religion . but popery is a malady not easie to be cured , and i thinke these lines of mine will sooner moue choller , then giue contentment , or produce amendment . and yet as i meane not in this my description of ireland , to busie my selfe about any matters of state , so i will not meddle with the discouery of any hidden secrets , that may bee brought into any question of doubt , for the truth and certainty : for , as i haue vsed no other helpe then mine owne experience , so my best method shall be , to speake nothing but what is true , and so to be approoued . if there be any exceptions taken by fooles that be ignorant , i hope the wise & learned will make no worse construction then the matter doth import : for the rest that bee of a wrangling disposition , let them do as they haue done , fret and fume at that which they are not able to contradict : let them ioyn impudencie to their ignorance , and because they cannot comprehend the sincerity of true religion , let them carpe and cauill against it , and let them neuer spare . an epistle , added in the due praise and commendation of that worthy and worshipful gentleman , maister william cokyne , sheriffe and alderman of the most renowned and honourable citty of london . worthy gentleman , if the kingdome of heauen were to be merited by a mans owne deseruings ( as a number of grosse-headed papistes will not let to affirme ) you were then happy , for you neither needed to purchase any popes pardons , or to buy any masses of scala celi , to be sung for your soule when you are dead . you haue begun a worke of supererogation , more merritorious in the iudgements of all those that are ( indeed ) godly wise , then either the building of a chappel , or a chantery , or the giuing of perpetuities , either of lands or liuings , what or how soeuer bestowed about any popish purposes . this enterprize , the rather by your encouragement thus vndertaken , for the planting of the northerne parts of ireland , with the english , cannot be but acceptable in the presence of god , when it shall draw so much to the aduancement of his glory , making way for the gospell of iesus christ to be truely preached in a place where there was nothing but idolatry and superstition formerly practised ; giuing light and vnderstanding to a blind and ignorant people , to discern the way of saluation , that do rather hope to be saued by the means of saint patricke , then by the mercy of god. this action cannot be but pleasing to the kings most excellent maiesty , when the sequell shall not redound to his honor , but likewise to his profit : but how happily will it fall out for a number of poore people in england , that are oppressed with penury , by reason of the multitude that doth so superabound , whereby the scarsity of victuals doth the more exceede , that may there be releeued by their owne industry : for ireland is able to render relecfe to forty thousand people , but to be placed in those parts of the countrey , that at this present lyeth wast , and altogether vninhabited : and yet where the countrey is best planted and peopled throughout the whole realme , the thirde part of the commodity is not raised , that the soile would affoord : the reason is , by the ill husbandry of the irish , that either for want of wit , or for want of knowledge , doth not mannage their husbandry according to skill . and although it be out of my element to speake of husbandry , that all the dayes of my life , could neuer play the good husband for my selfe : yet i am not so dull of conceite , but i can see a number of defects , and that in the most principall points of their husbandry ; as in the manner of the tilling of their ground , and sowing of their corne , they haue no other meanes whereby to draw the plough , but euery horse by his owne taile , so that when the poore beast by his painfull labor , hath worne the haire of his taile so short , as it can bee no longer tied , the plough must stand . i might speake of many other defects , and one amongst the rest , of the vnseasonable time that they vse in the making of their hay : but to speak truely of their ill husbandry in that point : in the greatest part throughout all ireland , they vse to make no hay at all , although they haue as good grounde as any other countrey doth affoord : so that their poore cattle in the winter season , haue no other fother , then what they can picke vp , and gather from the ground : but in those parts neere about dublyne , where they vse to make hay , they neuer meddle with the cutting of their grasse , till they bee likewise ready to cut their corn , so that they wil haue their hay haruest , and their corne haruest , to come both together , which cōmonly neuer falleth out , till september be wel spent : at which time of the yeare , there sometimes falleth out great store of raine , so that from the best meddow lands , which is euermore vpon their lower grounds , their hay is many times either vtterly marred , or altogither swept away with a floud . i might heere conclude and boldly affirme , that if those parts of ireland that now lieth wast , were inhabited by an industrious people , and that the rest of the countrey were manured aud husbanded according to skill , ireland woulde sustaine more people by two parts , then are now inhabiting in it . but leauing to speake of ireland in generall , i will come to that part of the north now intended to be planted , namely of the derry and the colrane . in the time of sir iohn parrates gouernment , i my selfe lay at colrane , with a hundered souldiers vnder my leading , i may therefore speake something of mine owne experience . for the land that is adioyning about colrane , it is verie firtill , and the whol countrey that stretcheth it selfe between the riuer of bande , and the riuer of lough-foile , that was sometimes o-cannes countrey , is not onely a most pleasant place , but is likewise verie commodious both for corne and pasture . on the south side of the riuer of bande , fast by colrane , there lieth a goodly country , called the rowt , no better corn land in any part of ireland , and it did at that time so abound with conies , so exceeding fat , and therewithall so sweete , as i neuer saw the like , neither in ireland , nor in any other place where i haue trauailed . what should i speake of the salmon fishing of the bande , which is so famously known and spoken of : and there is moreouer for three moneths of the yeare , betweene september & december , such a fishing for eeles , as i thinke is not the like againe in europe , especially when there shall come men that hath skill to take them , which the irish hath not to any purpose , yet they take great store , by reason of the great aboundance of such notable eeles , both for greatnesse and for goodnesse , as the like are no other where else to be found . i might speake heere of the fishing for fresh water trowts , whereof there are great plentie in euery riuer , in euerie brooke , in euerie lough , and that throughout the whole realme of ireland , but speciallie in those northerne partes about colrane and the derry . but let me speake now of the fishing for sea-fish , and first for cod and lyng : what shippes are yearely set out from all the parts of england : some to new-found-land , some to island , some to shotland , some to ward-house , some to one place and some to another : and i thinke of my conscience , that at the verie entrance aswell of the riuer of the bande , as of the riuer of lough-foyle , which are not aboue some eight or ten miles distant , there will fall out as good fishing both for cod and lyng , as in any other place that i haue formerly spoken of . now for herring-fishing , who can name a better place then loughfoyle it selfe , and there is one other loughe fast by , called by the name of lough-sully , where hee that were but standing vpon the shore at the time of herring-fishing , would thinke that the very sea it selfe did swell of herrings , there are such abundance all along that coast. without doubt , there will be found good fishing for ray , for haddock , for whiting , for gurnard , and for all manner of other fishe , which neuer faileth all along the coast of ireland , if it be sought for . as i haue now spoken of fishing , so i might yet again speak of fowling : but let it suffice , that aswell for fish , for foule , for conics , for cattle , and whatsoeuer is otherwise needefull for mans sustenance , the whole realme of ireland is as rich and fertile as any other countrey in christendom : yea and for all manner of fruites : as apples , peares , & plums , in manie parts of the countrey , where men haue bin industrious to plant , they haue as good fruit in ireland as anie is in england . to conclude , there wanteth nothing in ireland but the true knowledge of god , & obedience to the prince , the which by gods permission , will so much the rather bee brought to a good passe , when that part of the countrey that in former ages hath bin most rude and inclined to inciuilitie , that hath euermore bin the receptacle and refuge for the worst disposed people , shall by this plantation , be made a patterne of good example , aswell for godly as ciuill gouernment , to all the realme besides : but there is a kind of temeritie that doth no good , yet is conueyed by those men , that are vtterly ignorant in the affaires of ireland . since my comming from dublyn , within sixe daies after my arriuall here at london , i thinke i was asked sixteene seuerall times , what i thoght of this plantation in the north of ireland , and whether it were possible that those labouerers and workmen that are now sent ouer for the building , coulde saue their throats from cutting , or their heades from beeing taken from their shoulders , before the worke were finished : or what assurance there could bee , but that when this erection were fullie perfected , and that men did thinke themselus to be most quietly setled : why might not the irish do then as they had done before , in one night to lay wast and consume al with fire and sword ? so that i see there be a number that are afraid , but it is but of their owne shadowes . but let timerous men doubt as they list , and let ignoraunt men write what they please : ireland ( god be praised ) is in no such daungerous manner of plight . that doubt is dissolued , and the daunger is past : for menne may worke as quietlie in those places wherevnto they are now sent , as they might doe if they were in cheapeside . and in that part of the countrey , through the which a thousand menne in times past would haue beene intercepted , i dare now vndertake to passe my selfe and my boy . but there be some will saie : and why may it not come to passe , that there may be as great daunger as euer there was , and that the irish may be as potent to execute mischiefe , as euer they haue bin before ? i say , they cannot . and whosoeuer shall please to read the sequele heerein contained , i hope shall be fullie satisfied in that point , for onelie to that ende and purpose , i haue endeuoured these lines . and all the matter that i ayme at throughout this whole booke , is but to make it manifest , that the irish are of no such resistance at this houre against his maiestie , as they haue beene in times past against our late queene . i am not ignorant , that although ireland be reduced to a great conformitie , and that his maiestie hath a number of loyall and faithfull subiects in euery part of that kingdome , yet i know againe there be some , that are not to be trusted , and therefore i speake not of their mindes , but i speake of their manners : and i say , that the rebel of ireland shall neuer more stand out hereafter , as they haue done in times past . if any man please to read , let him iudge of my reasons , in the meane time , there is but one thing ( worthy gentleman ) that is to be feared , and may very easily be holpen , if you suffer no papist ( either english or irish ) to plant himself among you . looke well but to that , and there is no doubt but the almightie god himselfe will blesse your enterprise , and england and ireland both , shall hereafter call you happy , & i shall rest still to wish you well . your wel-willing friend barnabe rych . a description of ireland , together with the manners , customs , and dispositions of the people . cap. 1. of the little credite that is to be giuen to their testimonies , that haue hitherto written of ireland . i thinke ireland to be in nothing more vnfortunate , then in this ; that the historie of the countrey was neuer vndertakē to be truly set forth but by papists . giraldus cambrensis , whose testimony of that countrey is most auncient , & vpon whose authority all that haue hitherto written of ireland doe especially relie , was a papist , and in his description of ireland hath fabled so many follies , as stanihurst himselfe , though he maketh mention of them in his historie which hee hath written of ireland , yet he durst not auouch them to bee true , but leaueth them to the discretion of the reader , to iudge of them as he findeth himselfe disposed . but to put the matter quite out of doubt , cambrensis himselfe , in his epistle dedicatorie to king iohn , giueth aduice to the k. that the peter-pence might be paide throughout the whole realme of ireland , that his father had formerly promised to the pope ; in performing whereof , he might thereby deliuer his fathers soule , ( i thinke hee meant from purgatory ) for he was not so mad to beleeue that a soule could be deliuered from hell. a second writer , that hath made colections of the history of ireland , as stanihurst himselfe reporteth in his epistle to sir henry sidney , was his fast & sure friend edmond campion . i need not discribe the man any further , for his ende made tryall of his honesty : but like will to like ( quoth the deuill to the colliar ) and birdes of a winge ( they say ) will flie together : but for maister stanihurst himselfe , i knew him many years sithence at antwarpe , where hee professed alcumy , and vndertooke the practise of the philosophers stone , and when hee had multiplied lyes so long , that euery body grew weary of him , hee departed from thence into spaine , and there ( as it was said ) he turned physition , and whether he bee aliue or dead i knowe not : but these three , giraldus cambrensis , edmond campion , and richard stanihurst , are the onely authors that haue patched & peeced together the history of ireland : who besides , that they haue stuffed their volumes with manifest vntruthes , so they haue enterlarded their lines with such ridiculous matter , as they themselues are ashamed to auouch them for truth . for the rest that hath been attempted by holinshed and hooker , they haue referred the whole matter of what they haue writ , concerning ireland , to those mens authorities : holinshed , to what had bin collected by campion and stanihurst ; and hooker , to no more then he had translated out of giraldus cābrensis . these lying authorities , do euermore engender ignorance , & there is nothing that hath more led the irish into error , then lying historiographers , their croniclers , their bardes , their rythmers , and such other their lying poets ; in whose writinges they do more relie , then they do in the holy scriptures , and this rablement do at this day endeuour themselues to nothing else , but to feed & delight them with matter most dishonest and shamefull : for in their speaking and writing , they do nothing but flatter them in their vngracious humours , still opening the way with lying praises of their progenitors , what rebellions they haue stirred vp , and how many mischiefes they haue performed ; this is such a whetstone to their ambitious desires , and being thus made drunke with these lying reportes of their auncestors worthinesse , that they thinke themselues to be reproched for euer , if they should not be as apt & ready to run into al manner of mischiefe , as their fathers were afore them . from hence it commeth , that being thus drowned in ignorance , they thinke it to be the true high-way to happinesse , for euery man to do what hee list , and do therefore seeke to free themselues from lawe , iustice , and reason , because they would not be brideled , or compelled to obey , either to duty or honestie . for ireland otherwise , the lesse it hath been famed for any memorable matter , the more it hath bin replenished with horrible murthers , and actions of bloud ; there are no histories of good things worthy to be followed , but tragedies of crueltie , fit to be abhorred . one of the greatest felicities wherewith ireland hath bin blessed , is the gouernment of godly princes , which haue endeuoured themselues , to their great expences , to reforme that countrey , and to reduce the people to ciuility , and to a reasonable knowledge of humane society . cap. 2. of the temperature of the ayre , and the fertilitie of the soyle vniuersallie through ireland . my meaning is not to make any cosmographicall description of ireland , i haue nothing to do with longitude , with latitude , nor with altitude : i will not speake of the countrey how it stretcheth it selfe towards the east , or towardes the west , nor how it is deuided into prouinces , into shires , nor into countries ; nor how the countrey is replenished with citties , with towns , and villages : but to speake something of the temperature of the climate , vnder the which it is adiacent . i say , we do not find ireland to be cold in the winter , nor so hot in the summer , as it is in england . the frosts in ireland , are neither so harde nor of that continuance as they be in england , and yet the countrey is verie cold , with a kind of rawish moisture , but not so nipping , nor dureable , as the dry cold that commonly coms with frosts . ireland is wonderfully inclined to fogs & mists , and giuen to very much raine , aswell in summer as in winter , and the countrey is full of springs , and great currants of water that fals from the mountaines , which with a shewer of raine will rise verie suddenly , and will fall againe as quickly when the weather cleareth vp . ireland is full of great riuers , and mightie huge loughes , such as we call meeres in england , wherein are many large and spacious islands , where the irish haue many times fortified themselues against the prince , but are still ferreted and drawne out by the eares , though other whiles with great difficulty . to speake of ireland generally , it is replenished with riuers , with woods , with bogs , and with as good lande , both for corne and pasture , as any europe affoords ; but not so well manvred , nor so well husbanded : for the farmers of ireland , are far to seeke in many pointes of good husbandry , and the women ( for the most part ) haue as little skill of huswifery . from hence i might affirme , and confidentlie conclude , that throughout the whole realme of ireland , what betweene the ill husbandrie of that which is inhabited , and so much of the countrey againe lying wast for want of inhabitants , there is not the third part of that profit raised , that irelaud would affoord . for fish , for foule , for conies , they are very plentiful throughout all the partes of ireland , and for red-deare , they haue them vpon the mountayns , but not in such plenty as i my selfe haue knowne . fallow deare are not so common , vnlesse it bee in some few parkes . to be short , there is nothing wanting in ireland that is behouefull for the sustinance of man , yet i dare not stretch so far as m. stanihurst , that would haue ireland the treasure-house of the world , as he hath published in his booke , i will not say how vainely or how vnwisely . let other men iudge of that , but i thinke he meaneth of hidden treasures that are not yet discouered . it is truth , there are some small store of pearle now and then found , chopt vppon by chance , but not in such abundance that they bee worthy to be so spoken of , nor those few that be found , are neither so oryent , so praise worthy , nor of such price and estimation , as those that are brought from other places , both from the east and west indies , and yet i once saw an irish pearle that was sould for xv . poūd . i neuer heard of any mines either of gold , or siluer , or copper , or tinne , or leade , or of any other minerall matter that was found in the countrey , that would quit the charge in refining ; but to speake truly , the irish are so malicious that they wil not suffer men of art and skill to make search for them : one of the best mines that is knowne to bee in ireland , is that of iron , which is very rich ( indeed ) if it would hold out , or that there were any store of the oore to be found , as like enough it would do if the irish would giue men leaue to seeke for it . it is many yeares agoe since i heard talke of an allum mine that was found , and great hope was had of profit and commodity , but how it was left , i know not , i thinke by the vnwillingnesse of the bad disposed people of that countrey , that will neuer ( by their good willes ) suffer men to worke with their heades vppon their shoulders . ireland ( without doubt ) is a fruitfull countrey , and it yeildeth in most abundant maner , all conuenient necessaries that is behouefull for humaine sustinance , but to hope after mines and minerals in ireland , i thinke there is no such likeli-hood , for those are euermore to bee sought after , in those countries that are warme , or at the least very dry , but not in those places that are so ouercharged with raine , and so much giuen to moisture as ireland . cap. 3. of the nature and disposition of the irish , and howe they are inclined . i thinke it shall not bee impertinent to this my discription of ireland , to discipher the disposition of the irish , of what temper they be framed , and wherevnto they bee naturally inclined . but before i will set down mine owne vnderstanding , what i my selfe haue gathered by experience , i will deliuer what m. stanihurst hath writtē on the very same matter , whose words be these : the inclination of the irish people is , to bee religious , franke , amorous , yrefull , sufferable of infinite paines , very glorious , many sorcerers , excellent horsemen , delighted with warres , great almes-giuers , passing in hospitality , the lewder sort ( both clarkes and lay-men ) sensual and ouer-loose in liuing , the same ( being vertuously bred vp or reformed ) are such mirrours of holinesse and austeritie , that other nations reteyne but a shaddowe of deuotion , in comparison of them . as for abstinence and fasting , it is to them a familiar kinde of chasticement . they follow the dead corps to the graue with howling and barbarous out-cries , pittiful in apparance , whereof grew ( as i suppose ) the prouerbe ; to weep irish . thus farre haue i cited , what maister stanihurst himselfe hath published of the disposition of the irish whereunto they are inclined . and now ( not to impugne any thing that maister stanihurst hath written ) i will yet once againe take a superficiall suruey of what hee hath set downe , and will giue him mine opinion , what i doe thinke of his description . and first , he saith [ they are religious ] i say , it is truth , but i would to god it were according vnto knowledge . [ they are franke , ] neither will i impugne that , for the irish are beneuolent enough among their friendes and acquaintance . [ they are amorous ] i thinke he meaneth to women : but if he speaketh in generall , i say and affirme , that the greatest number of the irish , are vtterly ignoraunt what honest loue doth meane . [ they are yrefull ] the more is the pitty , for it hath cost the price of much christian bloud . [ they are sufferable of infinite paines ] but yet at any hand they wil not , or can cannot indure to labonr , for there is not a greater plague-sore to ireland , then the ydlenesse thereof . [ they are very glorious ] very true ; and they are no lesse proud , for the meanest shackerell , that hath scarce a mantle to wrap himselfe in , hath as proud a mind as oneal himselfe , when he sits vpon a green banke vnder a bush in his greatest maiesty . [ there are many sorcerers ] and the countrey doth no lesse abound with witches ; and no maruel that it should so do , for the deuill hath euer bin most frequent and conuersant amongst infidels , turks , papistes , & such other , that doe neither know nor loue god , then he can be amongst those that are the true professors of the gospell of christ . [ they are excellent horsemen ] yet good for nothing but for the seruice in ireland . [ they are delighted with warres ] they are delighted with rebellions , commotions , and insurrections ; but they cannot be called wars , that are stirred vp by subiects against their prince . [ they are great almes-giuers , ] i neuer heard any great commendation of their almes-giuing , in any such generallitie , vnlesse it were to a fryer , a priest , or to some other of that annointed order . [ passing in hospitalitie , ] i would be loath to barre the irish of that right ; for to giue them their due , they are as bountifull of their meate and drinke , as any other nation in europe whatsoeuer . [ the lewder sort both clarks and lai-men , sensual & ouer-loose in liuing , ] by that same word [ clarkes ] so ioyned with the laity , i thinke he meanes the irish clergy , which he saith are of lasciuious and lose liuing : hee might haue added farther , that the greatest number of them are trayterous priests , protested enemies to their prince , and so vowed to their pope ; [ the same being vertuously bred vp or reformed , are such myrrors of holinesse and austerity , that other nations retaine but a shaddow of deuotion , in comparison of them . ] a proud praise , that the holy ones of ireland should so farre out-stretch all the holinesse in the world besides : but i will not contradict m. stanihurst ; for without doubt he spake but as he thoght : and heere wee may see , that these lying suppositions thus published by our irish writers , haue led the people into such a blind arrogancy , that they will admit nothing for truth , but what they receiue from their owne authors , or gather out of their owne bookes ; and now it followeth . [ as for abstinency and fasting , it is to them a familiar kind of chastisement . ] i thinke this abstinency and fasting , is the holinesse which maister stanihurst hath formerly spoken of , for this is a visible holinesse ( indeede ) which euery man may see and wonder at : for let mee speake of the most abiect creatures , that i think either ireland or the world affoordeth , and those are the kearne of ireland , amongst whom , there is not so notable a wretch to bee found , that will not obserue his fasting daies , three daies in a weeke at the least , and those are wednesdaies , fridaies , and saturdaies : then they haue other vigiles , and such saint eeues , as i neuer heard of but in ireland , nor i thinke be knowne in any other place , which they obserue and keepe with such religious zeale and deuotion , that i am sure cardinall bellarmine himselfe cannot be more ceremonious then these bee , nor shew himselfe to be more holy , nor more honest ; yet that very day , that for conscience sake , they will abstaine from eating of flesh , butter , cheese , milk , egges , and such like , that very houre they will not forbeare to spoile , to robbe , to rauish , to murther , nor to commit any other villany , what or howsoeuer . and let mee say something for our females in ireland , and leauing to speake of woorthy matrones , and of those women that are honest , good , and vertuous , ( as ireland good bee thanked is not destitute of many such ) i will speake onelie of the riffe-raffe , the most filthy queanes , that are knowne to bee in the countrey , ( i meane those huswiues that doe vse selling of drinke in dubline , or else where ) commonly called tauerne-keepers , but indeed filthy and beastly alehousekeepers : i will not meddle with their honesties , i will leaue that to be testified by maister maior of the bull-ring , but otherwise for the greatest number of them ( for god defend that i should condemne them al ) they are in the manner of their life and liuing to bee detested and abhorred : yet on their prescribed fasting daies , if there bee any sanctity in abstaining from flesh , from butter , from cheese , from milk , from egges , they are as holy ( i dare vndertake ) as the pope himselfe , and why not as honest ? this is the holinesse which ( i thinke ) m. stanihurst hath so highly commended to be in the irish ; and this is to be lamented , that the poor people of that countrey should bee so seduced and made beleeue , that their fasting , their praying in latine , their running wels and to other idolatrous places , is a full satisfaction for any sins that they can commit , how detestable or abhominable soeuer ; for thus they are taught , and so they beleeue . but is not this a madde manner of fasting , that marcheth in equall manner with theft , with murder , with treason , with drunkennes , with whoredome , and with all manner of sodometry ? but the cause of all thinges must needes tell whose childe the effect is . now lastly , m. stanihurst seemeth to find fault at the manner of the irish burials , and sayth ; they follow the dead corps to the graue , with houling and barbarous outcries pittifull in apparance , whereof grew ( as i suppose ) the prouerbe to weepe irish . i think it would be admired in any part of christendom , to see the manners of the irish , how they vse to carry their dead to their graues , in the remote partes of the countrey ; to a straunger that had neuer seen the sight before , at the first encounter , would beleeue that a company of hags or hellish fiendes , were carrying a dead body to some infernall mansion ; for what with the vnseemlinesse of their shewes , and the il-faring noyse they doe make , with their howling and crying , an ignorant man would sooner beleeue they were deuils of hell , then christian people . but as m. stanihurst saith ; [ it is pittifull in appearance : ] pittifull indeed , that a people so many yeares professing christianitie , should yet shew themselues more heathen like , then those , that neuer heard of god. m. stanihurst farther supposeth , that the prouerbe , to weepe irish , had heere the first beginning : it may be so , and it is troth , that in citties and townes where any deceaseth that is of worth or worthinesse , they wil hyre a number of women to bring the corps to the place of buriall , that for some small recompence giuen them , will furnish the cry , with greater shriking and howling , then those that are grieued indeede , and haue greatest cause to cry ; and herevpon ariseth this prouerbe , to weepe irish , that is to say ; to weepe at pleasure , without cause , or griefe . heere is thus much more to be considered , that notwithstanding this vnchristian-like demeanour of the irish , that in their burials do shew themselus like infidels , repugnant to all christianity , there is neither iesuite , seminary , nor popish priest , ( that do so swarme in the countrey , ) that wil once rebuke or find fault at the matter . but they are not to be blamed , for the popes doctrine hath no such operation , to draw men from darknesse to light ; but it serueth rather to hood-winke them , or put out both the eies , and so make them starke blind . cap. 4. from whence it proceedeth , that the irish are so repugnant to the english . i remember , there was sometime one alan cope , who hath written of many matters , who , if a man might iudge of , ( but as hee hath testified of himselfe ) was a most arrogant & superstitious papist , yet writing against that foolish conceit houlden by the irish , that ireland was purged from venemous wormes , by the only praiers of s. patrick , was therefore complained on , and accused by m. stanihurst , that cope had wronged and slaundered the whole irish nation . i hope i shal not be so dealt withal , that bicause i haue detected and reproued the vnciuill demeanors of those that bee blame-worthy , i shall not therefore be exclaimed on , to be an open deprauer of all that whole nation . i protest , i do know neuer a man in ireland that i do hate , or that i do wish any harme vnto , and therfore if i hapen to glance at the abuses of those that be ill , let not those that be good think themselues thereby to be detected , or so much as touched . but as the throng of fooles , doth euermore exceed the number of the wise , so the multitude of the rude and ignorant among the irish , do far passe the number either of the religious , or ciuilly reformed . i do not hold , that euery citizen or townsman that liueth in common society , is therefore to be accounted ciuill ; neither doth it follow , that euery man inhabiting the countrey , is therefore to be called vnciuill ; for ciuillity and vnciuilitie , hath no relation to the citty or countrey , but it hath consideration to the manners and conditions of men , that are therfore to be accounted ciuil or vnciuill , according to the dispositions of the mind . all the countries that are knowne ( especiallie in europe ) haue their seuerall inclinations aswel to vertue as vice : we say , the frenchmen are politike and deceitfull , and not so valiant in conquering , as prouident in keeping . the spaniard is saide to bee proud and tyrannous . the italian full of curtesie , and full of craft . the dutch are more wise when they be in their cups , then when they bee in their clossets ; the english are reputed to bee more wise to look after , then they are to foresee : and the englishman ( indeede ) doth then thinke himselfe to bee best in fashion , when he is most out of fashion . to speake now of the irish more at large , for to them my talke doth especially belong , i say they are behoulding to nature , that hath framed them comly personages , of good proportion , very well limbed , & to speak truly , the english , scottish , and irish , are easie to bee discerned from all the nations of the world : besides , aswel by the excellency of their cōplexions , as by al the rest of their lineaments , from the crown of the head , to the sole of the foot . and although that in the remote places , the vnciuill sort so disfigure themselues with their glybs , their trowes , and their mishapen attire , yet they appear to euery mans eye to be men of good proportion , of comely stature , and of able body . now to speak of their dispositions , whereunto they are adicted and inclined . i say , besides they are rude , vncleanlie , and vnciuill , so they are very cruell , bloudie minded , apt and ready to commit any kind of mischiefe . i do not impute this so much to their naturall inclination , as i do to their education , that are trained vp in treason , in rebellion , in theft , in robery , in superstition , in idolatry , and nuzeled from their cradles in the very puddle of popery . this is the fruits of the popes doctrine , that doth preach cruelty , that doth admit of murthers and bloudy executions ; by poisoning , stabbing , or by any other maner of practise hosoeuer : the pope teacheth subiects to resist , to mutinie , and to rebel against their princes . from hence it proceedeth , that the irish haue euer beene , and still are , desirous to shake off the english gouernment . from hence it doth proceed , that the irish can not endure to loue the english , bicause they differ so much in religion . from hence it proceedeth , that as they cannot indure to loue the english , so they cannot be induced to loue any thing that doth come from the english ; according to the prouerbe , loue me , and loue my dog : so contrariwise , he that hateth me , hateth in like manner all that commeth from me . from hence it is , that the irish had rather stil retaine themselues in their sluttishnesse , in their vncleanlinesse , in their rudenesse , and in their inhumane loathsomnes , then they would take any example from the english , either of ciuility , humanity , or any manner of decencie . we see nowe the author of this enmity , is hee that neuer did other good , where hee had to doe with mens consciences . there is yet a difference to bee made , of those faults that do grow from our weaknesse , and those that do proceed from our mallice : and the irish in this are the more to be pittied , that are no better taught ; whose educations , as they are rude , so they are blinded with ignorance , and i thinke for deuotions sake , they haue made a vow to be ignorant . but although the vulgar sort , through their dul wits , and their brutish education , cannot conceiue what is profitable for themselues , and good for their countrey , yet there bee some other of that countrey birth , whose thoughts and mindes being inriched with knowledge and vnderstanding , that haue done good in the country , and whose example hereafter , may giue light to many others : for i thinke , that if these people did once vnderstand the pretiousnesse of vertue , they would farre exceed vs ; notwithstanding , our long experience in the soueraignty of vertue . cap. 5. that the irish by nature are inclined vnto cruelty . it cannot be denayed , but that the irish are very cruell in their executions , and no lesse bloudy in their dispositions , the examples are to many , and to manifest , to be by any means contradicted . but some will say , their cruelty doth not so much proceede from that naturall inclination that is in themselues , as from the mallice and hatred they bear to the english gouernment , which they haue alwaies spurned at , and are still desirous to shake off ; but their rebellious dispositions are thereby made the more apparant , and they ought therefore to be so much the more restrained : for there is not a more daungerous thing , to relye either in the promises , or in any other assurances of those men , that are by nature ambitious , disloyall , cruell , and accustomed to shed bloud . but let vs make a short suruay , what they are in behauiour amongst themselues , and wee shall find that it is the english gouernment that staieth them from their bloudy executions , the one of them against the other , and that our late gratious queene was in nothing more troubled , then in keeping them from persecuting and prosecuting the one the other , with fire , with sword , and with such raging fury , that the most barbarous sauages that neuer knew ciuility , are not more tragicall in their executions , then are the irish . the time hath beene , when they liued like barbarians , in woods , in bogges , and in desolate places , without politique law , or ciuil gouernment , neither imbracing religion , lawe , nor mutuall loue . that which is hatefull to all the world besides , is onely beloued and imbraced by the irish , i mean ciuill warres and domesticall discentions . the wilde vnciuill seythians , doe forbeare to be cruell the one against the other . the canibals , deuourers of mens flesh , doe leaue to bee fierce amongst themselues , but the irish , without all respect , are euer most cruel to their very next neighbours . in ciuill broiles , euery base rascall is an equall companion with the greatest commaunder , and their libertie to do wrong , is no lesse the one then the other ; for they knowe they are the more willingly drawne to vndertake commotions and rebellions , for the aid & assistance of these licentious routes that follow them : they therefore forbeare no mischiefe , abstaining no more from that which is holy , then from that which is prophane : neither marriage nor honour so protect any , that rape be not mingled with murder , nor murder with rape . all things are full of misery in ciuill wars , and as in forraigne encounters , there is nothing more honourable then conquest , so in ciuill and domesticall conflictes , there is nothing more miserable then victory : for the rebellious that are led by cruelty first to vndertake , can vse no moderation where they become victors . these ciuill furies , are by seuerall means ingendered : many take armes oppressed by the tyranny of princes , but these through sufferance and ouermuch liberty : some others , hauing beene offered wronges and iniuries , haue therefore betaken thēselues to actions of rebellion ; but these fearing to be punished for wronges by themselues committed , doe therefore seeke to preuent it by playing the rebels : some to free themselues from thraldome , ( as they pretended ) haue opposed themselues against their princes ( and as they say ) to purchase liberty : but what subiectes in europe , doe liue so lawlesse as the irish , when the lords and great men throughout the whole countrey , doe rather seeme to bee absolute , then to liue within the compasse of subiection ? neither haue i known any amongst the irish , that haue stood vpon those tearms of liberty , but whom they wuld set free frō the prince , they would inthrall to the pope . i neuer yet heard of any man that was an enemy to the common quiet of a realme , but he was likewise an enemy to the commonwealth . alexander was wont to say , that the clemencie of kings & princes , consisted not so much in them selues that were to command , as in the disposition of their subiects , that were to obey . and one , attributing the flourishing estate of sparta , to the gouernment of the kings that knew howe to rule well ; nay , answered another , it is to bee imputed to the vertue of the citizens , that knowe how to obey well . alasse poore ireland , what safety may bee hoped for thee , that art still so addicted to disobedience , to contempt , to sedition , to rebellion , that thy wounds are no sooner closed vp , but thou thy selfe goest about to open them againe ? your granfathers haue felt the smart of disobedience , your fathers haue complained of it , your selues haue seen the calamities of contempt , and god grant that your childrens children , haue not iust cause to curse the miseries that are raised vp by rebellion . the extreamest point whereunto the crueltie of man may stretch , is for one man to kill another , yea diuinity it selfe , willeth vs to shew fauor , and not to be cruelly inclined , no not to bruit beastes , which the almighty hath created and placed amongst his other creatures , aswell for his glory as for his seruice , and hath himselfe had mercifull respect vnto them ; as when he saide to ionas , should not i spare niniuy that great citty , wherein are sixe score thousand persons that cannot discerne between the right hand and the left , and also much cattle . we see here god himselfe had some commiseration to the poore cattell , and it was not without respect , that he prescribed to moses in the first table of the commandementes , that aswell the cattell as the stranger within thy gates , shuld cease from their labour , and rest on the sabaoth day . if it hath pleased god the creator of all things to be thus regardfull to the worke of his handes , i am fully perswaded , that such as by nature do shew themselues to be no lesse bloudy minded towardes men , then towards beasts , do shew themselues to be naturally inclined to cruelty , the vglines whereof , is to be abhorred and detested amongst men . cap. 6. of the ingratitude of the irish . the irish , as they are naturally inclined to cruelty , so there is neither lenity , loue , nor liberality , whereby to confirme them in their duty and allegiance to their prince . some will say that there is not a readier meane whereby to draw subiects to a setled loue , then a gracious clemency to be vsed by the prince : but in times past it would not serue , and i shall not need any far-fet presidents , let vs but remember our late gracious queene , with what mildnesse and with what mercy , she ruled and gouerned forty & odde yeares , and with what disloialty was she still requited . her maiesty thought in being gracious , she might thereby haue woon their hearts to a more louing and willing obedience , and to this ende , to drawe them to a more dutifull regard , what did she neglect , that was either befitting for a prince to grant amongst subiects , or behouefull for subiects to receiue from their prince ? if clemency might haue mittigated the rigor of cruelty , what pardoning , what protecting , and what tollerating of offences that were daily and continualy committed against her . but for the better discouery of their ingratitude towardes her maiestie , how did shee continually grace and countinance the nobility of that realm , not onely suffering them to triumph and tyranize ouer their tenants and followers , with such priuiledges and prerogatiues , as were more befitting kings , then behouefull for subiects , but also shee bountifully bestowed of them , contributions , stipendes , pentions , and other daily paies out of her cofers , for the better vpholding of their decayed estates , and to haue woon them ( if it had bin possible ) to her loue and their allegiance ; and how som of them requited her , it is so manifestly known , as it were but lost labour any further to rehearse . how many gentlemen againe of that country birth , came daily into england about sutes , that were still begging and craving , and were continually returned from her maiesties court back again into ireland , laden with guiftes and prefermentes , that she graciously & liberally bestowed on them ; who after they had passed & possessed their grants , would neuer com in place to say amen , when they heard her maiesty praied for ; but rather by their ill example of contempt , made some others more obstinate and stubborn , then otherwise they would . i thinke the ingratitude of the irish ( considering how mildly they haue bin and are yet gouerned ) deserueth no lesle to be condemned thē their treasons : and rebellious : and there is nothing so much detested amongst the irish themselues , as this vice of ingratitude . ingratitude is no way to be excused nor coloured , theft , robery , murther , yea treason it selfe , may bee a little flourisht ouer with some blind excuse , but ingratitude can neither bee couered nor shadowed by any meanes , but remaining naked , must mannifest it selfe euery where with shame & dishonour . not to requit a benefit receiued is ill , but this may be said to bee the frailty of man : but to render and requit euill for good , is most pernicious , and this malignity hath euermore proceeded from detestable creatures , denounced and abhorred by god and all good men . the egyptians vsed to geld such persons as were detected with this vice of ingratitude , to the end that there might been no farther procreation of so viperous a brood : if this seuerity were vsed to those of the irish that haue tasted of the bounty , liberality and mercy of their princes , & haue repayed them againe with grudge ; murmnre , disobedience , contempt , and sometime with treason it selfe , i say the eunuches of ireland , would farre exceede in number ouer and aboue all the rest that were fit for propagation . they haue bin still gouerned by such princes , who shunning the seuerity of lawes , haue rather conformed themselues to diuine mercy , then to due iustice ; they haue bin and still are , gouerned by christian princes , endued with the knowledge of the truth , that haue ruled and do rule with curtesie and clemency , but it is the imperfections of their iudgements , that maketh them to mistake the perfection of their princes . chap. 7. of the inciuility , both of manners and conditions , vsed by the irish . if i should set downe the sluttish and vncleanly obseruations of the irish , as well of the men , as the women , but especially of those manners & conditions whereunto they invre themselues in the remote places of the countrey , i might set downe such vnreuerent and loathsome matter , as were vnfit for euery queasie stomacke to vnderstand of . i will not speake of those affaires belonging to child-bearing women , that are no lesse vnciuill then vncleanly , in many their demeanors belonging to those businesses : neither will i speake of their vnmannerly manners in making of their butter , nor of the beastly physicke they haue vsed to apply to a cow , when she will not giue down hir milke . i might speake heere what i my selfe haue seen in the north parts of ireland , how vnhamsomely the women do vse to grinde their oat-meale . but to speake generally throughout the whole realme of ireland , in those thinges wherein they should be most neate and cleanely , they doe shew themselues to be most sluttish and filthy ; namely , in making of their butter , and washing of their linnen . first , they do abuse one of the greatest blessings of god bestowed vpon that country , for as god promised the children of israell to transport them into a land that flowed with milke and honey , so the plenty of milke throughout all the parts of ireland doth so abound , that the greatest part of the people ( of the poorest sort ) are especially relieued and sustained ( both summer and winter ) with milke and butter ; but according to the prouerbe , god sendes meate , and the deuill sends cookes ; so , it pleaseth god to send them plenty of milke , but as they behaue themselues in the vsing of it , it is fit for no body but for themselues , that are of the vncleanly diet : not onely in their milke and butter , but in many other vnsauoury dishes besides . it is holden among the irish , to bee a presagement of some misfortune , to keepe their milking vessels cleanly , and that if they should either scald or wash them , some vnlucky misaduenture would surely betide them : vpon this conceit , al the vessels that they vse about their milke , are most filthily kept : and i my selfe haue seene , that vessell which they hold vnder the cow whilst they are in milking , to be furred halfe an inch thicke with filth , so that dublyne it self is serued euery market day with such butter , as i am sure is much more loathsome then toothsome . now , in the manner of their washing , they are yet more filthie then in any other of their exercises , wherein they are most vncleanlie , and i do almost loath , but to thinke of their scouring stuffe which they doe vse in the stead of sope ; but hee that came in place when they were in their laundry , in their nettyng ( as they call it ) would neuer after stop his nose , if he chanced to goe by where they were scouring of a priuy . these and many other loathsome obseruations are vsed by the irish , from the which they wil not be diswaded , but the vnnurtered sort among them are no lesse admiring our decencie , then wee their rudenesse & vnciuility . and as i haue said elswher , they wil not take any presidents from the english , and long it was before they coulde bee brought to imitate our english manner , in diuers pointes of husbandry , but especially in the ploughing of their land ; in the performing whereof , they vsed the labour of fiue seuerall persons to euery plough , and their teem of cattle , which commonly consisted of fiue or sixe horses , were placed all in front , hauing neither cordes , chaines , nor lines , wherby to draw , but euery horse by his owne taile ; and this was the manner of ploughing when i knew ireland first , and is vsed still at this day in manie places of the countrey . demand of them , whie they should be so much addicted to their owne durtie demeanures , & that they should not conforme themselues to those ciuill courses which they see are to bee perfourmed with lesse paine , and more profit ; they can satisfy vs with no other reason but custome , thus did our ancestors . custome is a metall amongst them , that standeth which way soeuer it bee bent ; checke them for their vncleanlinesse , and they plead custome : reprehend them for their idolatry , they say thus did our fathers before vs : and i thinke it bee custome that draweth them so often into rebellion , because they would do as their fathers haue done before them . but alas ! their iudgements are both blinde and lame , and they are deafe to all good counsels , they are falne into a blinde arrogancy , and they are so generally bewitched with popery , that they will neither draw example nor precept from the english . but i hope my generall speeches , will breed no generall offence ; to say that the irish are generally adicted to poperie , it would argue but a quarrelsome disposition , to denay that truth which wee see in daily example before our eies , and the irish themselues ( i am sure ) would be much offended , if they were not able to drop ten papists , for one protestant , throughout the whole realme ; themselues are neither ashamed , nor affraid to confesse it , and i would wee might as well trust them in their fidelity to the king , as we may beleeue them in that : but they all speake faire , and they say they loue the king , and without doubt there are some small number , to whome it hath pleased god to open their eies , and that doe stand assured to his maiesty : but for the greatest number of those that be papists , what fair semblance soeuer they make , his maiestie may well say with our sauiour , this people honoureth me with their lips , but their hearts are far from me . and for these , whatsoeuer they speake with their lippes , their harts are at rome . do they not shew it through euerie part of the realme , in cittie , towne , and countrey , in their receiuing and entertaining of iesuites , seminaries , and popish priests , the protested enemies to his maiestie ? with what face may they then auouch themselues to loue the king , that dooth with such feruencie embrace his maiesties deadly enemies . i will neuer beleeue them , neither can it sinke in my head , that an honest man may be brought to be in league with god and the deuill , and to be in perfect loue and charity with them both together . the vulgar sort of the irish , wanting facultie to iudge of thinges truely as they are , and suffering themselues to be ledde and carried away with outward apparitions , are not only possessed with bold nesse to despise , but likewise with malipertnesse to impugne those meanes , that should aswell induce them to the loue and obedience of their prince , as to the true knowledge of their god , wherin consisteth the state of their saluation . it is ignorance that hunteth after light in darkenesse , that beleeueth shaddowes to be substancial ; but diuine knowledge , from whence proceedeth all blessings , it is the parent of peace , of wisdom , of obedience , and it is the light of reason , that discouereth truth from falshood , and therefore the most resplendant ornament of man. chap. 8. of the vulgar sort of the irish , what account they make of an oath . the multitude of the irish ( i meane the ruder sort ) are very regardlesse of their oathes , and there are many reasons to induce it ; for i haue knowne ireland these forty yeares , yet ( to my remembrance ) i neuer knewe any man punnished for periury , by any iudiciall course of the princes lawes . they haue a custome , that vpon any controuersies amongst themselues in the countrey , the tenants are inioyned to sweare by their land-lordes hand ; the which oath , if the land-lord do by any meanes disproue , he imposeth a great fine vppon the partie , and he shall be sure to pay it : they are therefore verie circumspect in taking of that oath . they haue some respect againe to their oaths , when they are deposed vpon a masse-booke : and i will trust him better , that offereth to sweare by bread and salt , then him that offereth to sweare by the bible ▪ i meane , amongest the greater number , that make no conscience what they swear vpon an english book . and the simpler sort of them , do hold their oathes to be so much the more , or so much the lesse , according to the bignesse of the book : for if they sweare vpon a little booke , they think they take but a little oath . thus , what betweene those that are simply ignorant , and the other againe that are blinded with poperie , there will hardly be found a iurie that wil find for his maiestie . and heere ( with al reuerēce ) i must needes remember that euer renowned qu. elizabeth , who would many times saie , that the irish were so allyed in kindred the one with the other , and she hauing neuer a cosine in the country , could neuer get her right . but woe be to him , that hath his state depending vpon the verdict of a iurie in ireland , especiallie if he be a protestant . the honestie of him that should giue testimonie in any matter whatsoeuer , is to be reputed for more or lesse , according to the companie that hee is knowne to frequent . i do not thinke it therfore conuenient , that a papist , that is trained vp in the deuillish doctrine of equiuocation , and that they may sweare what they list , with a mentall reseruation , is to be receiued as a witnesse against a protestant , or to bee beleeued or credited in any thinge that he shall either say or sweare against him . because the two midwiues , shiphuah and puah in the first of exodus , tolde a lie to the king , who had commaunded that all the male children of the hebrewes should be slaine , therefore saith our holy father the pope , it is lawfull to lie for aduantage . methinkes his holinesse might haue borrowed such another from the 12. of exodus , where by the commandement of god , the children of israel borrowed iewels of siluer and gold of the egyptians ; if the popes catholiques might haue the like liberty with protestants , then it were an excellent matter to be a papist , for then a man might both lie & steale by authority , and they are not farre from the matter : for it is knowne well enough , that in the time of our late gracious queene , the pope gaue full power and authority to dispence with all popish recusants , neither to holde worde , promise , contract , nor protestation , what or howsoeuer , that had bin formerly conditioned , or were heereafter to be made with any heretique ( as they call him ) that will not acknowledge the pope to bee christs high vicar heer on earth , and that he hath thereby full authority to depose kings and princes at his owne will and pleasure . methinkes this doctrine of equiuocation and mental reseruation , was very acceptable to the yong married wife , who in her husbands absence being solicited by an amorous friend , she consented vnto him , vpon condition , that hee should not meddle with her lippes , neither to kisse , nor so much as to touch them ; hir louer demanded the reason , she answered ; that at my mariage day , this mouth of mine made inuiolable promise to my husbande of continencie ; and therefore , what my mouth hath religiously vowed , shall ceremoniously be kept : content thy selfe therefore with the other parts of my bodie , for my lippes are onely vowed vnto my husband , and for him i will reserue them . i think of my conscience , this woman was as firme in the promise she made to her husband , as a number of papists in their oaths they do make to the king . this doctrine is not onely warrantable against protestants , but it may sometimes serue to salue a vow that is rashly made to god himselfe , as the holie pilgrim , that made solemne protestation to offer the one halfe of his good fortunes at the high altar , whatsoeuer should betide him in his iourney . and by the way as he passed , fortuning to find a bag of nuts , hee eate vp the kernels , and offered vp the shels . what call you this , equiuocation , or mentall reseruation ? but call it what you list , this doctrine doth fit our holy fathers tooth , for he hath taught vs long agoe , there is no faith to bee holden with heretiques . cap. 9. that a conquest should draw after it lawe , language , and habit. maister stanihurst is of opinion , that a conquest should draw three things after it , and that the vanquished should surrender themselues to imitate the lawes , the language , & the manner of apparrell vsed and accustomed by the victors . i could wish that the irish would submit themselues to the obedience of our english lawes , for i say the countrey is accursed , that is not gouerned by law , but it is ignorance that breedeth contempt of law ; contempt of law , draweth on rebellion ; and rebellion is the vtter decay , ruine , and desolation of countries and kingdomes . it is ignorance ioyned with obstinacie , that hath not onely contemned the positiue lawes of princes in ireland , but they haue likewise dispised and impugned the deuine lawes of the liuing god. and where god is not knowne , the prince cannot bee obeyed : for it is the light and knowledge of gods word , that conteineth subiects in obedience vnto their princes ; and where the gospell is generallie receiued , there is peace and tranquillity vniuersallie embraced . it is not so in ireland , and they are in nothing more repugnant then against the law of god. and as for the imitation of language ( as m. stanihurst hath said ) it hath been thought very expedient , for diuers respects , that the conquered should surrender themselues to the language of the conqueror : and for this very cause , when william duke of normandy had conquered england , hoping to translate our english language into french , he caused al our english lawes to be written and set downe in the french tongue , and so they haue continued , and are still remaining at this very houre . but heer beehold the godly disposition of our gracious king that now raigneth , who comiserating the calamity of the hunger-starued realm of ireland , that hath neuer yet tasted of any thing published in their owne language , but lies , fables , and popish fantasies , that hath but led them into ignorance and error . to giue them some tast therfore of that heauenly foode , whereof they haue neuer yet felt smack or sauour ; he hath caused the new testament , togither with the booke of common praier , in that forme and manner as it is now vsed in our english churches , to be both translated into irish , and to be printed in the irish charracter , that aswell the lettered sort , that can reade their owne language , as also the vnlearned , that can but vnderstand what they heare others read , may reap the benefit of his maiesties clemency and loue towards them , that doth seeke by curtesie to winne them , that might otherwise enforce them by compulsion of lawes . now , for the irish to invre themselues to speake english , i thinke it were happy for england & ireland both . if neuer a papist throughout that whol coūtry , could either speak , or so much as vnderstād a word of english : and it is holden for a maxime in ireland , that ten english wil sooner become irish , then one irish will be found to turne english . now , for the imitation of habit and attire , that ( m. stamhurst saith ) should likewise follow a conquest , i protest i would not wish the irish so much harme , to inioyne them to follow our english fashion in apparrell , when there is almost neuer a passage from chester to dublyne , but one foole or other commeth ouer with a new fashion , either for men or women , or for both . and although the irish are proud enough of minde , yet they are not lightly proude in their apparrell ; and yet the example of our english pride , hath doone a great deale of harme amongst that people . i remember many yeares ago ( when i was a little bookish ) i haue read of a pretty prouiso , deuised for the preuention of pride , an act established , debarring all sorts of people , aswell men as women , from the wearing of any gayish or light-coloured apparrell ( players and curtizans onely excepted ) to whome free liberty was giuen to weare vvhat they themselues listed . this did not onely incite those that were honest , to liue within the compasse of modest and comly attire , but it was alike inducement to those that were well knowne strumpets , to shelter themselues vnder the habit of modesty , thereby to escape from being reputed infamous . but as the prouerbe is , it is not the frocke that maketh the friar , so without doubt , those women are not all dishonest of their bodies , that by the outward showes in their attyre , a man woulde thinke , they had sent their consciences vnto the stewes . it were pitty that beutie should be mercenary , or that by strange inuentions it should set it self to sale ; and why are those beauties vailed , that women themselues desires to shew , and euery man desires to see ? but they say it is for modesty , and i commend it , but let them bee modest likewise in their manners . pithagoras neece was wont to say , that a woman going to bedde with a man , ought together with her peticote , to put off all bashfulnesse , but in the morning to put it on againe : not like her , that when she first went to bed with a sea-faring man , stript her selfe quite of her modesty , & could neuer finde a time to put it on againe after . but modesty ( aswell in attire , as in conuersation and manners ) hath euer beene the reputed ornament of women ; but to speake truth of our gentlewomen of ireland : that be of irish birth , they haue little practise , either in pride or in good huswiferie ; for they are for the most part alwaies busied in taking their ease . and it is holden for a seruile kinde of basenesse amongst the irish , for a gentleman or a gentlewoman , to be seen in any manner of faculty , idlenesse onely excepted . and this conceipt of theirs , is another occasion of ignorance , which as it engendreth many vaine & lasciuious thoghts , so it draweth after it , wicked and dishonest deeds . to conclude this chapter , i say , that those of the irish that haue reduced themselues to ciuility , ( were it not for their religion ) are otherwise , of very good conuersation ; and aswell in their manners , as in the decencie of their apparell , they are very modest and comly , but they are so charmed by their ghostly fathers , that if an angell shoulde come from heauen , and speake against poperie , he should be condemned amongst them , yea and holden for accursed . chap. x. of certaine septes and degrees among the irish , how they are reputed . there is amongst the irish , as amongst all the nations of the world , diuers degrees , accorto the which each man is regarded . for the nobilitie of that realme , they are amongst them as honorable , and as worthy to bee honoured , as of any other nation whatsoeuer ; so likewise againe , both of knights and gentlemen . after their gentlemen , whereof a great number of them are rude and vnciuill enough , the horsmen succeedeth in the next ranke , who is more fit to serue his lord and captaine in an action of rebellion , then in the seruice of his prince . the galloglas succeedeth the horsman , and hee is commonly armed with a scull , a shirt of maile , and a galoglas axe : his seruice in the field , is neither good against horsmen , nor able to endure an encounter of pikes , yet the irish do make great account of them . the kerne of ireland are next in request , the very drosse and scum of the countrey , a generation of villaines not worthy to liue : these be they that liue by robbing and spoiling the poore countrey-man , that maketh him many times to buy bread to giue vnto them , though he want for himselfe and his poore children . these are they , that are ready to run out with euerie rebell , and these are the verie hags of hell , fit for nothing but for the gallows . we are now come to the hors-boyes , so tearmed by their professions , which is , to keep or dress horse ; and as in england we cal them hors-keepers , so in ireland he carries the name but of a horse boy how yong or old soeuer . there are other septes or professions , namely of bardes , which are in manner of poets or rythmers , which do nothing but sit and compose lies . then they haue harpers , and those are so reuerenced among the irish , that in the time of rebellion , they will forbeare to hurt either their persons , or their goods , but are rather inclined to giue them , & are verie bountifull , either to rymers or fooles . then is there a certaine brotherhood , called by the name of karrowes , and these be common gamsters , that do onely exercise playing at cards , and they will play away their mantels , and their shirts from their backs , and when they haue nothing left them , they will trusse themselues in straw ; this is the life they lead , and from this they will not be reclaimed . but here is now a matter to be noted , that among all these sorts and professions of the irish , the child is euer desirous to imitate what his father hath bin before him . if the father hath been a horseman , the sonne will be a horsman : if the father hath beene a galoglas , the sonne will be a galloglas : if the father hath beene a kerne , the sonne will be a kerne : if the father haue been a horse boy , the son will be no better . but this is most of al to be wondred at , that if the father had bin a rythmer , the son would bee a rithmer ; which seemeth strange vnto mee , that poetry in ireland , should succeed by discent from the father to the sonne , that must be holpen elsewhere , not only by nature , but art : and therfore , if their irish rymers be of such excellencie , as the irish themselues will commend , i say it is wonderfull . euery great man in the countrey hath his rymer , his harper , and his knowne messenger , to run about the countrey with letters . these altogither among themselues , do obserue the law of complements , and euery profession hath his particular decorum , i cannot commend them for their ciuility , nor they do not superabound in honesty : their vertue is , they will do nothing but what their fathers haue done before them . chap. xi . of the maner of the irish coshering , and of the credulity in beleeuing of lyes . there is amongst the irish , a kinde of feasting or banquetting , which they call coshering , & this is the maner of it ; good company both of men and women being drawne together a feasting , to entertaine the time betweene meales , they haue their rythmers & their harpers ; the one , to sing , and the other , to play : the songes that they vse to sing , are vsually in the commendation of theft , of murther , of rebellion , of treason , and the most of them lying fixions of their owne collections , inuented but of purpose , to stirre vp their hearts to imitate the example of their ancestors , making repetition how many cowes they had stoln , how many murthers they had committed , how many times they had rebeld against their prince , and what spoiles and out-rages they had done against the english . the maner of their sitting in this great feasting , is this ; stooles nor tables they haue none , but a good bundle of straw strewed about the floure , they set themselues downe one by another : another burden of straw being shaken ouer their legs , doth serue them to set on their dishes . perhaps , if it bee in the time of summer , or where the place will affoord it , then in the stead of straw they vse greene rushes ; but whether it be straw or rushes thus strewed ouer their legges , this is both table and table-cloath , wheron they vse to place their dishes . victuals they shall haue plenty , beefe , mutton , porke , hens , rabits , and all together serued in a great woodden platter : aqua vite they must haue good store , or else it is not worthy to bee called a feast . vpon wednesdayes , fridayes , and satterdaies , they haue like plentie of fish , for vpon those daies , to eate a bit of flesh , is a more deadly sinne , then either drunkennesse or letchery . and commonly the irish custome is , that when they are serued with flesh , they haue no bread with their meat , but if their store be such that they hauebread , their finest manchets are ordinarily oaten-cakes , in this sort prepared . first , in the remote places of ireland , in the stead of threashing their oats , they vse to burne them out of the straw , and then winnowing them in the wind , from their burnt ashes , they make them into meale , but if i should say how vnhandsomely they doe grinde them , or if i should tel , how my selfe haue seene a woman sitting with a mustarde quearne betweene her bare thighes , grinding of oatmeale , i thinke a man would haue little list to eate of the bread ; but of this meale , as ill in complexion ( to looke vppon ) as a little durt vnder a mans feet , they make their cakes , for other bread they haue none , and it is but seldome when they haue this . i might tell some other vnmannerly tales vsed by the irish , in those times of coshering , but i will let them passe . and as m. stanihurst saith , the antiquitie of this manner of feasting , is set foorth by virgil , when dido entertained the troyan prince & his company ; but maister stanihurst shall neuer make me beleeue , that the irish maner of coshering was drawne from that president : but the manner of our irish writers , haue euer beene , to draw presidents from ancient and worme-eaten authorities : for with these trifles they doe bewitch the poore ignorant people of the country , that they make them beleeue what themselues list to perswade ; and the irish are wonderfully addicted to giue credit and beleefe , not onely to the fabulous fixions of their lying poets , but also to the prognosticating soothsayers and witches , like our husbandmen of the countrey , that doe draw all their knowledge from the counsell of a kalender . and if any of their wise men , or wise women ( as they call them ) do prognosticate either good or euill fortune , they doe more relie in their presagements , then they do in the foure euangelists : and sooner they will beleeue them . they doe beleeue in charmes and incantations : then they haue words and spels to driue away rats , & to heal diseases : then they haue inchanted gyrdles , that can defend the violence of shot , and are of such defence , that no sword , or any other weapon shall hurt the party that is girded with them . it were both admirable and incredible for to set downe the obseruations vsed by the irish , vppon certaine saints eeues , but especially on may-eeue , & midsommer eeue ; what watching , what ratling , what tinkling vpon pannes and candlesticks , what strewing of hearbes , what clamors , and what other ceremonies are vsed , and not onely in the countrey , but in dublyne it selfe , the very markes and badges of infidelity , neither obserued nor beleeued amongst any other people in the worlde , but amongst infidels , pagans , and papists . and it is a wonder to see , how from these vain fantasies , so many famous impressions do arise , or rather ( i may say ) how many infamous lies are beleeued , and as when a man hath once gotten the end of a clue , hee may winde off at pleasure what himselfe listeth ; so men that are naturally inclined to nourish nouelties , hauing once receiued any thing for truth , he thinketh it a deede of charity to impart it to his friend , and feareth not to adde something of his owne inuention , the better to make the matter to be beleeued : and thus from a particular errour , by this manner of handling , it becommeth publicke : for as the flixability of our inuentions , to frame reasons vnto all manner of dreames and fantasies , are very apt and readie , so our immaginations are likewise found as easie to receiue impressions from falshoode , deriued from very friuolous and foolish apparitions : but it is commonly saide , that to bee light of beleefe , and easily perswaded , proceedeth from a lightnesse of the wit , and weakenesse of the braine . cap. xii . how ireland was purged from all venemous wormes , by the prayers of saint patrick . maister stanihurst , in his chronicle of ireland , is very angry against maist . alan cope , that seemed to scoffe at the irish conceite , that will needs attribute the purging of venemous wormes from out of ireland , to the prayers of s. patruke . now , although maister alan cope , sufficiently proueth by the testimony of seuerall writers , that ireland was destitute of all these venomous wormes , many hundred yeares before saint patricke was borne ; yet maister stanihurst is so angry , that there should bee any doubt or question made of that which hath beene so long receiued and beleeued for an vndoubted truth amongst the natiues of ireland , that he pickes a great many of quarrels against m. alan cope ; finding fault first , that he neither obserued decorum persona , nor decorum dialogi , and then he quarrelleth with his diuinity , which ( as hee saieth ) is farre dissonant from the rules of charity . and when he hath charged m. cope with many other absurdities , he setteth downe this proposition , that like as god in his iustice punisheth a country that is hard hearted , with wormes and vermine , so of his mercy they are remoued again from a realme , that is obedient and ready to follow his lawes and precepts . to put this out of question , hee bringeth this president , that as pharaoh woulde not listen to those threats denounced him by moses & aaron , was therfore punnished with frogges and flyes , and such other vermine , yet vpon his shew of repentance , at the instant request of moses , those plagues were appeased , and the wormes extinguished : why then ( saith he ) may it not likewise hold , that saint patrick , finding the irish so prest and ready to embrace the christian faith , might not stand so highly in the fauour of god , as through his earnest prayers , the venemous and poisoned wormes should be abandoned . but alas ( saith he ) this is not a matter of such difficulty to be belieued , when it was fore-promised by christ himselfe , who in the xvi . of marke saith , and these tokens shall follow them that beleeue , they shall cast out deuils in my name , they shall speake with new tongues , they shall driue away serpents , &c. were not these places of scripture well spyed out by our irish chronicler , and as aptly applyed , as those of the deuill , that willed christ , if hee were the sonne of god , he should cast himself from the pynacle of the temple , for it is written , that his angels should hold him vp , that hee should not dash his foote against a stone . but i will not contend with m. stanihnrst , nor with any other , whether it were saint patricke , who by his praiers hath thus purged ireland from toads , from snakes , from adders , & from other like venomous wormes : but there are other , aswell beasts as birds , as the roe-buck , the moule , the pianet , the nytingale , that are as meer strangers in ireland , as the other , and i cannot thinke but that it was one mans worke to expell all these together , and all at one time . but if it were saint patrick , or whosoeuer otherwise , that was so seuere against the nytingale , the sweete querrister of the wood , whose delectable harmony is pleasing to euery eare , i would he had been as strict in iustice against that foul mouthed bird the cuckow , whose notes were neuer yet pleasing to any mans eare , that was iealous of his wife . and yet to do the irish no wrong , this gauling griefe of iealousie , is no generall sicknesse in ireland , it troubleth very few , and i account them so much the wiser ; it is a kinde of frenzie , that neuer yet did good , the wise men of the world hath euer sought to restraine it by discretion . if histories be to be credited , lucullus , caesar , pompei , anthoni , cato , and diuers other gallant men , were cornuted : and although they themselues knew it , yet they made no stirre about it , that coxcombe lepidus onely excepted , who dyed with verie greefe that his wife had made him cuckold . but how many husbands haue their beene , that haue indured this accident , not onely without reproach and offence against their wiues , but with singular commendation to their owne vertue , in concealing it from the world . some women there hath beene , that hath prostituted themselues , thereby to aduance her husbands credit , sometimes to saue her husbands life : but this subiect is not for this place , and these presidents are out of season for this age , but there hath beene husbands knowne , that haue of themselues made port-sale of their wiues honesties , aswell for their profite , as for their preferment : as phanlius the argian , who through ambition , offered his wife to king phillip : and as galba , who bestowed a supper of merenas , and perceiuing him to cast some amorous glances on his wife , beeing risen from the table , shrunke downe vppon his cushion , as one oppressed with sleepe , thereby to giue him the better scope , whereby hee might persist . it is a foolish curiosity for a man to seeke for that which he would bee loath to finde , and that when he hath found , he cannot amend . i rather commend me to him , who taking his wife so tardy , that hee needed no other witnesse , then what himselfe had seene , would not yet beleeue his own sences , but would say , that he wold neuer condemn a true dealing wife , for a false misdeeming eye . i applaude his wisedome , that with his owne vertue , could suppresse his ovvne shame . it is not said without iudgment , that a good mariage might be made betweene a deafe man , and a blind woman . but i say , i woulde not wish that a man should either be too light in hearing , or too quicke of sight , to looke into his wiues affaires : and for him that would liue in a quiet content , i say that one eye were enough , and with the most , for him that will be still peeping and prying into his wiues businesse . chap. xiii . of the holy saintes , that haue bin borne , bred , and brought vp in ireland . if a man may beleeue maister stanihurst in his discription of ireland , there hath bin many holy saints , natiues of that countrey , that were full of miracles , & performed so many wonderful matters , as there is neuer a wise man in the worlde would beleeue them to be true , and so they continue still at this present houre . our holy , holy brood of iesuites , seminaries , fryers and such other , do performe stranges thinges , but specially for the increase and propagation of children , not a barren woman in an house where they be lodged : for she that is not child-bearing , a blessing from one of these of the holy order will make her so to fructify , that her husband ( whatsoeuer he wanteth besides ) shal be sure to want no children . but as maister stanihurst aduiseth his reader not to be ouer credulous to beleeue all that is written of those holy saintes themselues , nor yet of their fained miracles : so i protest , for the loue that i beare to a nūber of my ireland frends , i could wish them to bee well aware of this holy brood of the popes cockrels , the prouerbe is old , and not so old as true : that pigeons and priestes do make foule houses . i haue heard of many miracles , and there is no place or countrey where popery is profest but they are full of miracles , full visions , and full of strange euentes , but the miracles of ireland , they are more foolish , more ridiculous , more grosse , and more absurd then any other , that i haue either heard or reade of . it were strange to make relation of the miracles that haue bin wrought at the holy crosse , but especially at saint patricks purgatory ; and it is a peece of rethoricke , sometimes by seeming to affect ignorance , to set forth a subtilty ; and he that should but reade , what maister stanihurst himselfe hath set downe of that miraculous place of s. patrickes purgatory if he hath bin but a little touched with the tincture of wit , will finde out the very mystery of grosse and palpable knauery . and as ireland is full of strange miracles , so i thinke there are more saints known in that countrey , then euer was heard of in heauen , or were euer registred in the popes golden legend . wee reade of a holy saint that was long sithens in the north of ireland , called by the name of saint wooddoge , to whom was giuen a large portion of lands , the which were after translated to the byshops sea of rapo ; but some of those landes being houlden at this day from the byshop that now is , and being called in question vpon what consideration the church liuinges should bee so detained , there is a recorde brought foorth , how a holy byshop , many hundred yeares sithens , conueied away that parcell of lād to one sugere a boylle , with these plain words , for the vse of his daughters body . they haue moreouer in the north of ireland , an old monumēt ( cald by the name of baughall murry ) and this is reserued onely for o-neale to sweare by . there is mention made of many other saints ; as saint colme , saint branden , saint keuen , saint mac-looge , saint dolocke , and they say there are some few saintes of a later edition : as saint bedloc , saint brown , & there is great hope that if tyrone bee not already in the popes kalender that he shall not be long out . i thinke this saint colme before spoken of , is that great saint in the north , called by the name of coleme rille , in great veneration at this day for many strange miracles , the which they say hee still performeth . then they had a gentlewoman saint , that stanihurst in his history maketh mention of , called by the name of bridgit , not that bridgit who in the time of pope vrbane errected a certaine order of nunnes , ( called bridgidians ) but this without doubt was a very holy woman , for she lyes buried with two men ; namely with saint patrick , and coleme rille , as apeareth by an ancient monument in the cathedrall church of doune in the north of ireland , where this inscription is to be reade : hi tres in duno , tumulo tumulantur in vno , brigidia , patricia , atque columba pius . i haue not numbred saint patrick amongst these saintes that be of irish birth : for if a man may beleeue m. stanihurst , hee was a welch-man borne . he setteth downe in his chronicle the certaine place of his birth , and how comming ouer into ireland , he bound himselfe prentise to a maister , that set him to keepe hogs , and following his maisters swine in the fielde , one day as they were rooting , one hogge among the rest , turned vppe with his snowt a parcell of gold , the which patricke taking vp , brought home his hogges to his maister , and with that gold , he bought his own freedome : & thus departing againe into his owne countrey , he trauailed after that to rome , wher being instructed in the christian faith , from thence he returnd again into ireland , where he established the christian religion , & wrought a great many of miracles more then were true . thus farre m. stanihurst , and till i had read it of his owne setting downe , in his description of ireland , i would haue layed two to one , that s. patrick had bin an irishman borne . but i will be better aduised hereafter , both how i lay any wagers , & how i beleeue any such authorities . but let s. patricke be what countriman he list , i wonder how he foūd the irish so confirmable as m. stanihurst reporteth , that will beleeue nothing now , but what their fathers haue beleeued before them . they are now so much inclined to custom , that they will giue no place to reason , but let thē stand vpon custome as much as they list , yet truth is truth , in despite of customes hart : but presumption is our naturall and originall infirmity , and this opinion of wisdome is the plague of man. i think the ouer good conceit and self-weening opinion that man hath of himselfe , is the mother of false opinions , both publike & perticular , when there is nothing whereunto men are more addicted , then to giue way to their owne opinions . it was a bold speach deliuered by pliny : this only is sure , that nothing is sure , and nothing more miserable , and yet more arrogant and obstinat then man. obstinacie , is no other thing , then a setled and firme purpose and determination , either to do , or not to do something : he that is in this manner resolute , is vnfit to receiue either councell or aduise , how wise , how learned , how behouefull , or how honest soeuer . and such men , preferring their own opinions , are the cause of many euils , & do manie times bring themselues and others into extreame dangers : and it is but lost labour to disswade any such persons by the rules of reason , for they presuming to know more then all the world besides , do stop their eares to all good councels , and their eies to all daungers , and persisting in their obstinacie , without reason or iudgement , the brownists themselues are not more precise , nor sir patricke , ( saint patrick i meane ) the canonized saint of ireland , was neuer more holy , then these obstinate fooles doe assume vnto themselues in their owne conceits . curtesies that are bestowed vpon obstinat persons , are euermore bestowed in vaine , for there is no curtesie nor clemency that can be so vsed , but the nature of obstinacie , is rather to impugn , then to make any shew of humilitie . chap. xiiii . of the superstitious conceit that is holden of the irish , about certaine wels. there are yet other admirable matters in ireland , such as i am halfe ashamed to speake of , and yet if there were but one halfe of the vertue in them that the irish do beleeue , and wil confidently auow , wee needed no other physicke nor surgerie to heale all manner of diseases . the blind might be restored to their sight , the halt and lame to their limbs ; there is no infirmity , but it might be cured at sundry sanctified and holy wels , whereof there are great plenty in ireland . the citty of dublin is quartered out with them . first , on the east part , they haue sai . prtricks well , the water whereof , although it be generally reputed to bee very hot , yet the very prime of the perfection , is vpon the 17. of march , which is sai . patricks day , and vpon this day , the water is more holy then it is all the yeare after , or else the inhabitants of dublin are more foolish vpon that day , then they be al the yeare after . for vpon that day thither they wil run by heapes , men , women , and children , and there , first performing certain superstitious ceremonies , they drinke of the water ; and when they are returned to their owne homes , for nine daies after , they will sit and tell , what wonderfull thinges haue bin wrought by the operation of the water of sa. patricks well . on the west part of dublin they haue sa. ieames his well , and his feast is celebrated the 25. of iulie , and vpon that day , a great mart or faire is kept fast by the well . the commoditie that is there to be vented , is nothing else but ale , no other merchandize but only ale : i thinke such another faire was neuer heard of in any other place , where a man can not buy so much as a penniworth of pins , but what money hee hath to bestow , hee must lay it out for ale , and yet it carries the name of s. iames his faire . the multitude of rascall people that vseth to frequent this faire , are first accustomed to perform certaine ceremonies at s. iames his well , in casting the water , backward and forward , on the right side and on the left , and ouer their heads ; then drinking a draught of the water , they go into the faire , and there installing themselues in som brothel-booth , they sit and drinke drunke all the day after . on the south side of the towne , they haue sa. sundaies wel : i cannot tell what countrey man sa. sunday was himselfe , but his wel is of pretious estimation amongst the irish ( i meane ) amongst the popish sort of the irish , that doe flocke thither so thicke vpon sunday mornings , in the summer season , that i am sure , that if saint sunday were there in person to read a lecture out of the new testament , they had rather go altogither to an alehovse then they would trauell so farre to see him . to the north-wards from the citty of dublin , they haue s. dolocks well ; another sanctified place ceremoniously frequented at certaine seasons , foolish and ridiculous to be spoken of ; so that let the wind blow which way it list , east , west , north , or south , dublin is so seated , that a papist may go from the high crosse , with a blowne sheat right before the wind , either to an idalatrous masse within the towne , or to a superstitious well , without the towne . but this is most of all to be admired , that a people that hath bin so many yeares instructed and informed in the doctrine of the gospell , should still submit themselues to such grose & peruerse foolerie . i might speak of diuers other wels , for i think there is neyther apostle nor patriarch , that neuer came neere vnto ireland , and yet there be welles , fountaines , and other holy places , that be attributed vnto them . but if i should speake of the wonders and myracles , which they say are wrought there , it would make a more admirable history thē that of sir iohn mandevile : it woulde vndoo all the physitians in england and ireland . for at those holy wels , and at many other of those sanctified places , the blinde are made to see , the lame are made to goe , the cripple is restored to his limbes , or what disease soeuer , neuer so strange , neuer so inueterate , which is not there cured . but i am sory for dublyn , the place where i my selfe do liue , the towne that of all others in ireland , i do best loue , i do not therefore speake any thing maliciously ( i appeale to their owne knowledges ) whether i speake true or false : i haue often said , & still do say , that there be many good people in dublin , and so throughout all the parts of ireland besides , men of all sorts , of all professions , and of all degrees , that are not to be detected . and thus ( i hope ) the good will take no exceptions at anye thing that i shall truly report of those that be ill . and although i direct my speech stil to the irish , i make no such difference between the english and the irish , but that i know there bee as peruerse papists that come daily creeping out of eng. to plant themselues in ireland , that giue worse example , & are more daungerous to his maiesties estate , than those that are naturally borne in ireland . i dare be bould to avowe it , that there is neuer a pulpit within the city of london ( that at paules crosse onely excepted ) that is better supplied , then that pulpit at christ-church in dubline ; and how many graue and learned men , that vpon a christian comiseration haue charitably admonished them to desist , from those blind fantasticall follies which they themselues by many years experience , haue found to proceed but from their owne vaine and superstitious conceites : but neither preaching nor teaching can so preuaile amongst them , but that they become thereby to be more froward and stubborne , and do with the more obstinacy perseuere , not so much of ignorance , but rather in despite . but i am come now to a strange euent , a tale of maister stanihurst his owne setting down in his history of ireland , and it is worth the reporting , if it be but laught at , and thus it followeth : there is in the notth part of ireland a mighty loughe , 30. miles in length , and 15. in breadth , called by the name of lough-earne , but now called lough sidny , i know the place well . this lough ( as maister stanihurst saith ) was at the first one of these holy wels , and was frequented and sought vnto , by the inhabitantes of those partes , for many miraculous accidentes that was there effected . a prescribed custome there was , ( belike set downe by some angrie saint ) that the pilgrimes at their departure should not leaue the wel vncouered , fore warning them aforehand , that when the spring should bee left open , the water should so abound , that it should drowne all the countrey adioying neare about . and it happened ( as maister stanihurst sayeth ) that an old trot came to sanctifie hir selfe at that well , and hauing vncouered the springe , a child of hers which she had left but fast by , began to cry , the which the woman hearing , forgetting the obseruance of her prescribed order , which was to couer the wel , she made hast to still her brat , and returning backe againe to haue mended hir misse , shee was incountered with the water , which was so farre ouerflowne , that it was past her help , whereby both she , her child , and all the rest of the inhabitantes with in that territorie , were al together drowned . and here maister stanihurst , fearing that his lye is to palpable and aparant , yet to the end it might be something the better beleeued , he addeth , that there is the more likelihood of truth in this story , because the fishers in a sunny day , may see the steeples and other piles plainly , & distinctly in the water . and this is a larger lye and more ridiculous then the first , for to begin withall , it is well enough knowne , that the lough is of no such deapth as m. stanihurst would perswade : large it is , and very ful of islands , & somwhat deeper in one place then in another , but not so deepe to drowne steeples . againe , maister stanihurst hath very fondly forgot a schoole principle , oportet mendacem esse memorem : for maister stanihurst being an irish-man borne , could not be ignorant ( i am sure ) that in all that part of the countrey neere about lough-earne , there was neuer yet any steeples knowne , vnlesse it bee the steeple of armagh , there is neuer another steeple nowe to that lough , not by a great many of miles , perhaps ( as m. stanthnrst saith ) there may bee some lately builded in the bottome of the lough , but i am sure that there neither is , nor neuer was any vpon the land , in all that part of the countrey . i do not meddle with this matter of any set purpose , whereby to impugne m. stanihurst in his historie of ireland ; although he hath therein fabled forth a great number of vntruths : but i haue done it indeed , whereby to make manifest the light beleefe of obstinate papistes , that are ready to giue credit to ydle lies and fantasies , then they are to beleeue the testimony of the word of god. cap. xv. a true description both of the citty and cittizens of dublin . he that had no other knowledge of the citty of dublin , but as it is described by m. stanihurst , in his chronicle of ireland , woulde thinke it to be far exceeding in statelinesse of building , and in many other commodities more then it is at this houre , & yet i am sure that within these forty yeares that i haue knowne dublin , it hath bin replenished with a thousand chimnies , and beautified with as many glasse-windowes , and yet it maketh no such sumptuous shew : but ( saith m. stanihurst ) it dooth exceed in gorgeous buildings , in martial chiualrie , in obedience and loyaltie , in largenesse of hospitalitie , and in manners and ciuility . first , for the gorgeous buildings in dublin , there be som other townes in ireland that do farre exceed it : and to speake truly , the buildings of dublin , are neither outwardly faire , nor inwardly handsome : a ruynous kind of building , neither conuenient nor wel cast : neither do i thinke , that either the masons , nor yet their carpenters , are of skill to contriue any better . for their martial chiualrie , i will not disauowe them , no doubt they haue able men among them , both of body & mind , but i beleeue there are better souldiers in ireland , then any be in dublin . for their obedience and loyalty , let mee not flatter ( if hee meanes it to the prince ) i say , that if they would mixe but a little loue with that loyalty that he speakes of , the popes vermin coulde not bee so well entertained in dublin as they be . it is but folly to dissemble any longer , for if we did but looke a little into the course of experience , wee shoulde find , that this mocking & dallying with them , hath done more hurt then good . for their largenesse of hospitalitie , i will not depriue them of their right : they are bountifull enough of their meat and drinke , according to their abilities . now lastly , for their manners and ciuility , i confesse , dublin is very well reformed , since m. stanihurst writ his chronicle . and now hee commeth againe to speake of the pleasantnesse of the scituation , & by seeming , he would make it a town impregnable . but i thinke m. stanihurst had little skil in the art of fortification . then he describeth it with so many churches , with so many chapels , with so many streets , with so many lanes , with so many gates , and with so many bridges , as i protest , i hauing knowne dublin these forty yeares , yet know not where to finde the one halfe of them he hath named ; and a great many of those that are to be seen , when they are found , make but a sory shew in respect of the commendation he hath giuen . maister stanihurst maketh mention of a certain tower scituat in dubline , commonly called by the name of lsoudes tower. which as he saith , as it first tooke the name from la bell lsoude , so it seemed vnto him to be some castle of pleasure , for kings to recreate themselues in . the pleasantnesse of the tower is very well knowne , in what case it was when m. stanthurst writ his chronicle , fitter ( in good faith ) to haue made a house of office , then for a pallace to entertaine kinges , & yet i cannot tell what manner of kings they had in ireland in those daies ; but if they had no better houses then lsoudes tower to recreate themselues in , they were the sillieth kinges that euer i heard on : but i wonder if copper ally had florished whē maister stanihurst writ his chronicle , as it doth at this day , what praises hee could haue published in the worthynesse of that worke . to speake the truth of dubline as it deserueth . first for the town it selfe , it is conueniēt enough , pleasantly seated , as wel for the serenity of the ayre as for the pleasing walks that are round about the citty . the cittizens themselues , are wonderfully reformed in manners , in ciuility , in curtesy : themselues and their wiues modest and decent in their apparell ( i speake of the better sort ) and they are tractable enough to any thing , religion only excepted . i had almost forgotten to speake of honesty , but it is in dublin as in all other places wher i haue trauelled , an easie matter to play the iugler , to make a shew and appearance of honesty , but to keepe a due rule and a formable decorum in our actions , that 's the very point . the very names of goodnesse and honesty , are many times the names of meere contempt , & who dares find fault at his honesty , that is a knowne dissembler both with god and the world . god blesse me for speaking against pride , letcherie , drunkennesse , or against idolatry . i will not speake against dublin , but in many parts of ireland it is more dangerous to be reputed an honest man , then to be a knowne knaue : greater perill to bee a dutifull subiect to the king , then to be a professed votary to the pope . men are not to be deemed by their outward appearance : for infidels , and those that haue no beleefe in christ , will counterfait holinesse : he is but a foolish painter , that cannot paint both white & blacke with one pensill . i will neuer beleeue him to be an honest man , that will first sweare obedience to his prince , and then will submit himself to the seruice of his pope ; that will goe to church openly , and heare a masse priuily ; that will listen a little to the preacher when he is in the pulpit , but will neuer come neere a communion . god keepe me from being an honest man , according to the description that i see made of honesty now adaies . and i say heraclitus was but a fool to passionate himself with comiserating the follies of his age ; but i thinke democritus would laugh till he were ready to burst , if hee were nowe liuing in ireland , to see the commixture of manners & dispositions , how they are now carried . i will talke no more of ydle matters , but now a little of religion in dublin : if there be one that doth submit himselfe to his maiesties procedings , there is ten for one that is vowed to the pope . who knoweth not this to be true , that knoweth dubline ; the papists themselues do reioice in it , and they not loue to dissemble the matter , but they will shew it both by wordes and deedes , that they are so , and will be so accounted ; and i thinke they would be angry with him that should otherwise report it . among many other priuiledges that they haue , one amongst the rest is , that if there bee any man within the citty ( be he free , or be he forraigne ) if he doe seeme to finde fault at their entertaining of iesuits and popish priests , they may by their charter , be at their choyse whether they will loue him or nay . if any man that is free-borne in the citty , that is conformable to his maiesties proceedinges , and doth shew himselfe a dutifull subiect to his prince , it is at the sheriffes choyce , whether he will bidde him home to dinner or no. but dublin is not yet so destitute , but that there are some , aswell learned diuines , as other graue and godly cittizens and towns-men , that god hath blessed with the light of his word , to spy out all the pageants of popery , that do daily indeuour themselues to giue good example , seeking no lesse to aduance the glory of god , the honor of their prince , the good of their countrey . cap. xvi . of some defects in the gouernment of dubline . this inclination to popery , whereunto the greatest number of the cittizens of dubline are so much adicted , is not onely preiudiciall to things appertaining to piety and godlinesse , but it is hurtfull to matters that are belonging to ciuill gouernment ; for this diuersity in religion , causeth opposition , and that the maiestracy of the towne beeing principally swayed by those of the popish crew ( that doth far exceed the rest in number ) bringeth a tolleration of popish inormities . first , where it is the vse and custome of euery well gouerned citty or towne , that on the sabbaoth day , during the time of the diuine seruice , there is a generall restraint to all inne-keepers , tauerners , alehouse-keepers , and to all sortes of victualers to shut vp their doores , & not so hardie as to retaine any guests within the house , or to serue either wine , beere , or ale , without the house , till the seruice and the sermon both bee ended : and that this might be the better performed and seene vnto , they haue certaine sworne men to make search , and to present all such as shall bee found to offend in the premisses : the which offenders , by all officers that be of worth , bee they maiors , baylifes , or sheriffes , are euermore seuerely and sharply punished . but in dublin , then in the time of diuine seruice , and in the time of the sermon , as well in the forenoone as in the afternoone , euen then ( i say ) euery filthy ale-house is thronged full of company , that as it were in despight of our religion , do sit drunkening and quaffing , and sometimes defiling themselues with more abhominable exercises : so that the sabbaoth day , which god hath commaunded to be sanctified and kept holy , is of all other dayes most prophaned and polluted , without any reprehension or any manner of rebuke . and although many godly preachers , and some other of the better sort of the cleargy , hath indeuoured a reformation , so farre as their commission doth warrant them , the which ( indeede ) is but by the way of exhortation to admonish and perswade : but those that haue authority to punnish and correct , and doth challenge to themselues a special prerogatiue , to mannage all affaires whatsoeuer within their citty , are for the most part of them so blinded with popery , that they can neither see , nor be perswaded that this dishonoring of the sabbaoth day is any offence at all . i cannot tell from whence it should proceede , whither of ignorance or despight , that they shold keepe so many popish holy daies in dubline ( more then euer were heard on in england ) the which because they are allowed by the pope , are therefore kept , as it were in contempt of his maiesties proceedings . there be some that are numbred in the beadrole of saints , and haue their feasts solemnly celebrated amongst the irish ( especially at dubline ) that of my conscience are damned deuils in hell. i know this will bee grieuously taken , and our papists will say my censure is very vncharitable , & more then becommeth a christian to auouch , but blind men can iudge no colours . and if our catholiques of dublin , could duely conceiue how horrible a sinne it is , for a subiect to become a conspirator , a rebell , or a traytor to his prince , they wold sooner pronounce thomas becket to bee a damned villaine in the pit of hell , then euery yeare to celebrate his feast with such solemnity as they are accustomed . i might speake of some other such like holy ones , that bee inrouled in the popes calender : and there is scarcely one weeke in a yeare , but we haue one popish holy-day or other solemnized at dubline , more then they haue at london , and yet i thinke there be as wise men in london , as any be in dubline , and as true , and as loyall to their prince , but the vidimus of the matter is , our londoners are neither vowed nor sworne to the pope . can there bee a more daungerous matter , then where impiety becommeth to bee lawfull , and by the magistrates leaue and liking , to take the cloake of vertue . i might speake heare of fryers , iesuites , and other of the pole-shorne order , well knowne to be his maiesties vowed and protested enemies , that are yet entertained , vpholden and maintained in dublin , not without great contributions allowed vnto them , by the papisticall sort of the cittizens , that will grudge and murmure to giue a souldier a nights lodging , that is drawne in by the lord deputy , but for the guard of himselfe , and of his maiesties castle , and for the preuention of trayterous practises . this harbouring and vpholding of traytors , must necessarily either put his maiesty to a charge for his owne security , or leaue his estate in a desperate condition , euermore subiect to the plots and practises of his capitall enemies . and i can see no reason why his maiesty should be drawne to an expence , by the misdemeanors of his false hearted subiects , but that they themselues should be made to feele the penalty of it , if not in their persons , yet in their purses . but in dubline , his maiesty should haue little neede of souldiers , or of any other martiall men to put him to charges , were it not for the contemptuous demeanor of the popish sort of the cittizens : but if vpon any vrgent occasion , there bee but one hundred of souldiers to bee ceased amongst them , the which they themselues by their obstinate impugning his maiesties proceedings , doth many times inforce , they will impose the charge ( as much as in them lyeth ) vpon those that they know to be best affected to religion , and that do stand most assured to his maiesty , both in duty and obedience ; and would not onely drawe contributions from forrainers and strangers , such as haue neither trade nor traffique in the towne , but would likewise inforce it from his maiesties pencioners , and other gentlemen , that are there attendant vpon the state , if they haue but a house or a chamber within their liberties . and they do not onely shew an vnwillingnesse to his maiestie in these trifling matters , but they do likewise make manifest their ingratitude by many other meanes . and whereas their corporation hath been dignified by seuerall kings and princes of england , with many large priuiledges , and that they haue the whole trade and traffique amongst themselues , no man to buy or sell within their liberties , vnlesse he bee a freeman , yet vpon any imposition , though it dooth properly belong vnto the citty , and not so much but for an annuall rent , which they are to pay to his maiesty for those lands and liberties that they doe hold from his highnes , yet they would exact it from strangers , that are neither free , nor haue any manner dealing in the citty , but to spend their money , which only the cittizens doth gaine by ; & there is neither merchandize , nor any manner of commodity that is brought from spaine , from france , from flanders , or from any other part of england or scotland , but they will haue the whole bargaine to themselues , not suffering any man that is not free , to buy for his owne prouision , no , not so much as a drinking glasse , but it must bee had from them , and by that meanes he shall be inforced to pay double the price . thus the freemen , by vertue of their priuiledges , will reap the whole commodity among themselues , and they would make the forraigners to pay theyr rent , and to become contributors to any impositions whatsoeuer it shall please them to assigne , and yet in their demaundes , they haue neither certaine summes set downe , what any man ought to pay , nor whoe they be that should pay , but the sheriffes of dublyn are the men that do ceasse at their pleasure whome they list , and doth impose vpon euery man what they list ; so that if the sheriffes of dublin be a little stuft in the head with a pope ( the disease being so common amongst them , that there are very few that doeth escape it ) where they ceasse a papist at sixe pence , they will aske a protestant tenne shillings , the which if the party denaies to pay ( or at the least to satisfie them to their owne content ) they will breake open a doore , contrary to lawe and equitie ( and i beleeue farther then their charter will reach vnto , if it were well ouerlooked ) they will carry away with them any goodes whatsoeuer they be , that they can finde . i could speak of many other mattres , and i could speake by experience : for although i bee not a freeman of dublyn , yet i was thus much behoulding to the two late shcriffes , that because i would not giue them tenne shillinges which they had imposed vpon me , at their owne will and pleasure , ( i know not why nor wherefore , vnlesse it were for writing a booke against the pope ) but they verie kindly drew me out of mine owne house and carried me to prison , where they kept me forth-comming for one night , & this ( i hope ) be very well knowne , by the same token , that the verie next sunday after , i coulde haue met with one of them , in hang-mannes lane at an idolatrous masse . but i cannot blame them , though they bee somewhat sparing of their purses vnto the prince , for with out doubt , they are at greater expences with the pope ; but if they coulde drawe in his maiesties pencioners , and those gentlemen that are to attend his highnes seruice , to bee contributers with them to those payments it pleased them to impose , i would more commend their wisedomes , then i can do their honesties . this description of the gouernment of dublin , cannot be a generall reproach to the cittizens vniuersally : for as i haue saide before , so i say still , that dubline is replenished with many worthy townes-men of all sorts ; and amongst the aldermen themselues , there are are some few that are well knowne to be assuredly confirmed , both to god and to his maiesty , and that doth hate and detest this iesuited generation of the popes riffe-raffe : but they are ouerswaied with the multitude , the papists do farre exceede them in number ; and doe they not impugne the prince himselfe ? then alasse what can they doe , in a matter that could yet neuer be redressed , neither by the prescript of law , nor by the intimation of loue . but were not this contemptuous disobedience of subiects , enough to bereaue his maiestie of his royall disposition : but i confesse , it is not good to put a prince into any iealousie , or to bring him into any doubt or suspition of his subiectes ; for these are meanes , not onely to trouble a princes mind , but also many times to betake himselfe to those extraordinary resolutions as might be offenciue . but it is very expedient for a prince to haue due intelligence , aswel of his enemies as of his doubtfull friendes , in what estate they remaine , what determinations they hould , and to haue knowledge of their enterprises , what courses they vndertake , and what purposes they pretend , but especially those princes that are incertaine and vnassured of the loue of their cittizens and subiects . cap. xvii . of the trade and traffique that is vsed in dublin , and from whence they doe exact their greatest commodity . the citty of dubline is principally vpholden by the english ; for the lord deputy holding there his maiesties estate , and the whole body of the counsell of that realme , together with the captaines , pencioners , all officers , as well appertaining to the army , as to the foure courtes , all their seruants , frendes and followers , being there for the most part resident ; this maketh the cittizens to raise their prises in all thinges , their houses , chambers & lodginges , are dearer rented in dubline , then they be in london . it is the nicitie of the english ( that are euery day innouating & deuising of new fashions ) that helpeth thē away with their sattins , their silkes , their fine cloath , both woollen and linnen , their new striped stuffes , their lace of gold , of siluer , of silke , and a number of other gaudy deuises , that the english do vse to buy at vnreasonable rates , that wold neuer be vented amongst the irish themselues . the trade that they commonly vse is but to london , from thence they do furnish themselues with all sortes of wares for their shoppes , for shipping they haue none belonging to the towne that is worth the speaking of , yet they will bee called merchantes ; and hee that hath but a barrell of salt , and a barre or two of iron in his shop , is called a merchant . he that doth but sel earthen pottes and pannes , sope , otmeale , trenchers , and such other like trash , is no lesse then a merchant : there be shopkeepers in dubline , that all the wares they are able to shewe , are not worth a poore english pedlers packe , and yet all these bee merchantes . but now to speake the truth , there are seuerall cittizens of dubline , that are very wealthy and men of good abillity , that haue there shoppes well replenished withall sortes of wares , as wel mercery , as grocery , and drapery , both linnen and woollen , and there is neither silk-man , nor milliner in london , that can shew better wares ( for the quantitie ) then some of those can do , that bee called merchantes of dubline . but i am now to speake of a certaine kinde of commodity , that outstretcheth all that i haue hitherto spoken of , and that is the selling of ale in dubline , a quotidian commodity , that hath vent in euery house in the towne , in euery day in weeke , at euery houre in the day , and in euery minnute in the houre : there is no merchandise so vendible , it is the very marrow of the common wealth in dubline : the whole profit of the towne standes vpon ale-houses , and selling of ale , but yet the cittizens a little to dignifie the title , as they vse to call euery pedler a merchant , so they vse to call euery ale-house , a tauerne , whereof there are such plentie , that there are whole streates of tauernes , and it is as rare a thing , to finde a house in dubline without a tauerne , as to find a tauerne without a strumpet . this free mart of ale-selling in dublyne , is prohibited to none , but that it is lawfull for euery woman ( be she better or be she worse ) either to brewe or else to sell aale . the better sort , as the aldermens wiues , and the rest that are of better abilitie , are those that do brew , and looke how many houshoulders there are in dublyne , so many ale-brewers there be in the towne , for euery houshoulders wife is a brewer . and ( whatsoeuer she be otherwise ) or let hir come from whence shee will , if her credit will serue to borrowe a pan , and to buy but a measure of mault in the market , she sets vppe brewing : then they haue a number of young ydle huswiues , that are both verie loathsome , filthie and abhominable , both in life and manners , and these they call tauerne-keepers , the most of them knowne harlots ; these doe take in both ale and beere by the barrell from those that do brue , and they sell it forth againe by the potte , after twoe pence for a wine quait . and this ( as i take it ) is a principall cause for the tolleration of many enormities ; for the gaine that is gotten by it must needes be great , when they buy mault in dublyn , at haulfe the price that it is sold for at london , and they sell their drinke in dublyn , at double the rate that they doe in london : and this commoditie the aldermens wiues and the rest of the women-brewers do find so sweet , that maister mayor and his brethren are the willinger to winke at , and to tollerate with those multitude of ale-houses , that themselues do euen knowe to be the very nurseries of drunkennesse , of all manner of idlenesse , of whordome , and many other vile abhominations . i haue hitherto spoken but of ale-brewers , that are almost as many in number as there bee dwellinge houses in the towne . there be likewise some three or foure that haue set vppe brew-houses for beete , whereof they are accustomed to make of two sortes ; that is to say : strong beere , and ordinarie : their ordinarie beere ▪ they doe vse to serue to the englishe , that are there inhabiting in dublyn , that doeth keepe seruantes and families , and this beere they do prize at sixe shillings the barrell , which according to their measure , amounteth to xlviij . s. the tunne , and in london their iiij . s. beere , that is solde after the rate of xxiiij . s. the tunne , is better beere by oddes . their strong beere is commonly vented by these ale-house queanes , tauerne-keapers , ( as they call them ) and this they do take at xij . s. the dubline barrell , and that is iust after the rate of xvj . s. a london barrell , which amounteth to iiij . l.xvj . s. the tunne , shameful for the magestrates of the towne to suffer , considering the cheapnesse of mault . here is now to bee considered , that there is almost neuer a householder in dubline ( whatsoeuer trade he otherwise vseth ) but hee will haue a blinde corner in his house reserued for a tauerne , and this ( if hee haue not a wife of his owne to keepe it ) shall bee set out to one of these women-tauerne-keepers , shee taketh in drinke both beere and ale , after the rate of xij . s. the dubline barrell , she payeth moreouer to the party of whō she hireth her tauerne , vj. s. out of euery barrell that she vttereth : if she doth not get vj. sh . more for her selfe , she will neuer be able to keepe her selfe honest , so that here is xxiiij . s. made out of euery barrell of beere , which commeth iust to ix . li.xij . s. a tunne . how shamefull a thing to be suffered in a wel gouerned citty , let wise men iudge , for with those that be called honest , i will not meddle . i haue beene so long amongst these filthy alehouses , that my head beginnes to grow idle , and it is no wonder , for the very remembrance of that hogges wash which they vse to sell for ij . d. the wine quart , is able to distemper any mans braines , and as it is neither good nor wholesome , so it is vnfit for any mans drinking , but for common drunkardes ; but i wil here leaue my women tauerne-keepers to maister maior of the bull-ringe to looke vnto , and i will now haue about with our dubline bakers , that will be sure to sell their bread at double the price that they buy their corne : and although there haue been seuerall maiors of the citty which haue seemed to be angry at the matter , yet as long as i haue knowne dubline , i neuer knewe maior , but hee was either ashamed or afraid to reforme it . but there be some that wil make ilfauored reasons , and will say , that the bakers haue such a kind of dexterity , that they will make any maior both deafe and blind : i cannot tell how it commeth to passe , but the bakers do make a good shift for themselues , for they neither reforme their owne bread according to the prises of corne , neither will they suffer the countrey-bakers vpon the market dayes , to bring in bread that is reformed to a true assise . thus the magestrates of dubline doth tollerate and beare with a number of inormities , vnfit to bee tollerated in any well gouerned citty , the which ( as i suppose ) they do the rather wink at , whē they know well enough that this extortion that is exacted by selling of bread and beere , doth pinch none but the english , those that are to follow the state , & those againe that are of the poorer sort of the irish , for there is not a cittizen in dubline ( that is of any abillity worthy to bee spoken of ) but he hath a farme in the countrey , that yeeldeth him corne , both for bread and beere , enough to find his owne house ; but the english that must goe to the bakers and the brwers , are made to pay dearely for it ( and so they do for euery other thing that they buy ) and as the irish do know all this well enough , so they haue therefore the lesse care to redrese it : and yet if the lord deputy should but withdrawe himselfe but for two yeares together into any other part of the countrey , the greatest part of the cittizens of dubline , would bee ready to begge , that do now dwell in a malicious conceite against the english . cap. xviii . of the ambition of the irish . the irish are very ambitious of fame and renowne , but it is with herostratus , that sought to leaue himselfe in recorde by burning the temple in ephesus ; so the irish do hunt after fame , and to leaue themselues regestred to posterity , they will kill , they will murther , they will rebell , and what action so vngracious which they will not attempt , to leaue an odible memorandome to their lowsie bardes and rithmers , that can writ in the commendation of nothing but of vice and villany . by this example of the irish , wee may distinguish betweene the louers of fame , and the louers of vertue , and although it bee true that vertue hath fame for an attendant , yet vertue seeketh not for fame : for glory with the crocodill flieth him that followeth it , and followeth him that flyeth it ; no wonder then though there bee great difference in their values that imploy them for fame , from those againe , that indeuours for vertue . this vaine ostentation , wee see whereunto it leadeth : and hee that seeketh renowne in a wrong boxe , either by vnlawfull attempts , or base indeuours stumbleth many times vpon infamie in stead of glory : so he that hunteth after dignities by vnworthy desertes , in seeking after estimation , betrayeth himselfe to open derision . amongst the wise , a man is esteemed but only for his vertues . for offices , authority , & riches ; al these , are but the guifts of fortune , but for a man to be exalted to a dignity , and to bee deemed worthy of the place by a common consent , that marke is vnfallible , for there magnificence doth manifest & make known it selfe . the office of a prince doth craue obedience in his subiects , but our affections are still depending of his vertues : if thus to a prince , what hope is there then left to a pesant , that hath neyther vertue , witte , nor honesty wherewith to blesse himselfe withall , and wil yet throng himselfe into a dignity , and onely but to make it durty . nero , demanding of a souldior why he hated him , was answered : because ( saide hee ) whilst thou wast worthy of loue i honoured thee , but nowe thou art become an enemy to vertue , i therefore abhor thee . ambition is no vice for any of these love-prized swaines . for when i see a fellow that is but base of birth bare of of honesty barren of wit , and that is but dropt into a dignity without desert , i neuer look vpon such a creature but methinks i see a iacke anapes in a sattin sute . this is a base ambition , and right of the irish stampe , for there is not a people vnder the sun , that are more desirous to be famed then the irish or that will aduenture vpon more desperate resolutions then they , and but to leaue themselues i●●●●●●d in some one of their rymer-rolles . the miserable malefactor at the very houre of his death , when he is going to execution , doth euen then affect fame , and is muche more desirous that his lokers on shoulde see him take his death with resolution and without feare , then hee is to reconcile himselfe vnto god , and is more ashamed that it should be said , that his countenance began to change with faint nesse of courage , then he is of the crime that he hath committed , how abhominable soeuer . and all this , but that he might appeare constant ; and to whome , but to those that do behold him , that are commonlie more inconstant then the wind . sir thomas more , whome ballarmine ( in his letter to george blackwal the popes archpriest ) so confidently avoweth for so worthy a martyr , was sicke of this disease , and at the last houre , when he was to take his death for treason , he did sacrifice to fame ; for when the executioner was ready to strike off his head , hee prayed him , in any wise to be good to his beard , telling him , that he should find his necke so short , that if he were not very warie in the performaunce of his businesse , it might proue a blemish to his reputation . methinks it to bee but an vnseasonable conceit , at the last houre of a mans life to fall a iesting with the world for vaine ostentation , and neglecting to seeke the fruition of eternall felicitie , to rest himselfe vpon the smoakie applause of fame . it may sometimes serue for a shroude to shelter a shame , but it is an ill chose time , to fall a iesting with the hangman , when he may play too much vpon the aduantage , if not by viuacitie or quicknesse of wit , to thrust backe a iest vpon the iester himselfe , yet ex officio , he may do it by action , that doth pinch nerer the quicke , then the bitterest words . but if more were a martyr as bellarmine woulde haue him , i say he was but a mocking martyr , that would fall a scoffing with the executioner , at that very instant when he was to take off his head . but i haue heard of some others that haue been of this merry disposition , and i thinke aswell worthy to be martyrs as more ; one amongest the rest that was condemned to the gallowes , and when the hangman came to fasten the halter about his necke , hee desired him of all friendshippe , that he would not bring the rope too neere his throat : for ( said he ) i am so ticklish about that place , that without doubt i shall hurt my selfe with vnreasoneble laughter . such another , going to the place of execution , desired the officer to shun a street that lay right in the way as he should passe , and to go a little about : the officer demanding the reason , hee told him , because he ought a cittizen a little money that dwelt in the same streat , and he feared that if hee shoulde see him passing by , he would arrest him , and bring him vnto some trouble of the law . i must not forget one more of these merry conceited fellowes , who going to the gallowes to be executed , was admonished by his ghostly father to take his death patiently , assuring him , that though his dinner were somewhat sharpe and harsh , yet he should find a ioyfull supper in heauen . alasse ( said the malefactor ) that 's but a cold comfort to mee , for i neuer vse to eate any supper . we cannot iudge of any mannes assurance by the boldnesse of his death : for it falleth out many times , that men in those cases , wil make great shew of resolution and courage , but for ostentations sake , and there is not a people that are more inclined vnto that then the irish ; but amongst those that haue most valiantly resolued themselues to execution , it is yet to be doubted whither in so dangerous an intent , constancy , or obstinacy had the preheminence . euery cowarde can dispise death in misery , for to the distressed , life is but a scourge , and death their only solace : but hee that can indure the calamity of all misfortunes with patience and constancy , more rather deserueth the chariot of triumph then caesar himselfe . those that in the times of execution are seene to runne to their end and to hasten on the execution , they do it with resolution , but because they will defeate themselues of time to consider of the horrour of death , for it grieues them not to be dead , but to die . heliogabulus , the most disolute man in the world , had a resolution to die some desperate death , as it might apeare by those prouisions he had made for the purpose ; for first , he built a stately tower from whence he might cast himselfe , hee also caused cordes to bee made of gold and crimsin silke , wherewith to strangle himselfe ; he further prouided a rych golden rapier of purpose to murther himselfe ; and hee prepared poysons , and kept them in boxes of emeraldes , and topases thereby to poyson himselfe . euery man that dares aduenture to desire death , cannot be said to be resolued to dye ; for many a man that hath seemed to wishe for death , hath fainted againe , when they haue beene put to the tryall . pouerty , misery , diseases , & death it selfe are subiects of a heauy burthen , that do waigh and grieue especially those mindes that are but of the common stampe : we had neede therefore to be very wel instructed both how to sustaine , and how to combat with those kindes of accidentes . the best aime we can take whereby to iudge of a mans death , is but to consider of the manner of his life : for haue we knowne him to liue constantly and quietly it is likely hee should then die resolutly and reposely , for it is to bee supposed , that hee that konweth how to liue , knoweth likewise how to dye . amongst all the benefites that vertue bestoweth of vs , the contempt of death is most aproued and precious : and as the place is vncertaine where death looketh for vs , we must therefore be the more vigilant to expect him euery where , for the premeditation of death , is but a fore-thinking how to liue and die well . it skilles so much the lesse when death doth come , so we be prouided for it , for all the time that we liue , we do but steale it from death , and the continuall worke of life , is in the end determined by death . the iollity of youth and the grauity of age are different in this point , for the one looketh forward and the other backward , youth delights it selfe with wanton allurements , age preacheth seuerity , and readeth daily lectures of temperance and of reformation , and whether it wake or sleepe , it doth not permit vs one houre but to thinke on instruction , on patience , on repentance , and on death . i might haue inlarged this chap. with other matter of some perticular persons in ireland , that haue sought to make themselues famous amongest theyr countrey-men , by those endeuours , that were directly preiudiciall to the dignity of the prince , but i wil here omit them , & for conclusion say , there is no na in the world , that are more ambitious of fame then are the irish , nor that dooth hunt after it with more contrary courses then do the irish . cap. xix . of the doctrin of the pope , how it is embraced by the irish ▪ they say it was s. patrick that purged ireland frō all manner of venemous wormes , and it is the pope that hath poisned it ten times worse with his locust vermine of friers , monks & iesuites , & he hath so infected the whole countrey with toades , frogs , & padocks , that in the habite of popish priests do keepe such a continuall croking in the eares of the poore people , that they haue made them deafe to all good councell . it is only the poison of the popes doctrine that inciteth to seditions , to rebellions , and that setteth subiects against their princes . look into bellarmines writinges , that hath taken such paines in behaulfe of the pope , and you shall finde , that all his bookes are stuffed with no other doctrine , but that popes may degrad emperors , kings , princes and potentates , may abrogate their lawes , may dispense with their subiects for their allegiance , that they may take armes against their soueraignes , that they may rebell ; yea , and althogh treason and murther be the most hatefull offences that any man can commit , and are most abhorred and detested of all men , yet they are admitted , maintained , and vpholden by the pope , and he doth not onely tollerate those offences , but he doth likewise giue pardons and dispensations to his villaines , both to practise and execute them , as that holy pope , that gaue parry plenarie indulgence and remission of all his sins to murther queene elizabeth . a filthy religion , that hath abased the simplicity of all natures , and defiled the people of so many nations , not onely through idolatry , and superstition , but also by bloud-shedding , and detestable murthers , as though it were lawfull and no offence ( if it be done vnder the colour and shew of religion ) to abandon all honesty and shamefastnesse : insomuch , that such horryble and detestable crewelty hath been showne , that their alters haue beene oftentimes inbrewed and stained with mens bloud , as though god were pleased with those horrible murthers , practised and committed by those abhominable wretches , that care not how they defile themselues with all kinde of beastlinesse , and detestable villany . this is the religion which the irish do imbrace , and this doctrine is it that hath deluded a number of poore people of that countrey , and hath set them so opposite , that they despise to learne any thing from the english , bee it neuer so necessary , that doth but appertain either to ciuillity , morallity , or humanity : it maketh some of them malitiously to impugne the proceeding of the prince , it hath induced a number of them into open rebellion . and this idolatrous doctrine is it that fitteth their turnes , that are so addected and inclined to vndertake against the prince . the property of true religion , doth euermore keepe men within the bounds of duty , it illumineth them with the true light of holinesse , and sanctimony ; and so desirous are they which followe the rule and discipline of christ , by immitation to exprese the gracious goodnesse and mercy of god , that in the same they repose the whole sum of religion : therefore neither prouoked with taunts , they are any thing moued , and being vexed with slandrous reports , they are not yet kindled with anger ; and although they bee sometimes prouoked with iniuries , they do not go about to bee reuenged : nay , rather they suppose that triall to be laid vpon them , that they by a heape and multitude of good turnes , should abate the edge of their enemies wrath . whilst the popes doctrine had ouerwhelmed the realme of england , with the misty fogs of darknesse , what commotions , what rebellions , & what tumults were stirred vp from time to time , by the commons of that realme : but after that the minds of men were able to behold the extraordinary light of the heauenly doctrine , they submitted themselues to that duty and obedience , which the rule of gods worde both prescribeth and commaundeth to subiectes : yet after this , when queen marie had againe reestablished the idolatrous religion of rome ; when hell was broken loose , and that the deuils themselues had stirred vp the harts of our english popelings to all cruell tyranny , that they left no torture nor torment vnattempted , that might haue wrought the subuersion and ouerthrow of christian piety : what a multitude both of men and women , suffered themselues to be tortured and cruelly tormented , through all the partes of the realme for the faith of christ , without any manner of resistance : and although this horrible cruelty had continuance for fiue whole yeares together , yet where was their heard of a rebell that offered to arise in armes , or by any meanes to oppose himselfe against that monstrous tyranny . the christian faith was first established by preaching , and the disciples and those that followed christ , preuailed still by suffering : the pope vpholdeth his doctrine , onely by persecuting , by murther , by treason , and by tyrannie ; such diuersity there is betweene the doctrine of christ , and the doctrine of the pope . it is truly reported of the french k. that was latelie cruelly murthered , who many years since lying before rone , had intelligence of an enterprise that should haue beene attempted against his life , and being well informed of the party that had vndertaken it , the king chancing to descry this gentleman thus described vnto him , caused him to be called ; who comming before his presence , the king perceiuing him alreadie begin to tremble , as one doubting some bad measure , saide vnto him : i am fully perswaded , you fore-imagine what i haue to charge you with , and your countenance doth already bewray it , but i am so well instructed in the businesse you haue taken in hand , that if you would goe about to hide it , you shoulde but make the matter the worse for your selfe ; faile not therefore as you tender your life , to confesse the truth of all your purpose . the villaine , that sawe himselfe thus discouered , beganne to hold vp his hands and to plead for mercy : but the king interrupting him in his pretence , saide vnto him ; did i euer do you any wrong ? haue i euer offended any friend of yours ? or how happeneth it ? or what might mooue you to conspire and enterprise my death ? the gentleman with a verie fainte trembling voice , and a selfe-accusing looke , aunswered him againe : that no particular occasion had euer mooued him to doe it , but the interest of the generall cause of his faction , for that he was perswaded by some of his ghostly fathers , that to root out ( and in what manner of sort soeuer ) to make away so great an enemy vnto their religion , would be an execution full of pietie , and a worke of supererogation . well then ( said the king ) i will shew you the difference of our religions : yours perswades you to kill me hauing neuer done you wrong , but mine wils me to pardon you convicted as you are : go your wayes therefore and auoid out of my sight , and let mee neuer see you here againe , and henceforward be better aduised in your enterprises , and take honester counsel then those that be of your owne religion , and thus he let him passe . we may here still see the fruits of the popes religion : but presidents in ireland do serue to little purpose , if they make against the pope ; all the testimony that the holy scriptures can afford , will neuer be credited in that point . we beleeue in ireland , that when christ came to worke the saluation of the world , hee did not finish the work he came for , but left the greatest part of the businesse to be performed by a popish priest . we can tell how to worship a god that is of our owne making , but we know not how to worship the god that hath made vs : we know how to receiue benefits and blessings from the prince , but we know not how to render that obedience that belongeth to subiects . my conclusion is , that as men cannot make knowne their dreames till they bee awake , no more can these acknowledge their faults till they meane to amend . chap. xx. how the papists of ireland are neither afraid nor ashamed to manifest themselues . they say , a manne ought not to be ashamed to speake what he seemeth not to thinke ; it should then follow , that men should not be ashamed to heare of that they are not ashamed to doe . the irish are not ashamed to manifest themselues , aswell by wordes as by deeds to be professed papistes ; they are not affraid to confesse it , and it may well be supposed that when men haue a daring to speake ill , they haue likewise an intent to do ill . but i must say , they are al his maiesties subiects , and so i thinke they bee , but i pray god send his highnesse to haue neede of them against the pope , for if it came to voices betweene them two , his maiestie would hardly bee able to reckon with the vsurer , after ten in the hundred thrughout the whole realme , but that the pope would still be able to encounter him with ten for one . that the irish are thus inclined to the pope and to poperie , i shal need no other testimony then their own demeanors , and i would bee glad for their owne sakes , that they could conuince mee of slaunder : but as i hope they will not go about it , so i thinke they will not be offended with me for speaking , when they themselus are not ashamed so publikely to manifest it . for , as they do shew themselues to be apparantly malicious to his maiesties lawes and proceedings , so they doe hate and detest him , that doth but speake against their pope , or that will take any exceptions against that catholick brood of the pole-shorne order , that they do both harbour in their houses , and vphold with their purses ( without doubt ) to their great charge & expences , considering the abhominable number of those balamites , that doth so abound throughout that whole realme , in city , town & countrey , that doth daily practise against his maiesties gouernment . and what prince in the world would indure to be thus crossed by this contemptious demeanor of vndutifull subiectes , and would not make them to feele the penalty of their wilfull disobedience , but that excelent maiestie that is not onely inclined to all gracious clemency in his owne person , but with the like royall disposition hee hath so prouided , that his ministers and those that he putteth in authority in that realm , doth behaue themselues in their gouerment with that mercy & mildnes whereunto he himselfe is addicted . if i shoud speake of the gouernment , how it is mannaged at this present , by that most honorable gentleman , the lord deputy that now is , who is likewise assisted with diuerse other of his maiesties counsaile of that realme , men in like maner of great wisedome and iudgement ; i might perhaps faile in making a true relation of their worth and worthines . i do therefore appeale to the irish themselues , when they did euer know ireland to be better supplied , either with a deputy , either with a counsell , either with a clergy ( i meane those of the clergy that haue beene inuested by a lawfull authority from the prince ) or that the affaires of that realme , were euery known to be mannaged with more mildnes , with more mercy , or with more loue and lenity then now they be : and i would but demand of them againe , when they did euer know the papists of ireland to bee more peruerse , more obstinate , or more apparantly contemptuous then now they are . i could yet say more , but i will wade no further in this , and i am sure the papistes themselues ( although they will not let to lie for adantage , yet ) they they will not for shame deny this truth . the papistes of ireland are ( as in other places ) of two kinds , the seducers , and the seduced . the seducers are those , that vnder a little shewe of litterature , or vnder the pretence of being trauellers , that they can say they haue bin in spain , or at remes , or at rome , or that haue bin iesuited , or that carrieth the marke of a monk , of a frier , or a runnagate priest , that can but say a masse , or read our ladies psalter ; any of these shewes , any of these pretences , or any of these tytles , are enough to grace and credit a dog , and not only to bring him into a venerable estimation , and to be holily accounted of , but to giue him that reputation amongst the multitude , that he shall be beleeued , and he shall be beloued ; for men are commonly beleued , as they are beloued . and these seducing spirits vnder a counterfet shew of holinesse ▪ are still endeuoring to peruert the simpler sort of his maiesties poore subiects , to withdraw them from their duties , and to arme them with all disobedience and contemptuous demeanour towards their prince . the second kind of papists , that i haue said to bee seduced , are the vnlearned and ignorant sort , that are abused and misled , by the onely inducements of those counterfait hypocrites , thus formerly described . now , if there be any comiseration to bee had to a people that are thus inchanted , these are to be pittied , and it is for their sakes onely that i haue endeuoured these lines , the which if i woulde goe about to confirme by any authoritie drawne from the holy scriptures , i know it would be to very litle purpose , when there is no testimony that can be alledged , either frō peter , or from paule , or from any other of the apost . or from christ himselfe , that will be either admitted or receiued against the pope . whatsoeuer i haue therefore related in this description , that may any waies concerne the irish , i haue neither inferred presidents , nor inforced other matter , but such as they themselues are best acquainted withall , and what is most frequent and conuersant to their owue experiments . and there is not a nation vnder the sun , that are more apt to make collections of accidentes that shall happen , or that will soner refer them to presagements of misfortune , then will the irish . and although our papists of ireland , are generally compacted of a dull mettall , that hath little sence or feeling but of ignorance & arrogancy , yet thus quick sighted they be , to looke into those euents that doth make nothing at all for their purpose , and are starcke blind on the other side , to discerne of those matters that do especially concerne themselues . if they woulde but remember , what a number of runnagate shakerels the pope hath sent from time to time , laden with his trash : with his buls , with his pardons , with his blessings , and with his ban-bels , which they take to be a strong supersedias against all perils & dangers , what or wheresoeuer ; and yet if there were but halfe that sanctitie in them that they suppose , they could not all miscarrie , some of them woulde take effect ; for they are assuredly perswaded , that he that can but furnish himselfe with a little holy-water , an holie candle , an agnus dei , a paire of hallowed beades , or with some such other of the popes trinkets , he is free from al misfortunes : & yet they haue seen the popes holy-banner that was brought amongest them from rome by d. saunders , that holy embassador , sent from the pope , and they were perswaded , that where this banner was once displayed , the very sight of it hadde bin enough to haue dismayed a whole army of deuils ; but this vaine hope of theirs cost a number of rebels liues , and sent a many of traitors heads to dublin . they saw what becam of the popes two holy prelates , ailyn and saunders , whom the pope had sanctified and al-to be-blessed : and thus hallowed , hee sent them into ireland , in assistance of them that wer then out in armes against their prince , and they saw what became of them ; the one was slain in the field among a number of other rebels , and the other finished a traytorous life by a miscrable death , and died in the woodes , and as it was supposed , was deuoured by wolues : but others say , he died in the wood clannedi , partly thorough famme , and partly of the irish ague . they haue seene how many confederates , how many conspiracies , how many practises of treason hath bin plotted , hom many detestable exploits haue been vndertaken , yet all of them discouered , and the practisers stil confounded , our silly papists of ireland haue not onely heard of these things with their eares , but they themselues haue likewise seen it with their eies . but they profite nothing , neither by hearing , nor in beholding : they can woonder at them , and they can say with the egyptians , when they sawe the miracles wrought by moses ; the finger of god is here , but they haue no grace to repent , it doth but hardē their harts , it armeth them with despite both against god , and against the prince . chap. xxi . the inconvenience of poperie , how it hurteth in ireland . might we now iudge of the tree what it is by the fruit , or ( as the papists themselues are accustomed ) to deeme of all causes by their owne effects , popery could not hide it selfe , but that it would appeare in it owne likenesse , loathsome to euery eie . but it is very easie for a man to winke at that , which himselfe is vnwilling to see ; but if we would not bee enemies to our own discretions , to discern of things with iudgement and reason , though reason it selfe be but a gadding instrument , and is many times misled by our owne affections , it could not yet lead vs so far astray , but it would vndoubtedly confirme vs , that poperie is the onely plague-sore , that hath so poysoned ireland . it is popery that hath drawn the people from that confidence and trust that they should haue in god , to beleeue in saints , to worship idols , and to fly frō gods mercy to other mens merits , and to set vppe a pope-holy righteousnesse of their owne works . it is popery that hath alienated the heartes of that people , from that faith , fidelity , obedience , loue and loyaltie , that is required in subiects towardes theyr soueraignes . it is popery that hath set afoot so many rebellions in ireland , that hath cost the liues of multitudes , that hath ruyned that whole realme , and made it subiect to the oppression of theeus , robbers , spoilers , murtherers , rebels and traitors . it is popery , that hath still hardened the hearts of that people , as well against god as against all goodnesse . i haue knowne ireland long , and i haue heard of many odible exploites that hath beene accomplished , by murther , by rebellion , by treason , and by many other villanies ; but they haue beene euermore plotted , conspired , acted , and performed by papistes : it is the papist that is still the authour , the vndertaker and the executioner of all manner of villanies , how barbarous , how cruell , or how odible soeuer . god be thanked , ireland was yet neuer so destitute , but there hath been a number of good people natiues of that countrey , that hath zealously and religiously professed the gospel , yet i neuer heard of any of those that was euer tainted , stained , or detected with any of these capitall crimes : no , it belongeth to popery , it is a parcell of the popes doctrine ; for hee auoweth it to be a worke meritorious , for any of his disciples to lie , to flatter , to counterfeit , to discemble , or to enter into any action , be it neuer so base , bee it neuer so abiect , be it neuer so seruile , yet if they can by any of these meanes compasse a plot of villanie , they may doe it by prescription , he giueth them buls , he giueth them pardons , he giueth them dispensations . from hence it is , that the poore popelings of ireland , doe thinke there is no other high-way to heauen , but that which leadeth by these damnable indeuours , thus graced and countenanced by the pope . and they know againe well enough , that his holines is in nothing beter pleased , then in those that will impugne and exploite against the prince . the better therefore to countenance the matter , and to giue thēselues oportunity , they pretend great loue and loyaltie , they will protest subiection , perhaps they will go to church and heare a sermon , and what care they for taking of an oath which they neuer mean to keep , the pope is able to forgiue all , and this is the vvay to giue them credit , whereby they may practise what they list , and how they list , they know it well enough : but if i would goe about to infer presidents , i might be infinite in example , to shew what murthers , what massacres , what treacheries , and what treasons haue bin performed , which the irish could neuer haue been able to haue effected , but by that honest repose there hath bin had of their fidelity , and by that countenance and credit that hath bin giuen them by the prince . it is by our trust that they compasse their treason & it is our sufferance that inableth them in all their mischiefe , and what they performe by fraud , by falshood , by periury , by breach of faith and fidelity , is still ascribed vnto them , for wit , for pollicy , for valiance , and is euermore reputed to their glory and our disgrace . if i were demaunded of the drift of my lines wherevnto they tended , i could not well make aunswere on the suddaine , yet i haue a meaning ; but i am brought into the laborinth of the metaphisickes , who wading in a matter past their reach , woulde conclude of some thing , but they know not what : i would approue by reasons , that the irish are not to bee trusted , because they haue already so often deceiued : and yet i do reproue my selfe , for i know there be in ireland , a number of worthy subiects that cannot bee detected , nor their fidelity and trust to their prince by any meanes impeached , and these doe not onelie deserue to bee countenanced , but likewise to bee cherished ; yet the traitor of ireland , as well in words , in lookes , in apparance , and in the whole course of his conuersation , doth so nearly resemble and imitate the true meaning man , that they canot be discerned nor distinguished by their outward shewes . it were therefore a desperate matter ( and of no small aduenture ) to commit a trust to those that are so hardly discerned . i will therefore conclude nothing , yet i say , for him that is a knowne papist , i would neuer trust his word , his promise , his vow , nor ( if it were for the princes seruice ) i would neuer trust his oath , for papists when they sweare fastest , they commonly lie fastest . i haue discouered my selfe to the full , and although i haue thereby made my follie the more apparant , perhaps it may yet giue some little blaze of light to those that bee wise , for wise men may learne more from fooles , then fooles from wise men : but the onely part to play the foole well , is amongst fooles to seeme to be wise , yet i could bee contented to play the foole a little , and so to be accounted amongst our irish catholikes , if they would vouchsafe , but to draw a litle spark of wisedome from my ouer much folly . there were many matters more to be wished for , but wishing in ireland is out of date , and our english recusants do know it well enough ; they haue therefore so planted themselues through euery part of ireland , that they are more pernitious in their example , then the irish themselues . i may now conclude ( and i hope with a good conscience ) that the popery of ireland , is the bar that excludeth all regard of duty , both to god and the king. chap. xxii . whether there be any possiblity that the irish should mainetaine a warre against the kings maiesty . the broiles that hath been stirred vp by papists in ireland are infinite , and they haue cost the price of many mens liues , and the expence of great summes of treasure . but methinkes , it cannot be called a warre , that is maintained by subiects against their soueraignes : it is for princes to make warre that are absolute , not for pesants that are dissolute : and for this papistical generation , that are euermore seditiouslie contending against their soueraignes : i cannot do them so much credite , to say they mainetaine warres , but that they stirre vp tumults , discentions , vprores , commotions , insurrections , and giue them the best titles that can bee applied , and they are but rebellious , and they themselues are rebels & traitors that do first vndertake them . now , that the irish should haue any meanes or abilitie to beare out a rebellion against our gratious king , i thinke there is no souldier so vnwise to affime it . wars are not to be performed without souldiers , nor souldiers can bee contained without pay ; for besides men , mony , munition , armor , weapon , & a number of other necessaries belonging to warre , there is neyther meanes to conquour , nor hope to defend . what may we now thinke of the irish ; first their greatest wealth , wherewithall to maintaine a warre , consisteth in otmeale and butter : their wisedome is our ouer-sightes , their strength our sufferance ; and they haue euer beene more beholding to their english friendes with their irish hearts , then to their wit , their pollicie , their valiance , their wealth , or to any other thing that ireland could affoord them . they are altogether vnfurnished of all manner of warlike necessaries , either for defence or offence , neither are they able so to fortifie themselues in any ground of aduantage , but that we are stil able to fetch them out by the eares , either by force or by engine : they cannot deale so with the english : for they hauing neither artillirie to batter , nor meanes to approach , a small company of our english souldiers will make good any place against the whole forces of the irish , and although they be but slenderly fortified . and i would but learne how it were possible for a people ( howe valiant or politique soeuer ) that hath neither mint to make pay , shipping to transport , that hath no manner of prouision , no store , nor store-houses furnished with munition , pouder , shot , peeces , pikes , armory , weapons , nor with a number of other ingines and implements belonging to the war , without the which , a warre cannot bee maintained ; they haue no prouision for cariages , but what themselues are able to carry vpon their backes , neither are they able to leauy new forces ▪ nor haue they meanes to supplie their olde , with conuenient necessaries belonging to an army . now if it bee possible , that a people thus distitute , should be able to wage warre against so mightie and puissant a prince , i will neuer trust experience againe so long as i liue . but let vs looke into their abilitie , what they are able to performe in the day of fight , and notwithstanding that i can take no exceptions to their ability of body , yet being neither armed , with corslet , nor pike ( not in any conuenient number nor in able sort ) by this defect they are not able to make a stand vpon any firme ground , where our hors-men are either able to charge or chace them , neither are they able to indure the incounter of our armed pikes : so that vpon any equall ground , that yeldeth no other aduantage then the vertue or valiance of him that doth command , and where hors-men & foote-men may be both brought to serue , the irish are not able to abide . the horse-men of ireland ; againe , are not fit to serue in the time of fight , neither against horse nor foote , vntill it doth come to a flat running retraite , and then in a chace they are good for execution , but otherwise , they can stand in little steede . the reason is , by defect of their appointment , for they are armed with a skull , a shirt of maile , and a staffe , which as they vse to cary , is of no seruice , but for execution in a chace : and their horse likewise , being as slightly furnished with a padde , wherein the rider hauing neither stirrops nor stay , no otherwise then if he shoud sit on the bare horse backe , is therefore quickly vnhorsed and easely ouerthrowne . i might farther inlarge , how they are not able to vphold any garrisons , nor to maintaine a camp , nor yet to conteine themselues in any company , one whole weeke together , but that they must betake themselues to their woods , to their bogges , and to their starting holes . i know i shall bee incountered heere with presidentes , and they will tell me of more then twenty seuerall traitors , that hath maintained rebellions against our late gracious queene : what sums of money they haue spent her ; how many men they haue consumed hir , and yet how little she preuaild against them , notwithstanding hir great expence , & the many yeares expired in their pursute . to the end therfore , to make discouery why there was no better seruice performed , i will vnrip those occasions , that were the lets and impediments : the which being made manifest , may giue some light for his maiesties future seruice in that realm , and therefore i hope not altogither vnnecessary . chap. xxiii . of those lets and impedimentes that defeated her maiestic , in her seruices against the irish . it is not vnknowne to all the world ( i am sure ) in what magnificent manner our late gracious queene behaued her selfe against the king of spaine , the monarch of this part of the world , that hath kingdomes at command , that hath indies vpon indies , both of siluer and gold to make pay to souldiers , and to beare his expences : that had the prime choyce of skilfull captaines , and of martial men of al sorts that europe could afford , that left no practise vnatempted , that either sapine , rome , or hell it selfe could plot or conspire . and all this ( and much more then i haue spoken of ) imployed for many yeares together , to haue ruined and subuerted this worthy princesse whom he so much maligned : but she , not only preuented him in all his purposes , but she many times incountred him , aswell by sea as by land , and triumphed in seuerall notable victories , and seuerall exploytes performed against him , sometimes at home in his owne dominions , yea almost at his owne court gates . why then ( will some say ) if her maiestie were able to performe so much against so mighty an enemy as the king of spaine , why could she not finde meanes to suppresse the rebellions of so base and beggerly a people as the irish , that are so lightly accounted of . i answere , because she was neuer so soundly aduised , nor faithfully counselled how to prosecute the irish , as she was to incounter the spaniard . it will bee yet againe replyed , what might be the reason that her maiestie should bee better aduised against the spaniard , then against the irish ? alas , who is ignorant of the cause , it is well enough knowne , that there was neuer any great affinity betweene the english and the spanish , vnlesse a little betweene merchantes for trade and traffique . but her maiestie had not a counseller in england , that was a spaniard born , or that was combined with the spanish , either by marriage , either by fostering , either by gossiping , or by any other meanes wherby to confirme loue & friendship betweene them : but as they were all noble and honorable personages , so they were firme and assured aswell in their loyalty to their prince , as in their loue to their countrey , and therefore in all their counselles and consultations , they more respected the honour of their prince , and the good of their countrey , then they did their owne priuate profits . now in ireland , there were diuers belonging to the counsell table , who although they were of english birth , they were yet so linked and combined with the irish , aswell by marriage , as by many other meanes , that i neuer knew so arrant a traitor in ireland , that was destitute of english friendes , that would vndertake in his behalfe , yea although he were out in open rebellion , that , they durst not apparantly aduenture , yet by secret meanes and practises , they would both straine themselues and try their friendes , to helpe out a traitor when it cam to a pinch . of this combination betweene the english and the irish , i might speake more then perhaps would bee thought necessary to bee openly published ; and it should seeme , that our progenitors many ages sithens , finding out the inconueniences , what hurt it did , seeking meanes therefore to preuent it , they established by act of parlament , that no man of the irish birth , should haue charge or bee put in trust , with any castle or place fortified , belonging to the prince . they were likewise prohibited , from diuerse principal affaires , and amongst these prohibitions , the english were likewise inioyned , neither to marry , foster , nor combine with the irish . i thinke our auncestors were not more carefull , then we be now , but it should seeme , they imployed their cares better then we do now . amongst many reasons that might bee rendered , why the english should bee so indeuouring and helping to the irish , there bee three especiall reasons , more importing then the rest . the first , is grounded vppon foresight or prouidēce , for those of the english that haue settelled themselues with landes or liuinges in the countrey , do finde it to bee a matter of approued policy , to combine with those of the irish , that are most likeliest to play the traitors , especially , if they bee bounding or bordring vpon him : for he thinketh by these meanes , not onely to saue his lands and tenementes from the spoyle of the party himselfe that is most likelie to endanger him but also by being in league and friendship of such a one , that is but in the state and condition of a demy-traitor ; that is , halfe in , and halfe out , he hopeth by his meanes so much the rather to scape scot-free , from the spoile of others : from which conceit of theirs , this prouerbe doth arise : that it is good to haue a rowland for an olyuer : or after our english interpretation ; a theefe to encounter a theefe . a second reason , that induceth the english to bee so vndertaking for the irish , is grounded vpon consideration , peraduenture some hundred cowes , some times more , and sometimes lesse : for guifts and presents , though they consist but in cowes , in horse , or in ready money it selfe , will be receiued , and hee that knoweth howe to steale from oue , and what to giue to another , shall find friends . now , a third reason , and that which most inforceth the english to stand so firme for the irish , is , for that it concernes our owne free-hold : for wee are so linked and combined with them , what by marryeng , what by fostring , and what by one meanes or other , that we must not see them quaile , wee must not see them confounded but their hurts will be to our own detriments if not of our selues , yet of our children of our brethren , of our cosines , of our wiues , of our alies , of our friends , or of some other such of our families , as we must put to our helping handes , wee must not see them vtterly ouerthrowne . who will demand now , how the irish haue been able so to dally with their priuce , & to continue their rebellions as in times past they haue done , when they haue bin still bolstered out by the english , when they haue had such friends , that ( if they could not preuaile in ireland ) durst aduenture to write into england , yea sometimes to the queene hir selfe , and vnder those plausible pretences of profit and pollicie , would perswade , what a sparing it would be , both of money & of mens liues , that a traytor that had committed infinite spoiles , and spent hir maiestie huge summes of money , should be brought in by composition , by pardon or by protection , and how many waies it would be auaileable to hir highnesse , that he should be receiued to mercie . and how many of these haue i knowne , that after they had receiued all these fauours , and hauing again strengthened and enabled themselues , haue watched their oportunities , but to commit new stealths , and to execute som other actions of villany , and thus going out againe , haue been ten times more chargeable then they were at the first . chap. xxiiii . of pardons and protections , how hurtfull in ireland . as i neuer knew the irish to want english frends that did vphold them so they are neuer destitute againe of some others , to procure them pardōs . this port-sale of pardons , hath been the vtter vndoing of ireland : for what betweene those pardons that were sent from the pope , and the other againe that were obtained from the prince , euery traytor , euery rebell , euery murtherer , euery theese & euery robber , might put in practise what he listed , without dread or danger , for the pope he dispensed on the one side , and the queene she pardoned on the other , and thus between them ( as time and occasion serued ) it was holden for the high way to preferment , for a man to play the traitor , and to stirre vp rebellion : for he that was found to be most dilligent , most daungerous , and most desperate , in the execution of treason , should not onely bee sure to haue a pardon , but hee should bee likewise gratified with a pension , or with some daily pay , from out of the princes cofers . now , who would forbeare to be a traitour , or a rebell , or a theefe , or to enter into any mischiefe whatsoeuer , that could stil warrant himselfe a pardon for a few stolen cowes ? this generality of pardons and protections , did much harme in ireland , for they still gaue encouragement to the ill disposed to aduenture of any enterprise , and to do any maner of villany what themselues listed , and there wanted not those that were fauorites and followers to the lord deputy , that were stil hunting after sutes , that obtained both pardons and protections , and manie other grants , that were so preiudiciall vnto the seruice of our late gracious queen , that she had been better to haue giuen them stipends of some thousandes by the yeare to haue maintained them in england , rather then to haue suffered them to haue made such traffique in ireland , as they did at that time . as these pardons were the onely encouragements to giue daring traitours to attempt against their prince , so they were againe the verie cause of dismay , whereby to terrifie the subiect from the seruice of his soueraigne : for when a traitour was out in rebellion , those that were bordering vpon him , that had best knowledge in the strength and fastnesse of his countrey , durst neuer serue against him ; for they knew wel enough that there was not a rebell in ireland so foolish , but that he had english friends to procure him a pardon , and then they were sure that the winding vp would be ( as it hath beene in many other things ) that he that shold oppose himself to serue his prince faithfully , should bee left to the spoile of a traitour , who hauing once made his owne peace by pardon or protection , would liue to be reuenged of as many as had serued against him . is it now so much to be wondered at , that her maiestie could haue no better seruice performed against her rebelles in ireland , when by her ouer much clemency , shee defeated her selfe of their seruices , that were best able to stand her in stead . i might speake further of pardons , that hath beene many waies more preiudicial , then i haue set downe : but i wil conclude , that so long as there are any pardons to be hoped for in ireland , so long there will be traitors in ireland : and so long as a proclaimed traitor shall be able to compasse either pardon or protection , so long the prince shall haue no seruice performed against any rebell , either by english or irish , that are dwelling neere about him , and that can best serue vpon him . chap. xxv . of che dallying out the time of seruice , and the delayes of ireland . there is nothing wherein our english policy hath beene more ouer-reached , then in mannaging the warres against the irish , that were still prosecuted with delayes , and dallying out the time with deluding parlies ( which they tearmed times of sessation ) but vnder those coloured-treaties , and counterfaite truces , though wee let slippe both time and occasion , yet the enemy forgat not to take all aduantages . for in those dallying times of their deluding parlies , the rebels recouered conaughe , they tooke eniskaline , monohan , the blackwatre ; they supplied themselues with wine , with aqua vitae , with armor , with weapon , with powder , with shot , and with all other necessaries whatsoeuer they wanted , from al the parts of ireland ; yea , from out of dubline it selfe . the presidents are innumerable , what practises haue beene performed in the time of parlies . and as alexander wold not admit of any of these night-stoln victories , so amongst the romaines , these entertaining of truces was banished as an enemy to their ancient proceedings , who were still desirous to fight by vertue , but not by deceipt . he only is iudged to be ouercome , that is not vanquished by craft , nor by fraud , nor by fortune , nor by chance , but onely by meere valiance . the time hath beene , when it was neuer deemed to be a worthy victory , where the enemies courages were not daunted by true valiance and magnanimitie . but for the seruiees in ireland , rest is euermore dangerous then rashnesse , and although it bee a foule imputation for a commander , to be reputed headie or haire-brain'd , yet amongest the irish , expedition that is sometimes vnseasonably taken , is more auaileable , and hath euer concluded with better successe , then this temporziing & trifling out the time with delayes and delusions . for , the rebel of ireland , must haue no leisure to take his breath ; he must be hunted like the fox that is new rouzed from his den , he must be chased from couert to couert ; and ply him thus but one three weekes or a month , and you quaile his courage , his edge is taken off , and his pride is sodainly abated . but would ye haue a president , let me put you in minde of the traitour odougherty , one of the gallants of the north of ireland , a champion of such worthinesse , that the papists were in great hope , that he would haue proued no lesse then a second tyrone ; but will you see what became of this mirrour of magnanimity , he compassed a plot of treachery , and of treason both , but such a plot as he could neuer haue effected , but by the trust that was reposed in him by the english . for this is the ground worke of all their villanies : we aduance them , wee countenance them , we credit them , and wee inable them ; and this trust , and this confidence which we repose in them , giueth them matter to worke vpon ; and by this meanes , odougherty performed his enterprise without resistāce , and as he neuer strooke stroke in the exploiting of his villany , so he neuer strooke stroke after , till his heade was taken of , neither durst he euer shew his face after , but in woods and bogges , where he thought to catch no harme . we see here the difference between expedition and delay , for as odougherty was spedy in the execution of his mischife , the lord deputy made as quicke a dispatch for the prosecution of reuenge , and makinge a speciall choice of a celected company for the following of that seruice , there was one amongst the rest ( sir thomas ridgway by name ) who of a voluntary disposition ( without weeting or knowledge of his dearest friendes ) conueied himselfe from his own house , and cam to the place of seruice with the formost man , and with the like speede he so persued the rebelles with such iudgement , valiance and industry ( and many times with a farre lesse company then the rebelles were in number ) that they expecting a more leisurable pursute , such as tirone and other traytors had had before them ( being now depriued of that hope ) they begane to faint at the first , and were in a short space as easely surprised . sedition durst neuer yet attempt any thing valiantly , and the multitude , hath euer had more courage to rebell then to fight . now to be short , it was the expedition of the lord deputy and the dilligence of the treasurer , that brake the neck of this rebellion in a much shorter time then hath been acustomed : and as this president of theirs may giue a further light for his maiesties future seruice , so by this it may appeare , that if the irish be wel followed with a direct course , they are of no such ability , as some ignorant men haue dreamed & beleeued . cap. xxvi . how tyrone was still supplyed with souldiors , and all other prouisions for warre , at the queenes charges . the greatest matter reputed to bee in the irish in times past was this , they had trechery to contract a plot of treason , and wit to conceale till they had performed it , and that being once effected , their greatest courage afterwards , whereby to maintaine their traiterous attempts , consisted in the hope of a pardon ; in the meane time , they kept themselues like foxes in their dennes , and wee hunting and ferriting after them , if sometimes by casualty , we fortuned to light vpon them , they trusted better to their heeles then they did to their handes . it will be sayed , that the irish in the time of tyrones rebellion , shewed themselues to bee men of better worth , then i do seeme to account of them . and it is truth , that in that rebellion of tyrones , they put the queene to a great expence of treasure , and continued the warre a much longer time then hath formerly beene accustomed ; but how it cam to passe , that the irish were so inabled on the sodaine , to maintaine their rebellion , and to continue it as they did , whether it were by any new supply either of strength , corage , force , or fortune , or by any other ability either of body or minde , inspired or infused into them more then their predecessors haue had before them , this would be knowne . and this i thinke were not vnnecessary to be descouered . i will not speake how tyrone was befrended by the english , neither will i make any repetition , how the english souldiors were generally enfeebled & brought so weake that they were not able to perform a good daies march ( i will not say how it came so to passe , but it is well enough knowne that so it was : ) and although that this penury wherewith our eng. troops were thus pinched , had been enough to haue abated the courages of the most able minded men , yet that was not it that made tyrone so potent as hee shewed himselfe , nor that did so much enable him against his prince . the matter that strengthened him , was the continuall supplies , aswell of men as of munition , armor , weapon , powder , shot , hee was still furnished with souldiors , ready armed and trained at her maiesties costs and charges , and it was hir maiesties purse that releeued him from time to time , with those supplies , that he himselfe ( otherwise ) had neuer beene able to haue compassed . our auncestors many yeares since , that had some speculation in the irish disposition , foreseeing well enough the danger that might insue , by training them vp in any warlike discipline , thinking to preuent the inconuenience ; they ordained by statute , that no englishman , seruing in that countrey with command , should retaine into his company of one hundred soldiors , aboue three irishman at the vtmost , and these were entertained rather for guides then for any other expectation that was hoped for by their seruice . whilst these obseruations were charily obserued , the irish wer not able to make any encounter against the prince : and ireland was able ( not onely ) to beare it owne expences , but also to contribute to the princes cofers , some twenty or thirty thousand pounds , per an. as appeareth by auncient records that are yet to be seene . by this wee might conclude , that it is better for wayfaring men , to treade those tracts already traced out to their handes , then to seeke vnknowne waies , that if they do not sometimes leade astray , are sure at all times to leade the furthest way about : for if those presidents left by predecessors , had bin by vs as carefully obserued , as they were by them wisely prescribed , the rebellious sort of the irish had not beene so wel inabled to haue maintained their rebelions , as now of late they haue done : but tyrone was the man that the irish did extoll , and tyrone was the man that was beholding to his english friends ; hee was beholding to those deluding parlies , to those deceitfull times of sessasion , that gaue him still opportunity to helpe himselfe by many aduantages : sometimes when hee was driuen ( as it were ) to the very last gaspe , & when he was not longer able to hold out , then there was a parle procured : by means whereof , he releeued himselfe with all manner of necessaries , and would lightly enterprise something , that was both to the disaduantage and dishonour of the prince . i haue already made mention of a prescript , wherein our english captaines were inioyned , that in euerie company of one hundred , they should not retaine aboue two or three that were of the irish birth , but during the whole season of tyrones rebellion , there were some companies , that for euerie three of the english , there were three and twentie of the irish ; and to speake truely , it might haue beene called a speciall and a choise company , that had not three irish for one english . how it fell out that our english captaines were thus inclined to entertaine the irish , and to discharge the english , i shall not neede to make relation ; there was a reason why , but they raked vp all the irish that were to bee gotten , that there was not a horse-boy left in the countrey , but he was armed & trained , and when hee had committed insufferable spoiles , away he went to the enemy . the rebels themselues sent as many rogues as they were able to procure , to be thus armed and trained , & to watch their oportunity to performe some exploit of villanie , and so to make their returne . besides this , there were whole companies of the irish raised at hir maiesties costs and charges , & that receiued her daily pay , that were as arrant traitors , as any were with the rebels , and committed as manie spoiles , killing and burning onely excepted . all these , still furnished tyrone with daily supplies of souldiers that were thus armed and trained at her maiesties charge , and he had the like helpes to supply himselfe with many other wants , but especially with powder and shot , wherewith he was stil releeued from out the queenes store ; somtimes by those irish bands and companies , that made more prouision for the rebels , then they did for themselues . sometimes again by some gentlemen of the countrey , who vnder the pretence of making themselues strong against the rebelles , woulde fetch out of the queenes store , powder , shot , armour , weapon , and what besides was there to be had , wherwith they still supplied tyrone , who otherwise had neuer beene able to haue maintained one good daies fight . i might yet speake further , how that euery pedling fellow that kept a shoppe , was suffered to sell peeces , powder , swords , and such other implements of war , not allowable for euery man to sell , & ( considering the state of the countrey ) not sufferable for euery man to buy . i will heere couclude , how all that extraordinarie wisedome , pollicie , and valiance , that was attributed vnto tyrone , was but our ouer-sights , our negligences , and our winking at that which was apparant vnto euerie wise mans eyes : and let the irish proiect vnto themselues what they list ( i say ) if tyrone had beene as well hunted after as odougherty was , he must haue come vnto the verie selfe-same market that odoughertie did . cap. xxvii . that the irish are more daungerous then necessary for his maiesties seruice in ireland . in euer read of any such pollicie , where a rebellious people , that were euerie day readie to reuoult from their dutie vnto their soueraigne , should be permitted to exercise chiualry , or should be inured with the practise of armes : but i could set downe a number of presidents , how prudent and pollitique princes , when they haue beene so continually vexed and vrged by rebellious traitors , haue not only prohibited them from the vse of weapons , but haue also restrained and depriued them from all manner of practises appertaining vnto warre , by the seuerity of lawes . i knowe amongst the nobilitie of ireland , there hath beene ( as there are still ) manie honourable persons ( & so there are of manie other gentlemen ) that without all doubt are as forward , as readie , and as willing to serue their prince , as any other whosoeuer . but to speake truely , sithence i haue knowne ireland , i neuer knew anie of the nobilitie of that realme , that was able to performe anie seruice ( that was woorth the speaking off ) with their owne countrey-men , in the behalfe of their prince , no not against a mean rebell : such a one as in a priuate quarrell , durst not lifte vppe a sword against anie noble man , that did dwell neer or border vpō him . and this is a matter to be admired , that any thred-bare rebel should be so apt and hardie to oppose against the prince , and so timerous againe to offend a nobleman of his owne countrey : and it is no lesse strange , that euery nobleman of ireland should be potent enough to right his owne causes against anie of that ragged rabble , that dares but look awry vpon him ( as i could shew may presidents ) and can performe nothing in the seruice of his prince , no not against the most basest rascall , that euer marched vnder the title of a rebell . the misterie of this matter is easie to be decided , for although i know that amongest the nobilitie of ireland , there be some that would be both willing & desirous to do the prince vnfained seruice in their own persons , yet they themselues know well enough that they shall neuer be followed in those indeuours : their owne houshold seruantes would faile them in such a case ; and hee that could bring a thousand followers into the field , in an action of rebellion ; is not able to bring one hūdred , in the seruice of his prince : they are so vowed and protested to the pope , that they will not be induced to serue their prince , at the leastwise , not in that due respect of loue , that subiects are boūd and doe owe vnto their soueraignes . perhaps in somptiuate quarrell between themselues , they may perform som exployt the one against the other , but it shall be don more in reuenge of their owne mallice , then for any loue they owe to the seruice . there is nothing , wherein the irish do more priuily deride vs , then in this conceit that we haue of their helpe : & therfore they haue hatched vp this pretty intergatory : where was it euer knowne , that one wolfe woulde prey vpon another . and it hath euer beene thought a most daungerous thinge , to haue friendes and enemies both of one nation . but i know the irish did neuer want friends , to perswade that their seruice is verie behoouefull : it may sometimes serue indeed , to help to stop a gap , but i answer it will shortly after break down the whole hedge , and it is but a madde part for him that would defend an entry , to shut vp the wicket , and then set ope the great gate . the irish do but betray the seruice and strengthen the enemie ( i speake of the multitude ) and to haue them trayned as heretofore they haue bin , ( especially those that are so much addicted to the pope ) i say it is dangerous , and a grosse ouersight . i haue hitherto displaied , ( though not all that i know ) yet so much as i think necessary , the which although it please not all , yet i would bee glad it shoulde proue profitable to some . i haue but glanced at things , by giuing them a touch and awaie , which if i shoulde inlarge but as they deserue , i might write a whole volume in folio . the vertue of things is not so much in their magnitude as in their qualitie , and so likewise of reason , which beeing wrapped in a few words , haue the best tongue . my purpose is to profit , not to please ; to intice , not to intrap ; to councell , not to controle ; and i rather desire to make my friends penitent , then leaue them insolent . i haue directed my lines but to the forming of good manners , and moderating of affections , and who can be silent in these matters here handled , if he loue his prince . and yet i know , that nothing can bee so well or prouidently spoken , but mallice will finde matter whereat to carpe and repine : yet i hope my good intent will be the rather born with al , in that i do but set down precepts of good councell , but not decrees to be resolued on . i hope it will be accepted of by some , that will reape profit by it , and find fit aduertisements and examples for them to imitate : which if it doe , i shall thinke my time and labor the better bestowed : if otherwise , my care is the lesse , because it hath contented my selfe , in keeping me from idlenesse . but i know some will say , it were as good be ydle , as ill occupied : t is true , there is no endeuour wherein a man may busie himselfe , that is more distastfull then the writing of books ( especially if they be of a reprehending humor ) but it is to those that haue guilty consciences , but to men of pure and honest life , they little force what any man can either write or speake against them . i may speake something by experience , for i my selfe haue been mistaken , and am reputed to bee an open enemy to ireland , and all but for writing a booke , entituled , the suruey of ireland , wherein i haue laboured nothing , but the discouery of the pope . but such is the malignity of papists , that they cannot indure to haue their idolatry checked , no not with presidents and examples that are drawn from the holy scriptures . certaine pagans offering outragious violence to a religious christian , mocking and vpbraiding him for his religion , they asked him in the end , what profite hee had by his christ : is not this a singular profit , quoth he , not to be moued with your bitter wordes , but to pardon and forgiue the wronges you do vnto me . i answer with the christian : let the papistsly and slander how they list , i thanke god , i am taught by the religion i professe , to put vp all wronges and iniuries , whatsoeuer they can offer vnto mee , and not only to forgiue them their vpbraiding and deprauing of me , but also pray to god that hee woulde so open their eies , that they may see the right way of their saluation . i hope there is no man that will accuse me of parciality , to say i haue more forborn to speake againste the follies of the english , then against the manners & customes of the irish : or that i doe otherwise distinguish betweene them , but value them both alike , the good , to be good , and the bad , to be bad . i confesse i haue bin very plain with the cittizens of dublin , but it is those that are only addicted to the pope , it is with those that haue so be-pusseld themselues in popery , that they yeeld to a number of disorders , that are no lesse odious in the sight of god , then iniurious to the king : yea & to eclipsing the reputation of their city if they did but well aduise themselues , with discreet consideration . perhaps it wil be imputed to me for an offence , that i haue so avowed the greatest number of the irish to be papists : but if popery be so catholike a matter as they themselues do beleeue , i haue then doone them great honour and credit so to repute them , but if it be a doctrine that seduceth , and that draweth subiectes rather to rebellion then to true obedience to their princes , is it not then best to speake the truth , if it be but to shame the deuill ? and now to purge my selfe from any malicious intent , i do heere protest before the face of the liuing god , and do further auow it by that religion that i do openly professe , that i do know neuer a cittizen in dubline , nor any other person that is a natiue borne in ireland , that i do either hate or dislike ; no , not hee that hath done me the greatest wrong , but do wish him as wel as i wish to my selfe , that god would make vs all wise , and set vs in the right tract that leadeth to life euerlasting . this is all the malice i beare them , this is all the hurt i meane them , to this end and porpose i haue written this booke , not against any papist in particular , but against popery in generall ; for popery in ireland is the original of a number of imperfections , that otherwise would bee reformed , and it is popery onely that hath secluded the english and the irish from that perfect loue and amity , which else would be imbraced on both partes aswell to the glory of god , as to the great benefit of this countrey . god bring it once to passe , that wee might all ioyne together as well english as irish , in the true acknowledgement of one god , of one religion , of one king , of one law , and of one loue , this is all that i wish for , and this is all that i haue indeuoured . finis . my ladies looking glasse vvherein may be discerned a wise man from a foole, a good woman from a bad: and the true resemblance of vice, masked vnder the vizard of vertue. by barnabe rich gentleman, seruant to the kings most excellent maiestie. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. 1616 approx. 182 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 41 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10711 stc 20991.7 estc s115904 99851121 99851121 16379 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10711) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 16379) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 557:8) my ladies looking glasse vvherein may be discerned a wise man from a foole, a good woman from a bad: and the true resemblance of vice, masked vnder the vizard of vertue. by barnabe rich gentleman, seruant to the kings most excellent maiestie. rich, barnabe, 1540?-1617. [6], 74 p. printed [by john legat] for thomas adams, london : 1616. printer's name from stc. running title reads: my ladies looking-glasse. identified as stc 20984 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng satire, english -early works to 1800. england -social life and customs -early works to 1800. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion my ladies looking glasse . wherein may be discerned a wise man from a foole , a good woman from a bad : and the true resemblance of vice , masked vnder the vizard of vertue . by barnabe rich gentleman , seruant to the kings most excellent maiestie . malui me diuitem esse quam vocari . london , printed for thomas adams . 1616. to the vvorthily honovred , and most worthy to be worthily honovred , the lady saint iones , wife to the right honourable sir oliver saint iones , knight lord deputie of ireland . madame , to auoide idlenesse , i haue betaken my selfe to those endeauours , that the world will repute to be more idle , than idlenesse it selfe ; and perhaps some will not let to say , that it had beene better for me to haue continued idle still , than to ●●ue been thus ill occupied . for it is now accounted sinne to reprooue sinne , and there is no exercise accounted to be more idle , than to reprehend the idle follies of this madding age , that time hath now hatched vp , and are long sithens become so flush and fligge , that they are flowne into the world , and they haue there nestled themselues amongst the chickins of vertue , so disguising themselues vnder the habit of vertue , that they are reputed to be of vertues broode , and are not easily to be discerned by their plumes , or outward shew . to discouer them therefore , to those that haue any list to eschue them , i haue composed this looking glasse , which i haue fronted in the forehead with the title of my ladies looking glasse . not that it is any thing lesse behoouefull for my lord , than it is for my lady to looke in ; for although women doe vse their looking glasses , but to espie the deformities of their bodily beautie , yet this looking glasse is composed of a contrarie constitution : for this maketh manifest the diseases of the minde , and discouereth the imperfections aswell of men as of women , that doth behold themselues in it . it taxeth the abuses of the time and here is to be seene ( though in a few lines ) many actuall breaches of gods holy lawes . i haue presumed to present it to your ladiships protection , and although i know it be not fit for euery one to reade , that perhaps would winch , if they found themselues to be rubd : yet your vntainted vertues being free from all detection , you may with a cleare conscience , and an vnbended brow , aswell vouchsafe to reade , as likewise to protect , when their is nothing therein conteined but iustifiable truth ; the iniquities of these times being so palpable , that it is as easie to proue , as it is to reproue them . i haue not presumed to present these lines whereby to instruct your knowledg , nor , to set down precepts for your ladish ▪ to follow ; but knowing your ladiship how worthily famed , of whom could i make better choice than of a lady so highly renowned both for wisedome and vertue ? i might here indeauour your ladiships further praises , and that without either fraud or flatterie , but as the vnskilfull painter , that would take vpon him the draught of some rare perfection that were more then ordinary , how well soeuer he might be furnished with colours , yet wanting art , he might rather blemish than grace the worke he tooke in hand : i will therefore here stay my selfe , beseeching your ladiship to pardon his bold presumption , that will rest to doe you seruice during life , your ladiships , to command , barnabe rich. to all readers , either cvrteovs or captious i care not . cvrieous reader , if thou prooue so indeede , i would be glad ; but if thou be disposed to cauill , i care not greatly : thou shalt but bewray thine owne guiltie conscience . and i am become to be a little foolish hardy . ( and why may i not call it true valiance ? ) i haue aduentured one of the labours of hercules , to strike at sinne : and is not that as much as to fight with the hydra ? nay , it is more : for where the serpent had but two heads starting vp , where one was taken off ; let sinne but be dismembred of one vicious folly , there springeth vp tenin the place of that one , more strange to be seene , and monstrous to behold ; this generall sicknesse of sinne is growne so contagious , that it is past recoucrie . it lies at the last gaspe , and yet it is more dangerous to prescribe a remedie , than it is to describe thee malady . we must not say that the world is sicke , nor that worldlings are infected with the diseases of pride , of whoordome , of drunkennesse , of swearing , of swaggering , of bribery , of fraude , of deceit , of periury , of popery , of idolatry . no , we must not speake of these abominations : we dare not say that sinne is sinne . and more safety for a man to commit sinne than to reprooue it . i haue aduentured yet , to bayt the vanities of this madding age at the stake of reproch , and i doe looke my selfe to be baited at againe , by the whole rablement of these slaues of imperfections ▪ but it is no matter , they shall doe but their kinde , and there best conviction is but slander : if the better sort accept of it ( as i make no doubt ) let the rest except what they can , i care not ; their inuectiues are as impotent as themselues are impudent . take this now by the way and so farewell , i neuer ment to please those that be ill , by publishing in print any thing that is good . to the wide world . i sing no song to please the formall foole , nor lulle asleepe , the vaine fantasticke gulle . i haue no skill , nor neuer went to schoole , to pipe a dance to euery trickt vp trulle , that pouders , paints , and periwigs her face : i can not flatter these in any case . i shoote at sinne , i taxe none but the bad , the shifting swaine that heapes vp pelfe by fraud , the bribing groome , the drunken swearing swad , the shamelesse queane , the harlot and the bawd. all these and more too many to be told , looke in this glasse , it doth them all vnfold . my ladies looking glasse . to be often prying , and beholding our selues in a glasse , it hath beene thought rather to fauour of vanity and pride than of godlynesse or piety : yet we haue beene taught by a learned philosopher to looke in a glasse , and that very often , but with resolution that if we do finde our selues to be fayre and well formed , wee should doe fayre and commendable actions : but if we do see our selues in any thing imperfect , we should correct those defects of nature with the beauty of good behauiours . by this we may perceiue that a looking glasse may be imployed to a godly purpose ; and what one doth imploy to the supporting of vice , another may conuert to the exercise of vertue . looking glasses haue euermore beene reputed amongst those necessaries belonging to women ; i haue not heard of many men that haue made any great vse of them vnlesse in barbers shops , or in haberdashers shops ; and yet in those glasses he that is too much prying and beholding of himselfe , shall oftner spye out the picture of a foole than the person of a wiseman . caligula vsed many times to behold himselfe in a glasse , to see how sternely and how terribly he could frame and set his countenance . they are now as common and conuersant to men as they be to women : and our yong gentlemen in this age are as curious to behold themselues in a glasse , as dame-folly her selfe when she is newly trickt vp in the attyre-makers trim. amongst looking glasses , there be some that be ouer much flattering , that will make the beholders to seeme more yong , more smoth , and better fauoured than they be ; and these sortes of glasses are best of all esteemed , but especially amongst women . there is yet an other sort that doth make defects where none are , that will shew the round and well formed visage to be long , leane , and wrinkled ; and these kinde of glasses are little set by either of men or women . i haue indeuoured the forming of this glasse , that i hope shall giue a true representation , aswell of the perfections as of the defections either of men or women that shall behold themselues in it . yet this glasse by me thus composed , it is not to view any exterior part of the body , but first to grope the conscience , and then by a diligent obseruation to suruey the interior part of the soule : and as i haue not fashioned any smooth resemblance wherby to flatter , so i haue not forged any deformities thereby to slander . i haue pictured forth diuers representations , not ayming particularly at any mans priuate person that hath not a guilty conscience to accuse himselfe : yet i haue grasped at abuse , and haue stroken at those sinnes that are so supported and befriended , that i know , will rather become offensiue than pleasing to the world . iniquitie , is growne proude , and nestles herselfe amongst the cedars , and towers aloft as high as the cloudes . the sinnes of this age are become so nice and so queasie that they cannot digest any potion of reprofe : men are more vnwilling to haue their sinnes ransackt , than to haue these inueterate and mortall wounds searched into . and as the often taken potion neuer worketh , so the phisicke of reproofe turnes rather to the hardening of their hearts , than to the amendment of their liues . reprofes are but like goades that do make beastes but to kicke when they be toucht with them . the world is become olde , and now in this later age we haue so far ouergrowne the rod , that we scorne any correction , or to be controuled either by the rule of gods word , or by any other aduertisement , and therefore it is but to knocke at a deafe mans doore . they are the vicious only , that cannot endure to heare sinne reproued : and who are they but the impious that would barre the freedome of our tongues ? these gauld backt iades , are those that are so afraid of rubbing : but what will becom of this world when we dare not speake against sinne for offending of those , that in truth are but the very slaues of sinne ? that good emperour augustus was neuer angry with accusers , but thought it necessary , that where there were stoore of vices there should likewise be many to finde fault : and the lacedemonians thought it a necessary point of policy that there should be such reproouers , whereby to reproue enormity in those for feare of worldly shame , that otherwise neither remorse of conscience nor any feare of their gods could haue reftrained or kept within compasse . and pasquils pillar was tollerated in rome to reprehend all sorts of sinnes till they touched the pope and his clergy : but they cannot indure now that their sodomicall sinnes should be reputed for faults , but will rather reioyce in their abhominations , making vaunts of their adulteries , of their fornications , of their blasphemies , and their drunkenesse , taking as great pleasure in the boasting of them as they did in the acting . he that doth auow pryde , drunkennesse , adultery , swearing , and blasphemy to be damned sinnes , is sooner derided than beloued . the iniquities of this age are not ashamed to shew their faces , they walke the streetes more peartly and bold , than either honesty or innocency . sinne was wont to walke in feare , but now men are so farre from being ashamed , that as they make no conscience to commit euill , so they boast of that euill they haue committed ; and will againe defend what they haue boasted . but as they do glorie in their owne shame , so their end is eternall damnation . though our owne consciences will take no notice of our owne iniquities , yet our sinnes do crie out and complaine in the audience court of heauen , where they prease into the presence chamber of god : and to our confusions they cry out for iustice . and he will not spare for euer , but as he is lust so he must strike . our consciences are so deafe and dull , in these daies of our lolitie , what with the loude noise of musicke , sometimes of gaming , sometimes of carowzing , sometimes of oathes , sometimes of quarrelling , sometimes of blaspheming , that we cannot heare the preacher cry out , that all flesh is grasse . we see at this present houre , how sinne is lifted vp : and what leagues and conspiracies there are against those that be honest , that hath the feare of god before their eies ; and doth reprehend the follies of the time . the iewes , that had thought to haue nailed christ to the crosse , they proudly cried out , if he be the sonne of god , let him saue himselfe . and how far hath this voice escaped vs now in these later times ? are not those that doth liue in the feare of god , reputed to be but the shame of men and the reproch of the people ? haue they not said : let them trust in the euerlasting : and let him deliuer them , and take them out of our hands , if he would their good ? is not god himselfe had in derision & made a by-word ? doe they not multiply their blasphemies against his holy name ? haue they not said , let vs do it boldly , god doth not see it , the almightie is asleepe , he cannot heare it ? at the least they do not let to thinke god doth not regard it , and some will not let to say , there is no god to regard it ; from whence else proceedeth this swearing , this pride , this blasphemy , this drunkennesse , this adultery , but that they thinke the seat of god is voide , or that he is become regardles ? but he that hath made the eare , shall he not heare ? he that hath framed the eye , shall he not see ? and he that iudgeth the nations , shall he not conuince ? let them know , that the euerlasting neither sleepeth nor slumbereth , but they shall finde in the winding vp , that he will cause his iudgements to returne in iustice . the diuels do tremble to thinke of the day of iudgement , these doe but deride it , when they be put in minde of it : the custome of sinne , hath so benummed our sences that we feele it not , but after the infection of sinne , followes the infliction of punishment . securitie hath no resting place but hell. it hath beene told me , that i haue already incurred the displeasure of a great number , for some lines by me formerly published , inueighing against pride , against drunkennesse , against adulterie , but especially for writing against popery . but those that doth taxe and torture me with their tongues , they are not any persons of any great account , they are but drunkards , adulterers , and other vicious liuers : the most of them ( indeed ) poore ignorant papists , whom i do rather pittie than any waies despite : but as the philosopher , that suspected the vprightnesse of his owne carriage , when he heard himselfe to be commended by a man that was noted to be of a loose and a lewd conuersation : so , vnderstanding what they be , that doth thus detect and depraue me , i doe hold my selfe to be better graced by their discommendations , than if they would set open their throates , to publish forth my praises . for amongst all the slaues of imperfections , the lyar and the slanderer , doth least of all offend me , because i know , that a thousand i mputations iniuriously published by a thousand detracting slanderers , are not halfe so grieuous to a man of wisedome and iudgement , as one matter of truth avowed by him that is of honest life and reputation . but is not this a fearefull time , when iniquitie doth so reigne and rage , that the wretches of the world would still wallow in their wickednesse , without impeachment or contradiction , but especially the papists , that are themselues so busie and so repugnant to the lawes , both of god and the ' prince ? first the pope with his bulles , with his indulgences , with his pardons , with his dispensations , with his absolutions , with his priests , with his iesuites , with his ministers , of all sorts and of all professions , that are still conspiring , that are still practising , with poisons , with pistoles , with stabbing knifes , with gunpowder traines , that are still repugning , that are still peruerting , that are still seducing , and drawing the hearts of the people , from that dutie and obedience , they doe owe to their soueraignes ; nay , that doth draw so many poore soules to destruction : for although all sorts of sinnes did neuer so much abound , as they doe at this houre , yet of my conscience , the pope himselfe doth send more christian soules to the diuell ; and hell is more beholding to the popes holinesse alone , then to all the rest of those ougly monsters , that are called by the name of the seauen deadly sinnes . but what sinner so intemperate but will himselfe confesse in generall , that all sorts of sinnes were neuer more inordinate , and that wickednesse and abhomination were neuer more apparant , and i might say againe neuer les punished ? the adulterer will cry phough at the lothsome sinne of drunkennesse , the blasphemer will sweare the vsurer is a most damned creature , the extortioner will laugh at pride , and make himselfe merry with the folly of new fashions . thus euery vicious liuer can one deride an other , but they cannot indure to heare themselues detected ; and they will laugh at the very same imperfections in an other , that they cannot see in themselues , neither will they beleeue any other that should informe them of them . but i tell thee thou man or woman , whatsoeuer thou be that disdainest to heare thy wickednesse reproued , thou art fallen into temptation , and thou art in danger of a iudgement : he that is fallen into that lethargie of sinne that he neither feeleth himselfe nor will indure to be told of it , is in a dangerous plight , he is past recouery . there is no sickenesse so dangerous as that which is least felt : and as he that feeleth not his sicknesse , neuer seeketh the phisitian , so he that feeleth not his sinne neuer careth for repentance ; and he that hath no remorse to repent can neuer be forgiuen : for how should christ forgiue him his sinnes that will neuer acknowledge them ? but if the sins of this age doth not make worke for repentance , they will make a great deale of businesse for the diuell . forbeare then thou captious slaue of sinne , to complaine against those that doe complaine against thee : when we cannot turne our eyes on neither side but we shall see some rouing with boldnesse , some rauing with madnesse , some reeling with drunkennesse , some rioting in wantonnesse , some cursing with bitternes . they haue made a sacrifice of their soules to the diuell , they neither feare nor reuerence god , but esteeme all godlinesse as a mockery ; they do but play with religion , and do but deride at diuinity it selfe : all will censure , none will amend , yet many will cry out the daies are euill , when they themselues do helpe to make them worse and worse . if we haue a little verball deuotion , be sure it is mixt with actuall abhomination . but they will say , it only belongeth to the preacher to reprooue sinnes , but not fit for euery particular person to meddle with . we cannot weare a garment in the new fashion , saies one , we cannot drinke a pot with a good fellow , saies another ; we cannot fortifie our words with the credit of an oath , saies a third : but euery foole will be shooting of his bolt : euery criticke companion will be girding at vs : busiyng himselfe with that which becomes him not to meddle with . it is truth , there are many will goe to church , they will not misse a sermon , they haue their bookes carried after them , they are very attentiue , they turne ouer leaues , they consent to the preacher , they say his doctrine is good , they pretend great loue to the truth , they make many signes and showes of zeale : but being once returned to their owne homes : what reformation or amendment of life ? do they not liue still as if heauen and hell , were but the fictions of fooles , and that the threatnings denounced by the preacher against sin were but dreames and old wiues tales ? the prophesies , pronouncing the punishment of sin , they are esteemed but as cassandrias ryddles , they are not regarded : and what is it but the vnbeleefe of that doctrine , that the prophets , the apostles , and that christ himselfe haue deliuered , that thus armeth the wicked with boldnesse to sinne ? the word of god is not regarded , and if sometimes they doe take the maske of religion , it is but when pietie becomes their aduantage : vertue may now and then be set forth to the show , but it is but as a staale , to draw into the net of villany . the preachers of the word , which are the fishers of soules , they fish but now introubled waters , they may fish perhaps , and catch a frog , or peraduenture light vpon a cuttell , that will vent forth yncke ; but if their nets doe sometimes inclose , yet they are seldome seene to hold a fish that is great & mightie : he that seeth this & can not sigh , is not a witnesse but an agent : and he that can see this without compassion , is like a nero , that can sit and sing , whilst he sees rome a burning . the apostle willeth vs to exhort one an other , and not for once and so away , but daily . heb. 3. and in the 19. of leuit. it is expressely set downe : thou shalt plainly rebuke thy neighbour , and shalt not suffer him to sinne . and there is none but a cain , that will deny to bee his brothers keeper . but is not euery man tyed aswell by the rule of gods word , as by the lawes of euery well gouerned common wealth , not onely to reprehend , but also to informe against any person , that either by word or deede shall seeke to eclipse the honour or dignitie of his prince ? if we owe this duty to a king here vpon the earth , how much are wee further obliged to the king of kings , to the king of heauen ? shall we see his lawes despised , his name prophaned , his maiestie blasphemed , and shall we be silent and hold our peace ? qui tacet consentire videtur , to heare and see and say nothing , is to make our selues a partie . but we dare not do our duties for displeasing of those that haue alreadie bequeathed themselues to the diuell : for offending a drunkard , for offending an adulterer , for offending a blasphemer : for offending a papist . from hence it is that vice doth now sleepe in that security , that philips boy that euery day cloyed his master with the clamor of mortalitie , is not able to awaken it : but thou that art so a sleepe in sinne that nothing can awaken thee ; assure thy selfe thou shalt be so awakened that nothing shall bring the a sleepe . i haue hitherto spoken of the custome of sinne , how it hath weakned our spirits and lulde vs a sleepe in the cradle of security : i do appeale from your drowsie lustes to your awakened consciences whether i haue spoken the truth or nay . if i should now speake of the antiquitie of sinne , and should therewithall take vpon me to deliuer the manifold afflictions that from time to time , and from age to age she hath drawne from the iudgment seate of god , to punish the enormity of wickednesse here vpon the earth , i might enter into such a labyrinth , as theseus clew would hardly suffice to wind me out . it was sinne that first secluded the angels from the ioyes of heauen : it was sinne that draue adam out of paradise . it was sinne that caused the inundation of the whole world , it was sinne that drew on the tempest of fire and brimstone on sodom and gomorrha , it was sinne that brought destruction on that holy city of ierusalem , it is sinne that at all times and in all ages hath plaid the strumpet through all the partes of the world , and hath filled the whole face of the earth with her brood of bastards . and as the armies of the low countries are compounded of english , of scots , of french , of spanish , of italians , of germans , and of all the nations of christendome collected and gathered together : so the sinnes of all those countries and of all the world besides are euery day ingrossed and transported into england . we haue stolne away the pride and ambition of the spaniard , the fraude and falshood of the french , the deceit and subtilty of the italian , the drunkennesse and swearing of the german : we haue robbed the iew of his vsury , the barbarous sicilian of his rage and cruelty , the turke and infidel of his infidelity and vnbeliefe ; we haue spoyled the venetian curtizans of their alluring vanities , to decke our english women in the new fashion : and rome that sometimes hath beene worthily renowned , but now reputed to be the very synke of sinne , we haue brought from them their idolatry , their superstition , their popery , their heresie ; and we haue robbed the pope himselfe and all his colledge of cardinals , both of their luxury , and their letchery ; and all his whole rablement of monks , fryers , and massing priests , of their beastly bawdery . this propagation of sinne , that hath infected the whole world with their abhominations thus transported into england , are now there resident and all entertained , not like strangers , but as natiues that had beene both borne and bred in the countrey . and that old hagge sinne herselfe , that a man would thinke should be so far spent in yeares and ouerworne with age that she should be past trimming , is more propagating at this present howre , then she was fiue thousand yeares agoe ; and is become more wanton , nice , and toyish then euer she was before . and notwithstanding though from the beginning she hath bin notoriously knowne to be a most infamous strūpet common to all , yet now within these very few yeares one of these poore thread ▪ bare knights sir nicholas new-fashions by name , that had so wasted and consumed himselfe in foolish pride and prodigality , that he was not worth the clothes that was belonging to his owne backe ; hoping by her means to support his vaine glorious pride , hath taken her to be his wife , and hath made her a lady . and although sinne of her owne nature and disposition be both proud and presumptuous more then ynough , yet now being dignified with a ladiship and being inrould in the heraulds booke to march in the ladies rancke , she is become more bold and insolent then euer she was , and who now but my lady new fashions that is had in esteeme ? she is almost euery day troling in her coach about the streetes , insinuating herselfe into euery company ; there is no feasting , banquiting , reueling , nor any other merry meeting , but my lady new fashions is a principall guest . when she meeteth and conuerseth with ladies and gentlewomen , some shee teacheth to paint themselues , some to powder their periwigs , some she doth corrupt in manners , making them to be like her selfe , bold , impudent , immodest , some she induceth to play the harlots . for as she herselfe hath bin a common strumpet from the beginning , so shee hath bin a notorious bawde and a witch , and those women , that shee cannot inchant with her siren tongue , those shee infameth by lying and slandering . and who is it but this old beldame sinne , now bearing the name of the lady new fashions , that setteth a worke these new fangled tailers , these body-makers , these perfumers , these imbroderers , these attire-makers , and all the rest of these inuenters of vanities , that are the instruments of sinne , that doth inforce their whole endeauours to fit her in her follies , and to decke and adorne her in her pride and wantonnesse ? the number , is almost without number , that doth both serue her , and will likewise seeke to defend her , artificers , tradesmen , shopkeepers , men , women and children , are all depending vpon her : and as demetrius , the siluer smith , in the 19. of the actes , incenced the people against paul , telling the crafts-men , that he went about to diminish the dignitie and reputation of their great goddesse diana , which if he should bring to passe , their gaines would likewise quaill that got their liuings by those workes belonging to her selfe and to her great temple in ephesus : and as these perswasions stirred vp the multitude in those daies , so he that in this age doth but open his lippes to speake against sinne , shall want no accusers , not onely to reprooue him , but also to reproach him . sinne doth neither want siluer-smithes nor gold-smithes , to serue her with plate and garnish her with iewels , that will call him foole that will but speake against her excesse . sinne hath her silkemen and mercers , that doth serue her of lace , silke , sattin , veluet , cloath of siluer , cloath of gold , that will say he is a criticke that will inueigh against her pride . sinne hath her merchants , that will transport the commodities behoouefull for the common wealth , into forraine countries , and will returne backe againe toies and trifles ; that will say he is but a satyrist , that will detect her vanitie . sinne hath her lawyers , that will bring him into the starre-chamber for a libeller , that will speake against her bribery . sinne hath her procters , that will cite him to the commissaries court , and make him doe open penance , that will speake against her whooredome . i might yet speake of women , whereof a great number that are not to be detected with any bodily abuse , that would yet sharpen their tongues to chide at any man that would reprehend those enormities , that sinne by custome had ingrafted in them . but i would i could now admonish ladies and gentlewomen , that amongst all the creatures of gods handie worke , i doe acknowledge to bee most excellent , here vpon the earth : but as the finest cloath is most aptest to take a staine , so their milde dispositions inclined to all compassionate loue and curtesie , are soonest led astray , and most easiest to be seduced . and this olde hagge of hell , this loathsome lady sinne , with her glazed eyes , her painted cheekes , her new-formed fashions , and her inchanting tongue , doth so bewitch and blindfolde their vnderstandings , that when they thinke they conuerse with an angell of light , they giue entertainment to a monster of hell ; but when sinne shall present her selfe to their new awakened soules , in her true forme and shape , and begins once to play the make-bate betweene god and them , and their owne consciences to testifie betweene them and themselues ; then they shall see to their owne sorrow , what saint it is that they haue serued , they shall then perceiue to their great horror and grief , that this darling of theirs so dearly esteemed and beloued , will then be most busie to affright and afflict them . i would , i could wish therefore , ( and with a reuerent regard i doe intreate them ) that they would bethinke themselues of their owne happinesse whilst they haue time , and not to doe as that foolish gentlewoman , that neuer remembred to say her prayers till she heard it thunder . but some wil say , and why women , more then men ) because as women are more flexible , and therefore more apt to be seduced to ill , so they are more tractable againe , and therfore more easie to be induced to vertue . men are composed of an vneuen temperature of the elements , togither with the malitious influence of the planets , prefiguring them to be sturdie , stubborne , froward and ouerthwart ; but women are by nature of a more excellent metall , their hearts are more soft and yeelding , and themselues more pliable to all vertue and goodnesse . there is more possibility to reclaime ten ill liuing women , to a conformitie of a better life , then to reforme one misliuing man. would they now bethinke themselues , when they looke in their glasses , that there is no forehead heeld so gracefull ( amongst many women ) as that which the prophet ieremie tearmeth to be gracelesse , the forehead , that is past shame and cannot blush : let them therefore fall a chiding at their owne resemblances , beginning first with the forehead , and say , ô thou proud and shamelesse forehead , the very chaire and seate of pride : where thou shouldest be deckt with a crowne of glory , thou art clouded and ouershadowed with a monstrous mappe of haire , no lesse offensiue to the maiestie of god , then ougly and deformed in the sight of all good men ; be ashamed therefore of thy intollerable pride , and by thy humilitie , and submissiue lowlinesse , reconcile thy selfe againe to thy god , whom thou hast so highly offended . descending then a little , say yet againe , ô you wandering and lasciuious eyes , the attracters and drawers on of lust and sinfull thoughts ; you that were first created to be the deemers of my discretion , but now become the dimners of the insight of my soule : forbeare your wonted traines of light and wanton glances , seeke now with bitter teares , to bewaile your former follies , and lifting vp your selues to heauen , aske grace and mercie . proceeding thus , you may yet reprooue the tongue that is more apt to speake ill then good : the eares againe that are euer more set wide open to vanitie , but still shut vp to good counsell or godly instruction : and so we may say of all the rest of our necessarie and naturall members , that are displaced of their ordinarie courses : for being first created as the ministers of the soule , are now become the disturbers of our innocency . this externall beautie of the body , so much esteemed of amongst women , when they behold it in a glasse , it should stirre them vp a farre off to display the maiestie of the creator , and from thence should passe with the wings of their cogitations to the contemplation of the highest faire , which is the inuisible beautie of the almighty god , from whence as from a fountaine , all smaller riuers deriue their beauties . it is said that africa , bringeth forth euery yeare a new monster , the reason is , that in the desarts of that countrey , the wilde and sauage beasts , that are both diuerse in nature , and contrarie in kinde , will yet ingender the one with the other : but england hatcheth vp euery moneth a new monster , euery weeke a new sinne , and euery day a new fashion : our monsters are not bred in the desarts , as those in africa , but in euery towne and citty : where they are so chearely fostered , & so daintily cherished that they multiply on heapes , by hundreds and by thousands . it were not possible for me now to set down how this monstrous generation thus hatched vp by sinne , hath beene from time to time procreated and brought into the world , one sinne still begetting an other . pride the eldest daughter of sinne , was first spaund in heauen : shee was from thence expelled ; but shee drew after her a great dissolution of angels . it was pride , that begat contempt in paradise , where there was no apple in the garden so well pleasing to eue , as that which god had forbidden her . it was contempt that begot malice , and malice againe begat murther , when cain kild his brother abell . as the sonnes of men increased in the world , so sinne began to multiply so fast , that god repented him that hee had made man. to purge the world of her abhominations , the deluge came , and all were drowned , except eight persons . after the floud , amongst the sonnes of noah the generation of the accursed cham , became to be great and mightie vpon the earth ; at which time sinne was growne againe to that strength , that shee began on the sudden to play the rebell , and with a tumultuous assembly gathered together in the plaines of shinar , shee began to fortifie her selfe against heauen . amongst those giants , then reigning ouer the face of the earth , that greedy curre couetousnesse , which the apostle tearmeth to be the roote of all euils , was ( amongst a number of other monstrous sinnes ) fostered vp by ambition . couetousnesse , was the first parent of oppression , extortion , bribery , vsury , fraud , deceit , subtilty : and that common strumpet idolatry , was a bastard borne of this broode . idolatry had issue , the lady lecherie , who in processe of time , became so conuersant with the pope and his cardinals , that they procreated amongst them that loathsome sinne of buggery . it would bee a matter of impossibilitie for me to set downe the varieties of those sinnes that are hatched vp in these daies , when so many new fashioned iniquities doth swarme , both in cittie , towne , and country ; that were our bodies but halfe so diseased with sicknesses as our soules be with sins , it could not be auoided , but that some strange and vnheard-of mortality would ensue . the time hath beene , men would maske their vices with cloaked dissimulation from the eye of the world , but now iniquitie is set forth bare fast , without any maske of preteires to hide her ougly visage . they sought to couer their sinnes from the open show , we haue so litle shame , that we neuer seek to shelter them : our ancestors were but bunglers at vice , they had not the wit to grace a sinne , nor to set it forth to the show ; they could but call a spade a spade , a greene goose a gosling , a professed broker , a craftie knaue : we are become farre more exquisite , we can make an owle a hawke , a iacke naaps , a sheepe , an old milne horse , a palfry for a man of honour ; we can call impudency , audacitie , rage , courage , wilinesse , wit , obstinacy , constancy ; and lewde lust , pure loue. our wittes are become more capering then they were in times past , our conceits more nimble , and ready to finde out new trickes , new toies , and new inuentions , as well of follies as of fashions . but what remedie ? pride thinkes scorne to be reprooued or to be told of her faults , she is growne so stubborne and so stately . swearing swaggers out admonition , and will not be reprooued . whooredome and drunkennesse , hath so hid themselues in the maze of vanities , that repentance can no where fiinde them out . rage & fury are produced as argumēts of valour , where the lie shall be giuen but vpon the speaking of a word , & the stab againe returned , but for the giuing of the lie : where not to pleadge a health , is a ground good ynough for a challenge , and the taking of wall , made a heinous matter , whereby many times murther doth insue . but sinners haue three shrewd witnesses to testifie against them , the diuell , the law , and their owne consciences : but if here vpon the earth a mans owne conscience condemnes him for his sinne , how much greater shall be the iudgement of god ? the glory of pride as she passeth through the streetes in this age , doth so farre exceed , that the eye of heauen is ashamed to behold it . and those blessings which god hath giuen vs in great measure , we consume in pride , and wantonnesse , and like swine we beslauer the precious pearles of gods abundant plenty , conuerting them by our excessiue pride , into dearth and scarcity : and this wickednesse ariseth not from turkes , iesuits , heretykes , and papists , but from the professors of true christianity , and euen now in the hottest sunne-shine of the gospell : we haue neglected heauen , to dote vpon the vaine pleasures of the earth , and haue forsaken god , but to wrappe our selues in the excrement of wormes ; a little garded and garnished with the minerall of gold and siluer . how many that are not able to pay honestly for home-spunne cloth , will yet weare silke , and will euery day glister in gold and siluer ? the soule goes euery day in her working day clothes , whilest the body keepes perpetuall holy-day , and iets vp and downe in her seuerall suites . how many againe are so eager of superfluities , that all their racked rents in the country are not able to discharge the shop bookes in the city , when there be that will spend asmuch as some knights be worth , but in a payre of garters , and a payre of shooestrings ? it is pride that hath banished hospitality and good house keeping . it is pride that raiseth the rents and rates of all things vniuersally . it is pride that breadeth our dearth and scarcities : it is pride that impouerisheth city , towne and countrey . it is pride that filles all the prisons in england , and brings a number to the gallowes . it is pride , ( if it be not preuented in time ) that will make a hangmans roome in reuersion , to be a good sute for a gentleman that hath honestly serued his prince and countrey : for howsoeuer hee may shift for meate and drinke , he shall be sure to want no cloathes . it was a happy age when a man might haue wooed his wench , with a paire of kiddes lether gloues , a siluer thimble , or with a tawdry lace ; but now a veluet gowne , a chaine of pearle , or a coach with foure horses , will scarcely serue the turne ; shee that her mother would haue beene glad of a good ambling maare , to haue rode to market on , will not now steppe out of her owne doores , to crosse the other side of the streete , but shee must haue her coache . it was a merry world , when seauen or eight yeards of veluet would haue made a gowne for a lady of honour ; now eighteene will not suffice for her that is scarce worthy to be a good ladies laundresse : we are growne from a peticoate of stamell to cloath of siluer , cloath of gold , silke stockings , and not so much as our shoes , but they must be imbrodered with siluer , with gold , yea and sometimes with pearles . i haue spoken of pride indifferently , how it inforceth a like both men and women ▪ it is pride that draweth after it such a daily innouation of new fashions , that i thinke they haue found out whole mines of new inuentions , or they haue gotten the philosophers stone to multiply , there is such a daily multiplicity , both of follies and fashions . vitellius in his daies searched farre and neare for the varieties of nature , but we haue harrowed hell in these daies for the vanity of new fashions , and ( i thinke ) wee haue found them out ; for hee that had as many eyes as argus , were not able to looke into the one halfe , that are now followed and imbraced aswell by men as women . the prophet esay in his 3. chapt. maketh mentiō of many strange engins belongeth to women : he speaketh there of oyntments for their lippes , of caules , and round attires for their heads , of sweete balles , bracelets , and bonnets : of tabiletes , earrings , muffelers , wimples , vailes , crisping pinnes , glasses , lawnes , and fine linnen . these and many other vanities belonging to women are there numbred vp : but if the prophet had now lately , but walked one turne through the royal exchange in london , he would haue beene put to his shiftes to haue made a true repetition of the new inuented vanities , that are there to be seene ; and this would more haue troubled him more then all the restt , hat when he had heard them cald by their proper names , he could neuer haue vnderstood whereunto they had belonged , without the helpe of a chamber maide . some will say that these new inuented vanities came first from hell , and i would be loath to excuse the diuell himselfe in the matter , that i know is very ingenious , and is euery day deuising of new ingines , and ( i thinke ) doth keepe an attire-makers shops , whereby to attempt and allure both men and women , to sinne : but this i dare assure my self , that our ladies and gentlewomen in these daies are so exceeding in their attires , and so deformed in their fashions , that all the ladies and gentlewomen that be in hell ▪ did neuer weare nor see the like . there be many both men and women , that to follow the new fashion , hath marde that fashion that god himselfe hath formed . i protest i haue many times beene hartily sorry , to see some women , whom god and nature had adorned with beauty , with perfection , and with comelinesse of personage , that haue disguised themselues in that sort , with the deformities of fashions , that of amiable and louely creatures , they haue transformed themselues to be most deformed and loathsome monsters . there is a decorum to be kept ( but especially amongst women ) in attiring of themselues ; for that attire that is comely for a round well-formed visage is as vnseemely againe in her that hath a little , a leane , or a long face : but as euery shooe is not fit for euery foote , nor euery medicine to be applyed to euery maladie , so euery fashion , doth not befit euery person , nor euery colour agree with euery complexion . the woman therefore that is wise , will fit her selfe with such a fashion , as may adde comelinesse to her owne proportion : but mine intent is not here to instruct women how to adorne themselues to the show of the world , when there is no ornament so pretious wherewithall to beautifie a woman , as is the beauty of a good and godly behauiour . this one instruction i wil yet leaue to those that are desirous to follow the fashion : their is not a greater enemy to all complexions , either in men or women , then is this found fantasie of yellow starched bands , and therefore as it is a certain argument of vanity , so there can not be a more ridiculous follie . the woman shall not weare that which apperteineth to the man , neither shall a man put on womans rayment : for all that doe so , are abomination to the lord thy god. a precept left vnto vs by the almightie , deuteronom . 22. but the yong man in this age , that is not strumpet like attired , doth thinke himselfe quite out of fashion , and the yong woman againe , that as well in her behauiour , as in the manner of her apparrell is most ruffian like , is accounted the most gallant wench : and i know not what to say , or whether i should accuse men , for suting themselues in womens apparrell , or whether i should accuse women for suting themselues in mens apparell ; but this is certaine , that their hattes , their feathers , their bands so bestitched , so beedged , so belaced , and in their ridiculous banbeles , sir named picadillies , yea and in their gownes to , they are so sutable and like in fashion , that there is no more difference to be seene , then is betweene a horse shooe , and a maares shooe . we are better knowne the one of vs to the other by our faces , then we are by our vertues , and yet we are better knowne by our follies , then we are by our faces : but if we did not looke asquint at the matter , we should finde , that as we haue prouoked the wrath of god by our strange and new fangled fashions , so he hath in a sort requited vs againe , with as many strange and vnknowne diseases , almost euery yeare with a new kinde of sicknesse , such as our phisitions are no lesse ignorant of the cure , then they be of the cause from whence proceeding . and what is it now , but the custome of new fashions , that hath foisted in that indian plant tobacco ? that till now of late was neuer knowne but amongst indians , barbarians , and such infidels as did euery day adore and worship the diuell , but it is now so entertained amongst vs both in england and ireland , that all the nations in christendome besides do laugh at our folly . if it were but halfe so pretious as a number would perswade , i thinke the people of other parts of christendome could looke into it aswell as wee , neither amongst our selues could it be so much desired in such generalitie , for the multitude was neuer inclined yet greatly to imbrace vertue , or to like of any thing that were good . but some will say , i doe want matter to quarrell with that will be finding fault with the souereigntie of tobacco , that is so much admired , and therewithall , so generally receiued . i confesse it maketh drunken euerie day in the weeke , the whole rablement of panders , parasites , bawdes , brokers , knights of the post , hostlers , tapsters , tinkers , tailers , coblers , costermongers , and the whole generation of drunkards , cut and long taile , one and other : and i doe looke that all these will censure me from the tribunall of their alebench . now for that olde prouerbe , sometimes avowed by them that will crie out the more the merrier , yet let them know that the multitude of such guests , shall adde to the horrour of miseries . but yet to blemish and to make dimme this my looking glasse , by belching out their stinking vapour , they will speake of knights , gentlemen , oldmen , yong men , wise men , learned men that doe all vse to take it , and will likewise defend it . i know there be knights and gentlemen both , that doe vent more smooke out of their nostrils , then they doe out of their kitchin chimnies ; and old men and yong men may bee led astray , the one through dotage , the other too much inclined to follow the fashiō : but for those that are accounted to bee so wise and learned , that will stand so much in the defence of their tobacco , cardinall bellarmin will doe as much in defence of the pope , and in the approbation of his idolatrous masse . shall wee then denie the phisitians testimony , will not his authoritie suffice in the matter ? giue me leaue to answer master doctor thus ; i will inforce against his philosophy , that which can not erre , and that is the experience which many ages hath taught vs : that before tobacco was euer knowne in england , wee liued more free from all manner of sicknesses , then we haue done sithens : and let them looke yet againe to the time now present , there be a number that neuer meddied with tobacco , in their liues , doe they not liue in more perfect health then those that doe take it fastest ? if they doe not see this , they are but blind doctors , & some will say that an ignorant phisition is the worst of all diseases , and god blesse me and my friends from his physicke that wil prefer his owne skill before a known experience . but they say tobacco is physical : the greater their folly that will then take it too fast , when the best phisicke accouuted best indeede , is to take no phisicke at all vnlesse vpon vrgent occasion , but he that taketh phisicke euery day , can neuer haue a healthfull body . well , yet they say tobacco is of an excellent operation for the drying vp of rheumes , dropsies , and of all other moist humors whatsoeuer : as good a medicine pickt out for those diseases as he that poured on oyle to quench the fire , when tobacco is but made a shooing horne to drawe downe drinke , when euery pipe must haue his pot , and when both pipe and pot must still walke the round , and march togither arme in arme , as louingly as the whore and the bawde . but here is now a vertue pickt out that cannot be denied , we see it with our eyes what water and rheume it bringeth vp , and maketh vs to spit in that abundance , as must be very holesome to be so auoided ; but if the vertue of tobacco be so precious becaus it wil make a man to spit & to spaule , learne this of me ; thou that so much desirest to driuell & to slauer , take but one dragme of the abstract that is drawne out of a close-stoole ; it shall goe further for that purpose then a whole ounce of the best tobacco that euer came out of the west indies , be it pudding or leafe . let me intreate the gentle reader a little to pardon me , though i somewhat stray from the bounds of modesty , it is but to expresse one loathsomnesse by another . i cannot tell what reuerent tearmes i might vse to deliuer their rude inciuility , that whilest they are taking their tobacco do so spit and spaule , driuell and slauer , in that loathsome and vnmannerly sort , as were ynough to make either man or woman to turne vp their stomacks , especially if they were such as had beene trained vp in ciuility , or had any regard of cleanlinesse . i know not therefore whether of the twain i might condemne to be most loathsome and beastly , whether the common drunkard , or the smoake taking tobacconest , the one vomits vp his draffe when he is drunke , the other slauers out his driuell when he is sober ; a sight as vnlouely to looke on the one as the other : but if gentlemen did know what sophisticated stuffe it were that they did buy at so deare a rate , i thinke some of them would be better aduised ; we might else conclude that draffe were good ynough for swyne , and that a barley corne were fitter for esops cocks then a precious stone . the tobacconist yet hath this speciall vertue , when he hath bestirred himselfe well to his tobacco-pipe , he will be more thankfull for a penny pot of drinke then he will for a two-penny loafe of bread . it is not without some speciall cause that i doe thus inueigh against tobacco , when for myne owne part i am not so squemish but that i can aswell endure the loathsomnesse of the sight , as the filthinesse of the stinke : but if it were aduisedly looked into and well considered of , we should finde that the masse of treasure that is yearely blowne out of the tobacco pipe , would suffice to giue royal pay to an army of forty thousand souldiers , either for the seruice of the king , or the defence of the country if neede should so require : or might rather be imployed to many other charitable vses , now in this miserable time , then to be so vainely consumed and spent as it is . i referre it to the iudgment of any man that hath but the grace or feare of god before his eyes . now to set downe myne owne conceit what i do assuredly beleeue , from whence it should proceede that the english aboue all the nations in christendome besides are so much inclined to doate on this stinking smoaky vapor : i thinke it to be an engine of the diuels owne deuising , who by his ministers hath thus dispersed this misty hellish fogge to stirre vp sinne and wickednesse , and in that place aboue al the rest where true religion doth shine most bright , and the word of god hath freest passage . let vs but now a litle looke into the enormity : it is tobacco that consumeth that wealth that might be imploied to many godly vses . it is tobacco that in euery tauern , inne , and alehouse , is now as common as any curtizan . it is tobacco that harlot like holdeth in society , the base and rascall sort of people , and containeth them as well in idlenesse , as in drunkennsse . it is tobacco that maketh the poore artificer to spend that at night , that he hath laboured for all the whole day , whilest his wife and poore children do sit at home without bread . it is tobacco that maketh a rich man a poore man , a poore man a starke begger , a wise man a foole , an old man to dote , and a yong man to admire his owne ignorance . it is tobacco that draweth to drunkennesse , from drunkennesse to swearing , from swearing to quarrelling , from quarrelling to stabbing , killing , and murthering . it is the excessiue taking of tobacco , that hath hurt a great many , and of mine owne knowledge hath killed some outright . for him that wil yet oppose me with his owne experience , and will tell me what himselfe hath felt of the vertue of tobacco : i will intreat him to pardon me , though i giue no better credit to his words then i do to the papist , that will protest in good earnest that he hath found himselfe to be better assisted by his prayers to our lady , then he hath beene by the power of our lord , and will not let to sweare that a popes blessing is ynough to preserue him from all the diuels in hell , that will not so much as protect him from the poore hangman . the diuell that hath so many superstitious conceits wherewith to blindfold the papist , is not vnfurnished of vaine impressions wherewith to be sot the tobacconist : to conclude , he that can take tobacco , drinke bottle-ale , play an after game at tables , and weare a picadilly , is a compleat man fit for the time , and pleasing to all companies . i haue thus presented to your view , first the true picture of pride , together with the folly of new-fashions , amongst the which this inordinate taking of tobacco , as it is the most vaine , so it is the most loathsome . i would now giue you a little glimce of that accursed curre couetousnesse , and of some one or two of those whelpes , that are crept out of his owne kennell , namely bribery and vsurie ; for the rest that be of the same litter , as oppression , extortion , exaction , and a number such other like , i may let them yet sleepe till fitter opportunitie may serue to awaken them . they say it is not good to awake a barking dogge , but these bee all byting curres , that sheepe-biter like , doe euery day rauen and worrie the whole common-wealth . couetousnesse is the curre , that deuoureth his owne actaeon ▪ it is the charybdis , that greedie gulfe , that swalloweth vp all without respect either of friend or foe , either of vertuous or vitious : it is the canker of the common-wealth , that eateth vp the gettings of the poore . it is the viper that poisoneth the eares of princes , teaching them to set aside all iust and honourable dealing . it is couetousnesse , that thinketh nothing to be vnlawfull , where either gaine is to be begotten , or gold to be gathered . it is couetousnesse , that maketh no conscience in gathering of gold , nor spilling of blood , holding nothing to be vnlawfull that bringeth in gaine . it is couetousnesse , that eateth vp the meanes , that the poore haue to liue by , and that reaues the sweate from the labourers browes . the couetous wretch heapeth together abundance of wealth , with paine , with trauell , with periurie , with oppression , with vsurie , with extortion , with wronging their neighbours , with the curse of the poore : which they leaue againe to their vnthrifty heires , no lesse prodigall in spending , then their fathers were miserable in gathering . couetous persons ( amongst all other ) are most pernitious to be admitted to the administration of iustice ; for by how much more they be aduanced to greatnesse , by so much the more they are accursed of the poore people , and daily vengeance denounced against them ▪ by as many as doe but heare them spoken of . the couetous miser is then most ready to deuoure , when he makes semblance of greatest loue and amitie , and when he begins once to giue precepts of good counsell , his aduise is then most dangerous , for if it bring not poison in the mouth , be sure it brings a sting in the taile : o what paines the miser will take , but to coniure a little money into the narrow circle of a canuas bagge , he thinketh that the angels of heauen are not comparable to the angels that be in his purse . i thinke if hell were a place of returne , and that either gold or gaine were there to be gotten , more triple headed dogges then one , were not able to defend the entry . mammon is a great god , and hee is honoured by no base persons ; he is serued by the rich and reuerenced by the mighty . bribery is a bird of the same wing , though not so great a god as mammon , yet mightily befriended , defended and supported . but as a man that hath change of names , is seldome found to be honest , so a bribe that is sometimes great by the name of a gift , sometimes of a present , sometimes of a gratification , sometimes of a beneuolence , doth so slily passe from hand to hand vnder so many names and titles , that bribery indeed , is hardly discerned . vnder these names and showes bribery many times preiudiceth the seruice of the prince , peruerteth good lawes , and armeth all sorts of sinners with boldnesse to offend . the lawes and ordinances that are sometimes decreed in cities and townes corporate , for the common good of the inhabitants , briberie so dissolueth them , as if they had beene ordained to no other purpose but to bring in gifts and rewards : and god forgiue them their sinnes that will say , their be many institutions , ordained ( indeed ) amongst these inferiour sort of towne magistrates , rather to bring in bribes , then to punish abuse . bribery many times standeth in the doore of greatnesse , and sometimes helpes vp iniurie to the place of audience ; but he that hath but a bad matter to follow , briberie , is the man , that must first do his message : for he that hath art and skill , to know both how to giue and take a bribe , he hath the onely approoued medicine , to passe through any affaires that are possible to be effected . there be many notes whereby thou maiest know a briber , for all his cunning counterfeiting , but take these few for the most speciall : he loueth still to be neere about a magistrate , or at the elbow of any other great person in place and authority , and if you marke him well , he is euer more incroaching , to creepe into an office , and if you misse him in any of these places , you shall lightly hit vpon him amongst some of the clarkes , that are belonging to some of the foure courts . i would be glad now to present to your view , the true picture of vsury , but there hath beene question made of vsury what it is ; some would haue it to consist onely in the letting of money : but if we could aswell vnderstand the spirituall , as we do plod at the litterall , there was neuer more occasion to exclaime against vsury , then at this present . but it is written , thou shalt not giue thy money to vsurie : therefore to extort , to exact , to oppresse , to deceiue , by false waights , by false measures , by lying , by flattering , by periurie , or by any other manner of deceitful villanie : they thinke it honest trade and traffique . the land-lord , that racketh vp his rents , the farmer , that hoiseth vp the market , the merchant that robbeth the realme , the shop-keeper , that buyeth by one weight and selleth by another ; the baker flatly cossineth the poore , in euery loafe of bread , that hee buieth to fill his belly ; the bruer that is no lesse deceitful in the measure of his caske , then in the price of his beere ; the craftie tradesman , the deceitfull artificer : what are all these and many other moe that might be here inserted , if they be not vsurers , what are they but arrant theeues ? and i would here craue the censure of diuinity , whether hee that will not sell but for excessiue gaine , whether he that selleth vpon trust , and will therefore hoise vp his commoditie to the higher prizes ; whether he that will not lend vpon a pawne , vnlesse he may buy it out right to the great hinderance of the partie that selleth it ; whether he that takes aduantage of his neighbours necessitie either in buying or selling ; whether he that purchaseth his neighbours house or liuing out of his hands , whether he that buies an office thereby to poule and pill , whether he that doth take excessiue gaine , or excessiue fees , whether these or such other like are to be accounted vsurers , or nay , and whether all these things thus mentioned and spoken of are not as fit to be reformed , as the vsurie in lending of mony ? there be some that haue done their indeauours for the reforming of vsurie : but now , as the apostle saith , the law speaketh to them , that are vnder the law , romanes 3. so i speake now of the place where my selfe was resident at the writing of these lines , namely , at the cittie of dubline in ireland , where mony being scant , and where there bee no lenders but vpon good securitie , and profit both togither ; yet in dubline ( as in all other places ) men are driuen vpon necessarie occasions ( that haue not money of their owne ) to borrow of others that haue to lende , though they sometimes pay dearely for it ; whereupon some well disposed persons ( stirred vp by a godly zeale ) beganne to inueigh against vsurie , wherein without doubt , they honestly discharged their duties towards god , but the vsury that they so much reprehended , was onely the vse of lending of mony : when pretermitting now to speake of the excessiue gaine that is incroached by shopkeepers , and by all other sorts of tradesmen that do liue by buying and selling : i dare boldely auouch thus much , that all the vsury , and extortion , or call it what you will , that is vsed by bakers , and brewers alone , is tenne times more grieuous and especially to the poorer sort of people , then all the interest that is taken for the letting out of mony . but they onely denounced against the letting of mony , and they did it no doubt but according to the rule of gods word , for the lending of mony to vse is directly forbidden by gods owne mouth , and therefore sinne ; but the inconuenience that i do finde is this , vsury is reprooued , but it is not defined but according to the letter , whereupon the great vsurers indeed , that do thinke that in their trade of buying , and selling , the gaine of one hundred pounds for an other a great deale too little , and that howsoeuer they can defraud or exact by bargaining , they do thinke themselues to be very honest and true dealing men ; and that this prohibition : thou shalt not put thy mony to vsury , doth nothing at all concerne them ; and as they suppose , it stretcheth no further then to the lending of mony , when many great diuines haue giuen their opinions , that as in that petition giue vs this day our daily bread : all our other necessaries are there comprehended ; so in those wordes , thou shalt not giue thy mony to vsurie : all other excessiue gaine , is likewise included . to this agreeth the opinion of that ancient father saynt hierome , who writing vpon the prophet ezekiel , deliuereth these wordes , some think that there is no vsury but in mony . this did the holy scriptures fore-see , and therefore taketh away all excessiue increase or gaine in any thing . what should i need to bring any further testimony in this case , when there is no learned diuine that did euer deny it ? i would not haue men therefore to flatter themselues too much , or to thinke themselues more honest then they be ; for he that taketh excessiue gaine in any thing , is as great a vsurer as he that lendeth out mony : but he that hath the most corrupted lungs himselfe , will soonest complaine of the vnsauoury breath of others . and who will be more ready to exclaime against vsury then he that is himselfe the greatest vsurer ? vsury needs no more but the bare name to make it hatefull : the ribauld , the robber , the theefe , the murtherer , the drunkard , the whore-master , the swearer , the blasphemer , they all cry out against vsury ; they that are of noreligion will yet pleade religion , and bitterly raile at him , that lendeth mony to vse : he that hath no conscience at all , will yet pretend a conscience , and wil exclaime against the vsurer : when if he did but looke into his owne impiety , or if his owne faules were written in his forehead , he might pulle his cap ouer his browes as low as his neighbours : but whilest they would bereaue the vsurer of his interest , they themselues would robbe him of his principall . i would not haue any man to thinke that what i haue formerly spoken is in the defence of vsury , that i know at all times , in all places and by all good men , hath euer bin condemned . i am now come to figure forth a sinne that in a certain kinde hath some affinity with vsury , and that is that monstrous sinne of murther : for as he that in bargianing , buying , & selling , can by any fraudulent or deceitful meanes , circumuent , or so ouer reach his neighbour to make him pay for a commodity three times more in value then it is worth , yet this he accounteth to be no vsury , nor any manner of cracke to his credit or reputation ; but doth thinke it to be merchant-like , or tradseman-like traffique , and will in no wise acknowledge himselfe to be an vsurer : so the malicious wretch that by practise and by pollicy seeketh the vtter wracke and ruine of his neighbour whom he doth maligne , so long as he layeth no violent hands on him , he thinketh himself to be no murtherer at all . when the high priests by subtilty brought christ to pilate , and by false accusations procured his death , they thought themselues to be cleane and pure . pilate againe , when he had deliuered christ to be crucified , washed his hands , and pronounced himselfe to be innocent : but our sauiour christ in the fift of mathew , hath there determined the matter , both what murther is ; & who is a murtherer ; his words be these : ye haue heard how that it was said , to them of old time , kill not , for whosoeuer killeth shall be in danger of iudgment . but i say vnto you , whosoeuer is angry with his brother shall be in danger of iudgment ; and whosoeuer saieth to his brother racha , shall be in danger of councell , but whosoeuer saieth to his brother , thou foole , shall be in danger of hell fire . the pharisies that had corrupted the scriptures with their false glosses , interpreted this place : he that slayeth shall be guilty or in danger of iudgment , that is to say , if a man commit a murther , his act is ynough to testifye against him , there needs no more but to pronounce the sentence of death : this text did the pharisies extend no further then to kill with the hand , or to murther by stroke or dent of weapon ; but our sauiour christ restoring againe the true sence , auowed flatly , that a man to be angry with his brother , is to murther him , and deserueth death , for the law is not so much respecting to the hand , as to the heart . but this is a hard saying saith the malicious , but yet a true saying , as saint iohn in his first epistle , & 3. chap. plainly affirmeth , that he that hateth his brother is a murtherer . but now actuall murther indeed findeth friends , and to kill a man ▪ though sometimes cowardly , it is rather reputed for man-hood , then for murther , or will be found but man-slaughter or chance-medly : and there be that can tell how to murther a man with a pinne , better then they know how to do with a pyke , and dare aduenture to murther him with a word , that they neuer durst looke in the face with a sword ; but these sorts of murtherers are not to be taxed , when murther in former ages hath beene knowne sometimes to sit roabed in scarlet , and when histories do make mention of some mercilesse magistrats , that hath murthered more poore suiters with their currish answers , then the hangman of london did euer strangle with his hempen halter . to conclude , as amongst vsurers , those that do offend by the letting out of mony , are the fewest in number , so amongst murtherers , the number is farre more greater of those that doth both slay and slaughter by their merciles cruelty , then are the other that do most bloudily commit murther with their hands . but see here a monster in nature , that preaseth now to show himselfe in my glasse , a common drunkard , the very dregges of double beere , and strong ale : amongst men a beast , and amongst beasts a very swyne . a drunkard is called the king of good-fellowes , but it is but a drunken kind of good-fellowship , when amongst all sorts of friends , a drunken friend is most to be detested and abhorred . a drunken friend is the worst friend that may be , for in his drunkennesse he discloseth all that he knoweth : the drunkard dissolueth all his gettings into the pot , and drowneth all his vertues in the ale-fat : he is not fit to be imploied in any good or godly exercise . there are three things that are not to be credited , a woman when she weepes , a merchant when he sweares , nor a drunkard when he prayes . but it is accounted now to proceed from a generous spirit , to be drunken once a day , and they haue gotten coniurations , and inchantments , whereby to draw on drunkennesse . a health to the king , a health to the queene , a health to my lord , a health to my ladie : and who dares deny to pledge one of these healthes ? they will scarcely auow him to bee a good subiect , that will denie to pledge the kings health : as though the king were honoured by a company of drunken sots , that will make themselues beasts , vnder the pretence to doe the king honour . it is like the honour the idolatrous papists doe giue to the virgin marie , who in a superstitious zeale do attribute that to her for honour , that being well examined , is her greatest dishonour . these art-magicke charmes , that do draw on men to powre in more then they are able to beare , if it bee not vomited vp againe by the drunkard himself , it is yet spewed out of the soule of him that doth behold it with an honest conscience . the prophet esay in his third chap pronounceth an endlesse woe vnto them that are mighty to draw downe drinke , and as their end is damnation , so their damnation is without end . but see , here comes in the adulterer , with his harlot in his hand ; but they must needs goe ( they say ) that the diuell driues , and there is no hope to keepe out whoredome , where drunkennesse her gentleman vsher hath free and quiet passage to leade the way . whoredome hath many friends in these daies , a number of fauorites , that giueth her boldnesse whereby shee insinuates her selfe into the world . salomon tels vs , that the plague is in the house of the harlot , and that shee sits in the doores of her house on a seat in the high places of the cittie . whoredome scornes to be closed vp in any obscure place , no , shee hath friends to boulster her out , and to support her in the highest and most principall places of the city . harlots now adaies ; do not lurke in by corners as theeues are wonted , nor in secret chambers , as strumpets haue bin accustomed , nor in close clossets as conspiring papists , when they be at their masse ; but shee frequents the principall places of the cittie , where shee giues entertainment to those that comes vnto her , that are not of the basest sort , but many times of the best reputed : but they do not know , saith salomon , that the dead are in her house , and that her guests are in the depth of hell . and wilt thou yet enter her house , that carries death and damnation about her ? beware of her , thou that art wise ; shee first inticeth , and then shee killeth , she wooes thee with her eyes , for in these daies eyes can both speake and vnderstand , and the harlot baits her desires , with a number of prostituted countenances whereby to allure and intice . as the harlot destroieth his soule that doth frequent her , so she is a plague to the flesh , more infectious to the body then the common pestilence , and carries more diseases about her , then is in an hospitall . and as the knowne whoremonger , is but of a rotten reputation , so he is most commonly as full of loathsome diseases ; or let it be that god sometimes doth suffer whoremongers to liue , till they may stroke there gray and hoarie haires , yet they neuer escape the filthy diseases of botches , byles , aches , inflâmation , & of that loathed disease of the french poxe , a litle gilded ouer by the name of the gowt , or sometimes of the sciatica : & besides a corporall stroke of heauens heauy hand in this life , the whoremōger shal feele the fearefull addition of an eternall woe in the fire of hell . the harlot is like a new play , that being thrice presented on the stage , begins to grow staale . and the harlot that is once past thirty fiue yeares , is fitter to furnish an hospitall , then to garnish a bed chamber . the prouerbe is old , a popes bull , a dead mans skull , and an old trull , are not all worth a pound of wooll : marry there is some comfort yet left to a harlot , when shee comes to yeares , for an old whore will make a spicke and span new bawde . the best commendations , i can giue to a harlot is this ; she brings a man to repentance in the end , though not for his sinnes , yet to curse the time that euer he knew her . harlots be of two kinds , the one induced the rather vnto it , by the currish demeanure of an vnkinde husband : or sometimes inforced to play the strumpet to relecue her want , ô ( perhaps ) to vphold her pride : these kinde of harlots are very secret , in all their carriages , & wil make choice of such friends ( as neere as they can ) as shall conceale all their escapes , and maintaine their reputations in the eye of the world . a second sort there be that setting aside all feare of god , or shame of the world , doth surrender thēselues to whoredome , through the vitious heate of there own intemperat desires : these be those that doth liue of the spoile of all comers : they consume them in goods , in body , and in soule that doth frequent them . and these are desirous to make themselues knowne strumpets to the world , thereby to get themselues to be hunted after and sought vnto : for these are ready for all that will come , and that they might be the rather noted in their vocation , they doe manifest themselues in there attire , in there demeanure , in there audacious boldnesse and immodest behauiour . they will shew themselues what they be , at maskes , at meetings , at banquets , at feasts , which they will still frequent , but of purpose to seeke acquaintance , and to draw in customers . the time hath bin when a woman that had bin once infamed , should haue bin shunned , nay shee should haue bin scorned of euery good woman , and shee that had beene honest ( indeede ) would neuer haue endured her companie that had beene tainted in her credit : but now euery marked creature , that is notorious to the world , will insinuate her selfe into the most principall places , and into the companie of those women that are not onely regarded for their greatnesse , but in like manner esteemed for their goodnesse . but i will not take vpon me to detect ladies and gentlewomen , what company they shall keepe , but the old prouerbe can no longer hold , that birds of a wing will flie together : but alas poore vertue , sul little doest thou know how much thou wrongest thy selfe , by thy associating thy selfe thus with vice , when the practise of a harlot is , that where shee knoweth a woman to bee most worthily renowned , and most honourably esteemed for her vertue ; there shee will intrude and prease to get admittance , not so much to countenance her selfe , as to disgrace & discredit the other , bending all her endeauours to diminish the reputation of euery good woman , and to bring them into a suspitious coniecture , to be birds all of one feather . how many women , both good and honest , ( and sometimes honourable ) that by this practise of insinuating harlots , hath beene betraied and infamed ? and as good women , by their ouer much kindnes and affability , haue sometimes thus diminished their own credits : so men that be of place and authoritie , had neede be very warie and circumspect , how they giue grace or entertainement to a woman that hath beene noted to be of lewde life : for besides , it breedeth suspition in as many as doth behold it ; so it is the rather confirmed , when euery harlot is desirous to slander her selfe with great personages , and the greater a man is either in office or dignitie , by so much the more shee is desirous to be slandered by him : for shee is not ignorant , but that to be accounted a paramour to him that is had in any regard at all , is auaileable for her aduantage : and shee makes vse of it for seuerall purposes : for first , shee prizes her selfe at the higher rate amongst her baser companions that doth frequent her , then otherwise she could do . againe it shelters her from being cald in question , for who dares detect her that they thinke shall be supported and borne out by so mightie friends ? it yet againe so armeth her with that audacious boldnesse , that shee dares insinuate her selfe into any company , be they neuer so honest , that otherwise would spit at her . but what woman would be honest now adaies , when the worse a woman liues , the better shee is thought on : if there be any that liues in want , it is poore chastitie , shee findes fewest friends , and least countenance . he that hath a wife , if shee be a little wanton , shee is as good as comminseede , to draw home customers , & there hath beene husbands , that hath had discreetion to make vse of it ; as phanlius the argian , who to raise his fortunes , offered his wife to king philip : and as galba , who seeing mecenas to cast some amarous glances on his wife , shrunk downe vpon his cushion , as one oppressed with sleepe , thereby to giue him the better scoope , whereby he might persist . he that can thus tollerate , may keepe his wife to ruffle it out amongst the best , without any charge to his owne purse , and shee will winne him many friends , that will bring him in caates , to the kitchin , fish , foule , wine sugar , spice , the prouerbe is old , though to make vp a rime , it be a little vnmannerly : i. blessed be the hoole , that brings in both wood and coole : that helpes to pay house-rent , and some mony to the good mans purse . women are wise , and by their sleights they haue emperours idle , as amthoxy , strong men feeble as sampson , valiant men effeminate as hercules : wise men dissolute , as salomon : and eloquent men lasciuious , as aurelius . but i hope all that i haue said , cannot offend those women that be good , whom i protest , i haue euer reuerenced , and doe still esteeme to be more pretious then silues or gold , and therefore to be honoured of all good men ; but as the apostle writing to the corinthians : there must be heresies , that those that are prooued may bee knowne : so say i , amongst women , there must be some bad amongst the good ; that those that are good indeed may be the more glorious ▪ but yet i would wish ladies and gentlewomen , that do tender their owne credits , to be well aduised how they conuerse or giue entertainment to those womē that be bad ; because if the rules of philosophy be true , there is not a better meane to discerne of men or women what they be , then to measure them by the company that they are accustomed to keepe . but let vs enter a little into consideration , how we might distinguish betweene a good woman and a bad : we cannot do it by the outward show ; for if we should ayme our iudgments but according to their lookes , we might sometimes thinke the old painted face of proserpsna , to be the same that it was , when she first became to be plutoes wife . if we should iudge of them but by the show of their apparrell , we might many times presuppose the vertuous yong woman , to be a lasciuious curtizan ; they are al alike attired in their coloured silkes , and they do so narrowly imitate the one the other , both in forme and fashion , as that they cannot be discerned but onely by behauiour . i am not ignorant , but that silke , siluer , yea and gold it selfe , were created by the almighty god : and not onely for his owne glory , but likewise for necessities sake , and may well be vsed by good and godly persons , such as are in degree , and of ability to pay for them . we haue some presidents out of the holy scriptures : isaac a godly man sent bracelets , and other habiliments of gold to rebecca , a good and a vertuous woman : and we reade of hester , that sometimes clad her selfe in rich and sumptuous apparrell , protesting before god that she did it to no other end , then to feede the liking of that great king assuerus , that had chosen her for his wife . and iudith praised in the scriptures for a godly woman , though after the death of her husband , during the time of her widdow-hoode she suited herselfe in sackcloth , yet whilest her husband liued , she had beene both sumptuous in apparrell and rich in iewels and other pretious ornaments , wherewith she afterwards decked herselfe , but of purpose to free the citty of bethulia from the power of holofernus , that then had besiged the same . it is not the frocke that maketh the fryer the more deuout , nor the garments of any woman , a true confirmation of incontinency of her body . this therefore may well be auowed by the rule of christian sobriety : that a woman ( neither exceeding the decency of fashion , nor going beyond the limits of her owne estate , nor surpassing the bounds of her husbands calling ) but that such a woman may weare any thing . silke , siluer , and gold , are things iudifferent of themselues , the vse is all whereunto they are imployed : yet as there is a conueniency to be vsed in behauiours , so there is a decency to be followed in fashion ; neither do i think that all fashions that are now in vse , are fit for euery good woman to follow . i am perswaded , that a number of these new inuented gaudes that be now in vse and custome , were first deuised to please the appetites of such women , as were either of loose life or of little wit , & afterwards becomming generall , were taken vp & reputed for the new fashion : and that many women againe , that are both good & gracious , are the more inclined to follow them the rather to auoid suspition , either that they are not able to support it as other women , be or otherwise to be accounted hypocrites and contumelious despisers of that which is receiued by all . there is not a woman so vaine or vngodly that can deuise a toy ( be it neuer so fond and foolish ) but it is taken vp for a fashion , and then it is as good a warrant as a non omittas to an vnder sherife , for euery woman to follow . but where chastitie is ioyned with vanitie , what commendations it may merite , i will leaue to good women themselues to be censured . this i would inferre , that the incontinent woman is no so easily coniectured by the outward show , as by the inward disposition . do you see her that is sumptuous in apparrell , that doth shine in silke , in siluer , and in gold , that is deckt with gems , and lewels , that be rich and precious ? looke into her ability , is she able to pay for them , doth she not exceed the limits of her degree and calling ? she vseth them then to the glory of god , that hath created them to that end and purpose , to decke and ornifie such worthy persons . see yet another that is gaudy to the show , garish to looke vpon , and new fangled in all the manner of her attire : looke yet againe into her disposition , is she sober , is she silent , is she bashfull , is she modest ? let vs thinke reuerently of that woman , let vs not iudge of her by the outward show , she doth but follow the fashion . i would i could now frame a cleanely excuse for those women that be painted , that be poudered , that be periwigde ; that do bend their whole endeauours but to the adorning of their bodily beauties , as if they had beene created of god , but onely to make themselues to appeare to be gay and beautifull but i know not how to do it , for she that is not ashamed to falsify those exterior parts of the body , is much to be suspected that she will make little conscience to adulterate the inward beauty of the mind . but amongst these women that do so much affect this bodily beauty , tell one of them of some other woman that is reputed to be more wise , more modest , or more vertuous then herselfe , alas it is a matter of nothing , the newes doth little offend her ; but tell her of another that is reputed to be more beautifull , more faire , or better fauoured then herself , this is a heauy crosse indeed , ynough to make her sicke , and keepe her chamber , and there is nothing that doth more grieuously afflict her , then to see another womans gowne , more gawdy then her owne . but my promise was to giue rules how to distinguish betweene a good woman and a bad , and promise is debt , but i must be wel aduised how i take the matter in hand ; for we were better to charge a woman with a thousand defects in her soule , then with that one abuse of her body ; and we must haue two witnesses , besides our owne eyes , to testifie , or we shall not be beleeued : but i haue bethought my selfe of a couple that i hope will carrie credit . the first is the prophet esay , that in his daies challenged the daughters of sion for their stretched out neckes , their wandring eyes , at their mincing and wan ton demeanure as they passed through the streetes : these signes and showes haue beene euer thought to be the especiall markes whereby to know a harlot . but salomon in a more particular manner doth better furnish vs with more assured notes , and to the end that wee might the better distinguish the good woman from the bad , he deliuereth their seuerall qualities , and wherein they are opposite : and speaking of a good woman he saith , shee seeketh out wooll and flaxe , and laboureth cheerefully with her hands : shee ouerseeth the waies of her houshold , and eateth not the bread of idlenesse . salomon thinketh that a good woman should be a home housewife , he pointeth her out her houseworke . shee ouerseeth the waies of her houshold , shee must looke to her children , her seruants and family : but the pathes of a harlot ( he saith ) are mooueabl , for now shee is in the house , now in the streetes , now shee lieth in waite in euery corner , shee is still gadding from place to place , from person to person , from companie to company : from custome to custome , shee is euer more wandring ; her feete are wandring , her eies are wandring , her wits are wandring , her waies are like the waies of a serpent : hard to be found out . a good woman ( againe ) openeth her mouth with wisedome , the law of grace is in her tongue : but a harlot is full of words , shee is loude and babbling , saith salomon . shee is bold , shee is impudent , shee is shamelesse , shee can not blush : and shee that hath lost all these vertues , hath lost her euidence of honesty : for the ornaments of a good woman is temperance in her minde , silence in her tongue , and bashfulnesse in her countenance . it is not shee that can lift vp her heeles highest in the dancing of a galliard , that is lauish of her lips or loose of her tongue . now if salomons testimonie be good , the woman that is impudent , immodest , shamelesle , insolent , audacious , a night-walker , a company-keeper , a gadder from place to place , a reueler , a ramper , a roister , a rioter : shee that hath these properties , hath the certaine signes , and markes of a harlot , as salomon hath avowed . now what credit his words will carrie in the commissaries court , i leaue to those that be aduocates , and procters in womens causes . i haue hitherto presented to your view the true resemblance of a harlot , aswell what shee is , as how shee might be discerned : i would now giue you the like notice of that notable strumpet , the whore of babylon , that hath made so many kings and emperours drunke with the cup of abhominations , by whom the nations of the earth haue so defiled themselues by their spirituall fornication , called in the scripture by the name of idolatrie , ( but now within these last 500. yeares , amongst christians ) shadowed vnder the title of poperie . this harlot hath heragents , popes , cardinals , bishops , abbots , monkes , friers , iesuites , priests , with a number of other like , and all of them factors and her bandes , the professed enemies of the gospel of iesus christ , that doe supersticiously adore the crucifixe , that are indeede enemies to the crosse of christ , and doe tread his holy bloud vnder their scornefull feete : that do build vp deuotion with ignorance , and doe ring out their hot alarums , in the eares of the vnlearned , teaching that the light can bee no light , that the scriptures can bee no scriptures , nor the truthcan be no truth , but by their allowance , and if they will say , that high noone is midnight , we must beleeue them , and make no more adoe , but get vs to bed . these bee they that can make god the creator that made both heauen and earth , of a little peece of bread ; this doctrine they do teach , and this the poore ignorant papists must beleeue , and zealously say amen to : but alas , their pretended holinesse in zeale , is indeede but the hollownesse in zeale , and the fulnes of that zeale wherewith they be so blinded , ariseth through the emptinesse of that knowledge which they will not see . if blindnesse be a misery , what is ignorance , or if the duskinesse of the night be vncomfortable , what is the darkenesse of superstitious popery ? a papist and a tayler are of like affinitie , they do both relie on their good workes : their faithes do hang on other mens beleefes , they doe exercise all their religion by an exorcising masse , accounting the old & new testaments , to be but bookes of controuersies , holding it to be a peremptorie sacriledge for any lay-man to meddle with ; they thinke they may see more by a waxe candle when it is lighted , then they may doe by the light of gods word : they say they be good subiects dutifull and loyall , and yet what a wrangling they do keepe with the prince for his supremacy ? the hound that followeth two hares at once can catch neither , and hee that serueth two masters of contrarie kinds , must bee a traitor to the one . as much possible to vnite two contrary religions in one conscience , as to reconcile fire and water , christ and beliall , god and the diuell . if the pope court in the conscience , and sit in the throne of the heart , the king can haue there but a cold entertainment . hee was wise therefore that turned his guest out of doores , that could warme his cold hands with the same breath , wherewith he cooled his hot pottage . the papists haue mouthes for their masses , tongues for their prince , and hearts for their pope : but let them say what they list , and let them sometimes binde it with an oath , the pope hath taught his vermine a new doctrine of equiuocation , and of mentall reseruation : and he hath dispensations in store , not onely for infringing an oath to a king , but also for the murthering of a king , if he be such a king as doth professe the gospell . if the popes penance chāber were opened , we might finde a rate of pardons for all offences that might be committed either against god or man , those onely excepted , that may be any waies preiudiciall to him selfe ; nay , you shall finde indulgences for future offences , for sinnes that are not yet committed . christ forgiueth no sinne , but vpon hearty repentance : the pope forgiueth all sinnes onely for ready mony ; a happie thing for rich men that may buy heauen for mony : but the diuel in the meane time , is like to be basely attended on in hell , with a company of poore beggers , that are not able to buy pardons , nor to purchase dispensations . the pope shutteth vp all goodnesse into his owne waare-house , god receiueth vs now no more to mercie , but he receiueth vs to penance , to plunge vs in purgatory , where we shall lie scorched and broiled , till the pope in his charitable disposition , will mercifully release vs : which he is euer readie to doe if we haue ready money to giue him . and for the saints , they are become very tyrants , malicious and vengible , if their eues be not fasted , their images worshipped , and their shrines visited , with a candell , or with some other offering ; they will else wreake themselues of vs without any compassion , & will both punish and grieuously afflict vs : so that there is no mercy remaining in god nor in his saints , but all resteth in the pope alone . doe not the poore papists runne mad in conceit , to thinke that indulgences for all sinnes , may be deriued from the popes exchequer ; that if a man wants not mony , he needs not want heauen : that the meere signe of the crosse , can fray away the diuell ; that priests should be licensed their concubines , and inhibited there wiues : that one benefice , and one honest wife , should be vnlawfull , but that two benefices , and three whores should bee tollerable ? but let vs a little consider of these holy votaries that haue vowed obedience , that haue vowed pouertie , that haue vowed chastitie : what is their vowed obedience , but an exemption of all obedience , either to god or man , to serue their pope alone ? what is their vowed pouertie , but to inioy the wealth of the world , to liue in ease and idlenesse , and to feede themselues fat ? and now to speake truely , what is their vowed chastitie ; but vowed bawderie ? the efficient cause of poperie : it first springeth from a blinde zeale , it doth vaunt of true religion , and attributeth a certaine vertue vnto things without gods ordinance . the pope himselfe steales his ceremonies , from iewes , from turkes , from pagans , some from idolatry , all from heresie . poperie could neuer endure the preaching of the gospel , and there is neither turke , iew , nor pagan , whatsoeuer , that the papists doe so much hate , as they do these heretickes that do seeke their saluation in the death & passion of iesus christ : we pitty them , they persecute vs , we pray for them , they persue vs , we loue them , they loath vs , we seeke to conuert them , they seeke to confound vs ; they pursue vs , not for that we are sinners , but because we are zealous of the glory of god , & of sincere & pure worship : they hate vs not because of our offences , but because of that will and desire it hath pleased god to giue vs , to serue him purely according to his word ; they seeke vs not out for our abhominations and idolatries , but because we detest theirs . thus they hate vs , but it is with a contrary hatred ; for they hate vs because we do seeke the glory of god according to his word , of the which they would drepriue vs. in a briefe manner now to shew you what a papist is : he is blinde in knowledge , lame in iudgment , selfe conceited , apt to beleeue lyes , he is willfull , obstinate , he is wise and holy in his owne conceite , walking in the steps of other mens opinions ; he cannot beleeue that god vnderstandeth any praiers but those that are made in latine : he thinketh there is no other high way to heauen , but that which leadeth through purgatory . amongst all the beastes in the field he loues a popes bull , but amongst all the hearbes in the garden he cannot endure that which the apothecaries do call gratia dei : his eyes are dimmed , his eares are stopt , his heart is hardened , his sences are benummed , he is so afraid of rusting , that he doth vse to scoure himselfe with ashes and oyle : he is so zealously inclined to the deedes of loue and charity , that he had rather murther a protestant on sunday , then eate an egge on friday . if i should still prosecute as i haue begun , to present to your viewes the true representations of vice and vanitie , as they do offer themselues to open show , i might compose such a looking-glasse as were fitter for a barbers shop , then a ladies chamber : i will therefore giue you but a little glimce of those deformities , that are yet to follow . the fatterer was neuer yet ashamed to shew his face , yet in former ages palpably to flatter , was accounted but the profession of a knaue : but now vaine glory doth so sway amongst vs , that he that wants a knaue to flatter him , can play the foole and flatter himselfe . a parasite seeing dionisius in priuate discourse with certaine fauourites of his owne , burst out into a great laughter , but being demanded by dionisius why he laughed so loude ? answered , at your maiesties pleasant conference : why ( said the emperour ) dost thou heare our communicatiō ? no ( said the parasite ) i do not heare your speeches , yet knowing your words to be alwayes full of wit , and all your discourses so pleasant and pithy , it produceth me to laughter , but to see that speech , though i heare not any thing what you say . flattery and tobacco , are but two smoaky vapors , yet as the time serueth , the one purgeth wise men of their wit , and the other fooles of their mony . the flatterer is nearely alyed to the cannyball , they do both feede on men ; the difference is , the cannyball feedeth on those that be dead , but the flatterer deuoureth those that be aliue . the court parasite doth more often subuert and ouerthrow the wealth of a kingdome , then an open enemy . but see here another bird of the same wing , a iestmonger , a kind of creature that a man would thinke , nature had hatched vp into the world , to be a scorne to all wisemen : his most pleasant mirth is vnciuill ieastes , and for want of better matter , he will sometimes helpe it out with a bawdy song . some wanting conceits of their owne , are driuen to commit fellony , and to steale from other men , and putting them in execution , the effect may so well fall out , as it did with esops asse , who counterfeiting the little dogge , would play with his master , till he was surely banged . there be some of them that will steale sentences , and phrases out of bookes , which hauing once committed to memory , when they be amongst company , they will deliuer them as familiarly as if they were children of their owne begettting , both lawfull and legitimate . there be amongst them , that will breake iestes vpon heauen & sometimes make themselues merry with god that created heauen : another will sport as pleasantly with the word of god ▪ as he wil do with the fictons of the poets one will auow a villany , a second will sweare it , a third will defend it , and all the rest will laugh at it . it is not worthy to be called a lest , where there is not a lester , and a parasite to cheere vp the guests , the one to raile and slander , the other to smooth and flatter : for as the body must be ballanced with excesse , so the minde must be recreated with slauish delights . the next that now maketh his appearance , is the temporizer ; a fellow that can carrowse with alexander , abstain with romulus , eate with the epicure , fast with the stoieke , sleepe with endymion , watch with crisippus , laugh with democitus , weepe with heraclitus . he is like a winde-mill , that will still grinde , let the wind blow where it will : he neuer troubles himselfe about matters of fayth ; for looke how the prince beleeues , so beleeues he . he hath some prety sight in musick , and is very apt to play a base part , and although sometimes he may fayle in the note , yet he will be sure to keepe the time. here comes now the formalist , a fellow that is full of complements ; one that doth vse to frequent other mens tables , and can make sauce to euery dish as it comes to the board , with other mens discredits : he neuer drinkes to any man , but with some quicke conceited sentence , and not a word but at your seruice sir , at your command , at your pleasure ; and in all his communication , so full of fustian phrases , that do many times lay open their masters ignorance . this ouer much affectation is more ridiculous then meere and simple ignorance , the one is to be pitied , the other to be denyed : but the formalist taketh great paines to make himselfe to be mocked at ▪ all that he endeuoureth , is to be reputed a floure of curtesie ▪ when by his demeanure he showes himselfe to bee a right spectacle of folly . here followes now an other , that one paire of couples might serue them both , it is the fantasticke , one that is so neere a kin to the foole , that they cannot marry without a licence from the pope : he hath robd a iacke naapes of his gesture , marke but his countenance how hee mops , how he mowes , and how he streines his lookes : he hath the french congé , the spanish baselos maines , the italian shrug , his countenance is the true description of the time . will you see now , one that is new come from the dancing schoole , a ninihammer , that had rather tread you out a tricke of one and twentie follies , then to performe one action , tending either to vertue or wisedome . he thinkes boldnesse to be a principall part of vertue , and that makes him to become impudent : his greatest obseruation is about the new fashion : his ambition is , to bee highly commended , but especially by fooles , fiddlers , and tapsters : his greatest dexteritie is in the managing his tobacco pipes : and he hath the gulpe , the whiffe , and the snuffe very exactly and at his fingers ends . he is very iudicious , in censuring of plaies and players , and is well seene in the high art of astronomy , and without the helpe of an ephemerides , he is able to calculate the whole number of bawdy houses , that be neere about his owne lodging , in what temperature they be seated , and whether they stand in a hot or a cold climat . you shall know him partly by his feather , partly by his long locke , that hangs dangling by his eare , partly by his garters and his roses , but that which comes neerest the marke indeed , is his yellow starched band . will you now make a little roome for a fellow that perhaps can tell you some newes , and it is the newesmonger himselfe , that can acquaint you with all the occurrence , from italy , from france , from spaine , from germany , from the east , from the west , from the north , from the south : he can tell you newes from the pope , how he meanes to giue assistance to the earle of tyrone , of men , of mony , of munition , of shipping , and of all other r essaries , and to send him into ireland , new sanctified a●●ngst his friends , that hath long lookt for him , and doe daily wish for him , and alas are like to doe so still , to their great griefe and sorrow . these newesmongers be those that from time to time do spread such reports , as doth sometimes arme the ill disposed , with vaine and friuolous hopes , but especially the papists ▪ that are so strong of faith , that they will beleeue any lie , be it neuer so vaine or foolish , if it doth any waies serue their purpose . and as the newesmonger is not without art sometimes to spread a lie , that is of his owne coining , so by some prery skill that he hath in arithmeticke , he can both multiply and deuide lies , that be of other mens making . he vseth to frequent faires , markets , and other places of aslembly : sometimes hee will stumble into a barbers shoppe : but about ten of the clocke in the fore-noone , you may hitte vpon him in the middle walke in pauls : but from aleauen to twelue , hee will not misse the exchange . these be the places , from whence he makes his collections , and if there be any newes at all stirring , he pockets them vp for his owne prouision , and hee neuer vents them but for his owne aduantage , for he knoweth that men are so well inclined to haue nouelties , that they are as good paiment for a dinner , or a supper , as eighteene pence to goe to an ordinary . here comes yet another , a fit companion to march in one ranke with the newes monger , it is the state ape : a man that will take vpon him to know more then he vnderstandeth : hee speakes of nothing but of matters of state and what lawes are fit to passe and repasse by act of parlament ; and in the parliament time , he makes himselfe as conuersant with all intents and plots , purposed for the common-wealth , as if they had beene of his own begetting . and what embassadour can bee sent from any forraine prince or potentate , but before he hath deliuered his message , or before he hath put his foote in at the court gate , but he will tell you , both what his arrand is , and what shall be his answer , if a man will beleeue , what himselfe will make vaunt of ? there is not a court counsell holden , but he will seeme to know whereof they haue consulted , and what they haue concluded . i thinke i doe but pester your eye-sight with presenting to your viewes these vaine prospects ; but a man may the better learne to eschew vanitie , by learning first to know it : here is yet one other of the same straine , a malecontent , a right cornish diamond , that although a counterfeit , would yet be set in gold . he is singular in his owne conceit , and will sometimes withdraw himselfe into retired places , for bearing speech and conuersation , reproouing the vanities of the world but with a word , and the manners of the people with a shrug , or a countenance , giuing answers with signes and dumbe showes , pacing his steppes , with sad and sober aspects , as if he would haue it said , loe , yonder goes the melancholy gentleman : see there vertue and wisedome both despised and neglected , this is the man that doth carrie a whole common-wealth in his head , that can mannage the whole affaires of a state , and that is able to draw the world about by the nose in a string . his verie gate , as he passeth along the streete , cries looke vpon me : and although to some mens thinking hee is but a man , yet in his owne opinion , the wisest of men . i will not trouble you with these angrie fellowes , that will swagger , and be ready to giue the stabbe , sometimes for the pleasure of a harlot sometimes for the speaking of a word , sometimes for the taking of the wall : sometimes , for the not pledging of a health . and what a sturre we keepe againe about precedence ? we striue with zebed●us children , who shall sit on the right hand , who on the left , we dispute of dignities , who shal go before , & who shall come behind ; and as this infection is common amongst men , so it is become so violent amongst women , that they are ready to scratch for their places , many of them , taking their roomes perforce , and will render reasons whereby to maintaine their causes : one makes her plea , my husband is an esquire , and i will giue place to none but to my ladie ; an other will alleadge , my husband is a doctor , and i will therefore march with the foremost : one stands vpon her pedigree , and deriues her selfe from some ancient family ; an other challengeth precedence by her husbands office , an other by her wealth , by her chaines , by her iewels , by her silken gownes , by her garded peticoate ; and they are so eager , and so vehement in these incounters , that if their husbands should once fall a dealing in these quarrels , they could not bee determined , without bloodie noses . but amongst all the spectacles of folly , that wee haue yet surueied , hee now presents himselfe that is best worthy to beare the bable : looke vpon him , it is the amorist : see how gastfully hee lookes , his armes crossed , his eyes blubbered , his hatte puld ouer his browes , and all for loue sir reuerence . alas poore gentleman , i doe pittie him , and i thinke dame folly his mistris , would simper to see the foole her seruant , how he is besotted . i can not beleeue that euer vertue was knowne to be a dotarde , in that we call loue . i haue heard of some that haue beene mad for loue , yet i neuer heard of any that were wise in loue : i haue read of couragious men , that loue haue made effeminate , yet i neuer read of any whom loue hath made truly valiant ; i haue knowne where wise men hath beene besotted by fancie , but i neuer knew where fancie made a wise man. in loue what seeth the eye , laciuiousnesse , what heareth the eare , laciuiousnesse : what vttereth the tongue , laciuiousnesse : what thinketh the heart , laciuiousnesse : what incurreth the bodie laciuiousnesse : and call you this loue , no , it is filthie lust , that marcheth vnder the banner of loue . the folly of affection is wonderfull , but the indiscretion of an amorist is more admirable , that will hang the whole estate of all his fortunes in a womans word , but in the yea or nay , of his light heeled mistris . to conclude , i neuer heard of any of these louing wormes , that was euer besotted of any woman that was famed for her vertue , yet if the braines of my amorist bee not barraine , they will sometimes hatch out rimes , and learne to indite amorous verses in the praise of his mistris ( that is many times scarce worth the speaking of ) and will borrow colours from lillies and red roses to beautifie her cheekes , her eyes shall be saphires , her lippes , corall , her teeth , pearle , her breath , balme , a pallas for her wit , but he neuer streines so farre as to her honesty ; women haue euer beene witty , but now more wise then they haue beene in former ages , they euer knew well ynough how to make vse of one of these amorous guls , that they saw did affect them ( indeede ) with an ardent desire : for they would make him to hold the candle , whilst they had an other , that should offer to our ladie . but now adaies there is a newer way to wooe , then for a man to spend a whole moneth together in making of loue : he that will winne a wife now ( though he be but sot , a dolt , a foole , an asse , let him be neuer so silly , or neuer so simply , if he hath but so much wit , as to make a great and a large ioynter , he shall speed , and he shall get a wife when a wise man shall faile . i could here finde in my heart to blame some parents , that will bestow their well nurtured daughters on such persons , they do little consider of the fault they commit by bringing their children ( sometimes ) to a loathed bed . but parents do seeme to be very carefull to prouide for their children , and very diligent they be to seeke a stay for them ; but they do not seeke it as they should do , in the hand of god , but in the wisedome of their owne foolish flesh . i thinke there is not a woman so vnlouely , nor so vnnurtured , but if she doth bring a large portion in her purse , she shall haue a husband ; neither is there so silly a clowne , but if he be able to make a great ioynter , he may quickly get a wife : i thanke god i haue neuer a daughter to marry , but if i had , and that i were of ability to giue bountifully with her , i would sooner bestow my mony to buy her a husband that had a little wit , then to buy her a lumpe of flesh , that is but lapt together in a fooles skin . now for my selfe , if i were yong , & were againe to marry , i would blesse my selfe from her that hath beene brought vp in pleasure , in pride , in idlenesse , or in audacious boldnesse : from such a one as is called her fathers ioy , his iewell , his dearling : he that lights on such a wife , had need to light on a good portion with her , for if she doth not bring him a griefe to vexe his soule , i am sure she will bring him a charge to empty his purse , her vanity will farre exceed marriage good , and for euery hundred poundes in mony , she brings him a thousand vanities , a thousand fits , a thousand fansies , a thousand follies , and a thousand new fangles . to day she keepes her chamber , sicke of a quotidian fitte of folly : to morrow the coach must be made ready , she must about the towne to inquire after new fashions , the next day she begins to breed child , and then for forty weekes after , what queasinesse , what squeamishnes , what curiosity , what nicity , what lustig after vanities ? she longs for plumbes before they be ripe , for chickins before they be hatched , for dainties that cannot be come by : she must haue the henne that sits next the cocke , the apple with the red side ▪ the calfe , vith the white face : shee longs for the fish , the foule , the fruit , that is but spoken of : we must take heede how wee speake of any thing in her hearing for setting her into a veine of longing ; shee must haue an eye to the temperature of the aire , the sunne must not shine too hot , nor the winde blow too cold on her . to conclude , shee must be more nice , more curious , and more daintie , then euer was that blessed virgin that bare the sauiour of the world . i commend me yet to the women of laconia , that to increase their strength and vigour ( where propagation might become the more strong and sturdy ) they vsed to exercise themselues to running , to leaping to wrastling , to heauing and throwing of weights : these were excellent wenches to breede vpon , these were gallant girles to maintaine a race , of men , fit to make souldiers , fit to fight for their country ; for what doth it auaile to haue a cocke of the game , vnlesse we haue againe a hen of the same ? the whole streine will be but of a crauen kinde , and the broode a great deale fitter for the dunghill , then the cocke pit . i would not be thought yet to be so derogating to the reputation of good women , but that i do know there be a number amongst them , that during the time whilest they were breeding of child , they are not free from fittes and qualmes : and many of them subiect to paine , sicknes more then ynough ▪ and therfore they are not onely to be comforted and cherished , but likewise to be pitied and commiserated : yet there be amongst them againe , that if they should not be more nice , then wise , they would thinke themselues to be quite out of fashion ; and the ofspring of these ( for the greatest number ) are fitter to follow a taber and a pipe , then to march after a drum and a fyfe , and do know better how to giue fire to a tobacco pipe , then to buckle on an armour of proofe . o what a precious sight it were to see a woman that is but yong in yeres , to be sober & modest , as the time now serueth ; glory & admiration attends on her in al her actions ; and it is good likewise in those that be aged , because the contrary in an ancient woman were abhominable . and such there be , both old and yong , and well considering the condition of the time , in great plenty to be found , and the number of these would farre exceed , and be yet more abundant then they be , were they not not alienated from their owne proper natures by the seducements of men . do you see a woman that is garish to looke vpon , that is new fangled , and gawdy to the shew ? looke amongst men , and you shall find tenne men for one woman , that are more vaine , more nice , and more foolish then any woman you can seeke out , or that is most noted for her vanity : and would you haue so many women saints , and men diuels ? nay there must be vaine women , if it be but to satisfie the humours of foolish men : where men haue giuen themselues ouer to follow sensuality , they must haue women that be of their owne element to incounter them , otherwise they would neuer sympathize , for vertue and vice could neuer agree . a woman that should binde herself apprentice to modesty , sobriety , and bashfulnesse , might sit long ynough without a husband in these daies , when a thousand crownes are more preciously esteemed amongst our hermophrodites , then two thousand good conditions : for so they may imbrace the quantity , they neuer looke after the qualitie ; vertue , wit , wisedome , nor honesty it selfe , is not regarded : good women may say with fryer bacons brazen head , time is past . is it any maruell though women do become both vain and dissolute ? it is but to feed the humor of those men that are both lasciuious and sensuall . it is the base disposition of men , that maketh so many harlots as there be at this present , when there is not so common a curtizan , but she shall be supported by vicious men : and how many prodigals are there that will spend their stocke , their store , their lands , their liuings , and all to maintaine harlots , and such other women as be loose and lewde of life ? now shew me but the man , that will extend his bounty , his liberality , or almost his good word , to her that is honest . if women were not stayed , and mightily propped vp by their owne vertues , they could not conuerse with men , but to their great perrill and danger ; for if they meet with one man that doth present to their modest eyes , the example of wisedome , they shall meet with ten for that one that doth still carry about them , the badge of folly ; if they meet with one man that will soberly aduise them for their honest reputation , they shall meet with ten for that one that will seeke their defamation . they are men therefore , yea most wicked and vngodly men that haue thus sought to ouerthrow ( and do yet seeke to diminish ) the honour of women , the which i know they are not able to doe , for although they may wrest some few vicious minded like themselues to their lewd allurements , yet as good women haue euermore defended their honours , so their vertues will still shine in that wonted oriental brightnesse , as the malice of wicked men shal neuer be able to extinguish nor ecclipse . i will speake no more of women , but will you now see the honesty of this age ? it is put in print , and there are none dishonest now , but those that are poore . pouerty in this age is the greatest dishonesty that a man can fall into , neither can there be a greater blemish to any manscredit , then to be reputed poore and honest . rich men be all honest , and their honesties are accounted so much the more , or so much the lesse , as they be rated in the subsidy booke . a rich mans wealth , is his wisedome , his vertue and his honesty : and he that is better able to giue you white mony for your gold , then to giue you a wise answer to your honest demand , may yet speake his opinion in dispite of wisedome , and his words must carry credit and authoritie , when truth it selfe shall not be beleeued , if it proceede from the mouth of pouertie . plaine dealing : honesty is dead , many yeares since , hee died of a consumption , but this is the mischiefe , he died without issue . knaucry hath taken phisicke , and is growne so strong and lustie , that he walkes the streetes at pleasure , but yet disguised , sometimes like a promoter , sometimes like a broker , sometimes like a scriuener , and many times like an vnder sheriffe . in the tearme time he will be sure to looke into westminster hall , sometimes amongst the catchpoules , and otherwhile like a poore client , with a paper in his hand , and will looke so ruthfully that a man would sooner pittie him , then be able truly to discouer him . vertue is growne poore , and hath few or none to attend her , but that is no great wonder , for who would follow a begger ? her best deserts are recompenced , perhaps by a ballet-maker , or if they be sometimes canonized on a stage amongst players , she is highly fauoured : alas poore vertue , that hast no better recompence then what thou thy selfe canst draw from vice ; yet there are many that will speake of vertue , and tell of her excellency , but they are few that will translate her truly out of words into deedes . conscience is exilde , and banished quite out of citty , towne and country . my selse hauing some occasions , making inquirie where i might finde him , i was told he vsed sometimes to frequent faires and markets , wherupon i went to bartholmew-fayre , and missing him there , i went to sturbridge-fayre , and likewise lost my labour ; whereupon i came to romford market , where i could no newes at al of him : then comming backe to london i made inquirie amongst shop-keepers , tradesmen and merchants : they told me they knew him not , but wisht me to inquire amongst the stationers , and those that sold bookes : to pauls church-yard i went , and they shewed me a booke , that made mention of one that was sometimes called by the name of robin conscience , but what was become of him they could not tell , but willed me to aske amongst the lawyers ; but comming to them , they began to laugh at me , and thought me to be out of my wits , that would aske for conscience amongst them : i was then in despaire for euer to finde him , thinking to giue ouer my guest , till a friend softly whispering in mine eare , willed me to seeke amongst the papists that will make vaunts , that they haue gotten conscience tied vp in a string , and that conscience and they were as familiar the one with the other , as the begger and the lowse ; but when i came amongst them , he that they stood so much vpon , whom they called by the name of conscience , was a meere counterfeit hypocrite , no more like conscience then a traytor is like a true man : it was ( indeed ) wilfull opinion , froward , blind and obstinate , whom they imposed to carry the name of conscience : & leauing them where i found him , being out of hope for euer to finde out conscience , it was my fortune yet in miraculous manner to hit vpon him , but if i should tell you where , and in what country , you would think it strange : but to tell you the truth , i found him in ireland , and would you know amongst whom , it was amongst a company of poore and needy souldiers : when i had a while wondered at the matter , i asked him what he meant to abandon better company , to associate himselfe with these thread beare fellowes , the very abiects of this age , that amongst all other professions were of the basest account & least esteemed : his answer was , their fellowship was fittest for him , that now at this day , tooke but eight pence a day pay , no more then they tooke many hundred yeares agoe , vvhen they might buy more for their eight pence , then they can doe now for their eighteene , and therefore he knew not any profession more fitting for him to associate himselfe of , then amongst souldiers . hauing thus heard his reason and his resolution i dispatched my busines , and there i left him ; but i see conscience will not stay amongst them , that a man would thinke , were best able to support him , i meane amongst rich men . but some will say , riches that are not honestly come by , will not long stay , but as they are quickely gotten , so they are suddenly gone , but they are much deceiued , that are of that beleefe : for riches are as kinde and louing to their master , as the body lowse , that will neuer leaue his master , though he be going to the gallowes , but wil there hang with him for company ; and riches that are vnlawfully gathered togither , will neuer leaue their master till they haue brought him to hell , and there they will bee a corrosiue to his conscience still world without end . but this worldly wealth i see is but a tickle commoditie , for he that hath most , he hath notynough , neither to keepe his head from aking , nor his conscience from despairing . he is onely to be accounted rich , that possesseth , what he hath gotten iustly , and vseth what he possesseth honestly ▪ but for the vngodly , they may well be reputed wealthy , but neuer rich . there cannot bee a more excellent touch-stone , whereby to discouer the dispositions of men , then is the superfluitie of wealth , and the extreamitie of want , the spring tide of prosperitie , and the low ebbe of aduersitie ; for although the mattess of themselues are indifferent , yet the mannaging of them is it that giueth light . prosperitie , pampereth vs vp in pleasure , it maketh vs to forget god , and to repose our greatest confidence in the vanities of the world . aduersitie , maketh vs contemptible in the eye of the world , it is the meanes whereby we are taught to know our selues , and to draw vs to god. prosperitie , so swelleth vs in pride , that wee forgette our selues , it so blindeth our vnderstanding , that vvee are not able to discerne a friend from a flatterer , nor to iudge whether those that doe favvne vpon vs , bee more in loue with our selues or with our fortunes . aduersitie , maketh vs humble , it cleereth the vnderstanding , and giueth vs eyes to discerne betweene friendship and flatterie , and to make assured triall betweene a friend and a foe . aduersitie may bee both iudge and iurie . vvhat haue i said , may aduersitie iudge betweene a friend and a foe ? i neuer heard that pouerty was cloied with many friende , and aduersitie , if he once begins to want , shall neuer want a foe : they will say a friend is tried in time of need ▪ but i say , that neede is it that makes a friend a foe , he is a foole that wanteth friends , and if hee wants not wealth . but he that hath pouertie to cast vp his accounts , and is become needes embassador , to beg or to borrow , if he finde a friend to supply his wants , i say such a friend is more precious , & more rare to be found , then platos common ▪ wealth , moores eutopia , ciceroes orator , or baldesers courtier : he that is a friend to all can be friend to none , but it is nothing so smarting to be called a niggard or to be reputed for a miser , as to haue it said , he is euery mans friend but his owne . it were too great a presumption in me now to meddle with diuinitie , the dignitie of the subiect may suffice , for where the obiect is god , the ground worke is infallible , there needs no further demonstration . diuinitie is a heauenly law , sealed by god the lawgiuer , written and set downe by the finger of god , and deliuered by those that were inspired by his holy spirit . it hath likewise pleased god from the beginning , to raise vp patriarkes and prophets , to teach and gouerne his people and after in the kingdome of our sauiour , he ordained the ministery of the gospell , appointing it perpetuall to the end of the world , and hath further taught vs to pray , that labourers might be thrust into the haruest . shall i then speake of the diuine , that is the steward of god , appointed to dispose his misteries , that is , the embassadors of glad and joyfull tidings , that doth bring vnto vs the word of our saluation , that is the light to shine before vs in all godly example , of loue , of charity , of humility , of temperance , of chastity , of sobriety , of integrity of life , of honest conuersation , and therefore worthy of double honour ? i thinke , of my conscience , our english clergy at this present houre , are as compleat in learning in liuing , in doctrine , in wisedome , and in all manner of godly knowledg , as although in some other parts in christendom ( perhaps ) there may be some found to second them , yet none to disproue , or exceed them . but as amongst the twelue disciples , there was a ludas , so amongst this honourable function , there creepes in now and then a false disciple , that knowes how to bait his booke with grauity , till he hath caught a benefyce , & then the surples must serue to couer a most vngodly carcase : & he that should set vp a light for other men to follow , his lampe doth burne so dimme , that he that were not well sighted of himselfe , might sooner stumble , then hit the right tract . another intruder there is , parson please-time by name , that being vnbeneficed , will therefore become a chaplaine , to some man of worth , and worthines : he will sometimes step vp into the pulpit , and he will preach against sin , but it shall be done with halfe a lip , he dares not presse it till it smarts ; he knowes it is no time of yeare , to be too vehement against all sorts of sinnes , for offending those that he would more willingly please . where shall we finde another nathan , that dares tell his master to his face , thou art the man ? 2. sam. 12. thou art the man that hast sinned in pride , thou art the man that hast sinned in drunkennesse , in adultery , in blasphemy ; thou art the man that hast racked vp thy rents that hast oppressed thy tenants , that hast wronged thy poore neighbours : no , parson please-time knoweth well ynough , this is not the ready way to get a fat benefice . to speake now in generall , and to speake according to a truth , the pulpits in england , and in ireland both , were neuer better supplied , with a more reuerent , and a more learned ministry then at this present , for their sakes therfore that be good , i will speake no more of those few that be ill . i shall not neede to speake of philosophy ; the study of wisedome is now out of season , and the natural part of philosophy , but sheweth vs what we haue , and the morall , how to vse rightly what is our own , a burthē too heauy for euery mans head to carry : i will leaue it , and speake a little of souldiours , or at the least of such as in these daies , would faine be taken for souldiers , and do march some of them vnder the title of captaines , that neuer spread ensigne of their owne before an enemy , nor neuer saw enemy march in the field : yet he will relate of warres , of skirmishes and incounters , as brefly , as if he had bin an eye-witnes , vvhen he hath but pilferd them from report , or ( perhaps ) stolnethem from some new printed ballade : and he that hath but seene the siege of troy , pictured forth in a painted cloath , will speake of sallies , of assaults , of incounters , of retraites , of palizados , of rauelins , of parapites , all his speeches shall be nothing else but powder and shot . he will spend a whole after noone , in relating his own valours , and this he doth to preuent quarrels , because he loues not euery day to fight ; he beares downe strangers with the story of his own actions , & wil attribute the honour of a victory to his own valour : now he that is but weake of faith , & wil not beleue these wōders , must be terrified with the stab . it is as good a warrant for him that would swagger , sweare , and be euery day drunke , to be called a captaine , as for him that would become a rebell both to god and his prince , to be called a catholique . honour was wont to be the adamant to draw the souldiers sword , but now the instigation of a harlot , or a pot of strong ale. his vertue is this , if it be but for a matter of a thousand pounds , a souldiers word is as good as his band . i might now speake of knights , that in former ages were had in honourable reputation , and the order so remaineth honourable still , where the dignitie is bestowed vpon worthy persons ; but as amongst captaines and souldiers , there be a number that doth march vnder those titles , that are but counterfeits , so amongst knights , what a number are crept into the order , that doth but be-durty the dignity , and are become a scandall to that honourable order ? knight-hood was wont to be the reward of vertue , but now a common prey to the betraiers of vertue , & we shall sooner meet sir dinadine , or sir dagonet , at another mans table , thē with sir tristrum de lionis , or sir lancelot de lake in the field . knights in former ages haue beene assistant vnto princes , and were the staies of the common-wealth ; but now , they liue by begging from the prince , and are a burthen to the common-wealth . may we yet speake a little of the courtier , i will speake but softly ; the first principles of a courtier ( i speake but of the meaner sort ) he must learne to creepe to crouch , to flatter , and to climbe vp to immerited praise , by the steps of others disgrace : and the ambitious sort , must not be without base mindes to attend them that will stoope to any villany for preferment . a right courtier , is high in his owne imagination , and his best complements , are pride , and ignorance ; he is more curious in his wordes , then constant in his promises : the matter that he most admireth , is the beauty of his mistris , his greatest circumspection is about his apparrel , how he may pinke it , how he cut it , stitch it , and lace it : he is still inquisitiue after newes , and in all his discourses , he dares speake more then himselfe vnderstands . he spends his greatest time , in the contemplation of suits , and he will not open his lips to salute any man , that is not clad in silke , and his apparrell made in the new fashion . now i cannot tell what i should call the study of law , whether i should tearm it to be a profession , a science , or an art : a trade i cannot call it , yet there be some that do thinke it to be a craft , because a gentleman demanding of a lawyers seruant , what crafts-man his maister was ? answered , syr , my master is a crafty lawyer . but i thinke it may rather be called an occupation , for they haue those amongst them , that they do call apprentises at law , who by that time they haue serued out their yeres , and that they are become iourney men , they do trouble the whole common-wealth , with their practise , as they make it an vngracious practise that doth breed such disturbance . there be three sorts of men , that they say may tell a lye by authority , and those are , an olde man , a trauailer , and a poet ; but a lawyer hath both authority and law to tell any lye , that his clyent will informe . the office of the law is to command things that be honest and vertuous , & againe , to countermand what is dishonest and vicious , and next after the gospell the law is the greatest comfort that god hath giuen to the sonnes of men ; it remedieth iniuries , and giueth to euery man what is his : but by the corruption of some lawyers the lawes are made traps , and traines , whereby both rich and poore are caught and spoyled ; for they haue such a number of subtill subtillties , that they do yet make more subtill by their subtill handling , that they be able to set the lawes themselues togither by the eares , and vtterly to ouerthrow one law with another . the lawyer is more hated for his inconstancy , then loued for his learning , when he will take mony to defend a matter , that in his owne conscience he knowes to be vniust . their tongues were wont to be tied to tenne shillings , but they haue raised their market , and they thinke foure for one , now to be too litle ; yet they do shew thēselues to be of a charitable disposition , they do loue their enemies ; they do loue , and with an entire affection , they do heartily imbrace the angels , that with faire showes sometimes shining and glistering in their faces , do send a number of them to the deuill . now to wind vp all , and for a last farewell , i could find in my heart , to praise poetry , and to commend a great number of writers , which i do better know by the excellency of their lines , then by their persons ; but their own works are a better cōmendation , then i am able to apply : but there are a nūber in these daies , that make semblance , to be retaining to the muses , that do pester the stationers stalles , with such vnprofitable stuffe , that learning might seeme to be the mistres of vngodlinesse , when our especiall endeuours consisteth but in the abuse of knowledge : and poetry that hath beene accustomed ( vnder feined fictions ) to discouer vice , is now become the art of flattery . be there not printed lines , or to speake more truly , may be called printed lyes ; for take away but so much of the matter as they haue inforced but to lying and to flattering , and there would nothing be left remaining that were worth the reading . how many writers be there , that do labour with the mountaines , to bring forth myce , that do seeke to draw the lyons skin vpon aesops asse , and hercules shoe vpon a childes foote ? some againe conuerts all their reason into rime ; and some will write a whole volume , neither in rime nor reason : & let their lines be neuer so vaine and friuolous , yet they must be fronted with the name of excellent . but they doe well to sute the world with bookes according to the time ; for rude limping lines , are best befitting a lame halting age . writers are not so vaine , but readers ( for the most part ) are three times more foolish , and a vaine glorious tytle , doth better fit their appetites then a good booke : the stationer dares hardly aduenture to print a good booke , if it tend to the reprehending of vice or vanitie . idle toyes tending to sensualitie , or other like lycencious follie , are set foorth vpon their stalles , in bright and glistering couers , when those bookes that are eyther drawing to vertue or godlinesse , are throwne into dustie corners . socrates admonisheth , that if any man be carefull of his honor , let him foresee that he hath not a poet to his enemy , because they haue not so great a grace in pray sing , as in ill speaking : but yet to blaze the praises of my friend , i would wish a learned poets pen , that with a drop of inke can exalt him whom they loue , and leaue him famed to posterity . but this trauell of wit , is the most thriftlesse and vnprofitable exercise that any man can indeuour : for where doth it finde recompence , or who is he that doth reward it ? the swaine that followeth his handy worke , is paid at night for his handy labour : the cobler that sits and cloutes a shoe , receiues his peny for his patch : but he that digs the myne of wit , and giues the world new eyes to see into conceits beyond the common sence , what gaineth he , or what is his reward ? perhaps good words . a poore satisfaction : yet he that gets good words from all , must haue a strange subiect and a pleasing pen. but stay my braynesick thoughts , whither will you gallop , you haue ridden a large circuit , and i feare me quite out of the way , or at the least to little purpose . you haue inueighed against sin , and that is all one to rolle sisiphus stone , or to fill daneas tubs . we must not taxe the times abuses ; we may make a show to expell vice , and to shut it out at the brode gate , but we may priuily take it in againe at the wicket : wee may desire to come to christ , but it must bee with nicodemus ; it must bee in the night when no bodie may see vs. we may dance with christ in the one hand , and the world in an other ; and so wee inroule our selues in his muster booke , we may march in sathans campe , and fight vnder the diuels banner . it is ynough to cry lord , lord , but not to doe any thing that is commanded by the lord : if we thinke of god , wee thinke him to be a good man easie to be pleased , and vve knovv hovv to put him off vvith faire vvords , and dumbe shovves , till our prime of pleasure be past : it is time ynough to repēt vs of our sins when we be vvel spent in yeres ready for the graue : but if vve vvill haue our wils in sinne , god will haue his will in punishment , and our short pleasures being ended , euen then begins our euerlasting paines : the pleasures and delights of the world , as they are soone loued , so they are as quickly ended , but they are long , yea very long lamented . my conclusion is , it is lesse misery when we die to giue vp the ghost , then vvhilst vve liue , to giue vp the holie ghost . i leaue vvhat i haue vvritten , to thy conscience , and leauing againe thy conscience to god , i rest . finis . epilogvs ▪ i haue here cast into a small volume , a large discourse of sin and wickednes , the which i haue endeauoured rather by a diligent obseruation of the time , then by any other shaddow of complement . i haue composed a glasse wherein to behold the inconstant follies of this giddy headed age ; a taske that i know , wil rather produce hatred , then win loue : the vicious sort doth so hugge their sinnes , and doth so bestroke and flatter their owne abhominations , that he that should but detect there vice and villany , he could not be accounted to be caesars friend , they cry out , crucifige , crucifige ▪ away with him , and deliuer vnto vs baxabas . let vs haue him that can sing lullaby to folly , that can smooth vp sinne and wincke at any maner of wickednesse . he that is too busie with his ve vobis , he must be brought coram nobis , he must haue his tongue charmed , & he must be taught to know to whom he speaks , and how he dares presume to disturb their quietnes that are so addicted to follow their pleasure and delight , that they cannot indure to heare neither of god nor the diuell , neither of heauen nor of hell , nor of any other motion , that should either mooue them to repentance , or reprehend there sinnes . whē lot went about to disswade the sodomites from their abhominations , were they not angry with him , did they not say vnto him : what hast thou to doe , to take vpon thee , to correct and iudge vs ? he that should now speake against the pride of the time , where should he be able to shew his face , but that both men and women , would be ready to worrow him ? whoredome and adultery , hath so many friends to support them , so many fauourites to vphold them , so many of all sorts , both old and yong , rich and poore : that doth delight & follow the game , that he that should but open his lips to reprehend it , the whole rablement of whoremasters , harlots , bawdes , panders , and such vicious liuers , they would say he were a criticke , a satirist , a precisian , a puritane , or a counterfeit hipocrite , but they would not mend their liues . drunkennesse againe is growne into that generalitie that he is not accounted to be an honest man that will not bee drunken for good fellowship , but amongst drunkards that be of diuerse kindes , i hold those to bee more dangerous ill , that are drunken with vanitie , then those other that are drunken with wine ; for the one , two houres sleepe may restore him againe to the vse of his senses : but the other , many houres , daies , monethes nor yeares may suffice to make him to looke into his owne folly . amongst these i commend me to the drunken tobacconists , that doth besot themselues in their owne conceits , attributing that soueraignty to a stinking indian weede , that if they were not enemies to their owne discretions , daily experience would teach them that their excessiue sucking at their tobacco pipe , is but a flat mockery ; and would make that fauorite , that doth thinke himselfe most wise to defend it , to confesse his owne ignorance : neither can there be a stronger argument to proue it meere vanitie indeed , then to see it so much imbraced by so many vaine men , that doth so much dote and are so farre in loue with it , that some of them are more angry with him that doth but speak against their tobacco , then they would be with him that should take exceptions at the shalownesse of their wit. but hee that weares a siluer or a golden mine on his backe , there is no question to be made , neither of his wit nor of his honesty : he may praise or dispraise , how or what he list , he is priuiledged , and he hath a parcell of scripture to avow in his owne behalfe , dixit insipiens , psal . 14. by this it may appeare , sinne is growne to that statelines of pride , that shee will not be controld . if we speake against sinne , we must doe it lispingly , wee must not speake it out too bitterly : but the follies of this age must bee seasoned with sugar , they must be made sweete ; but those sinnes that do seeme sweete in the committing , will be found as bitter , when without repentance they come to be accounted for . lo●ke vpon the actions of this age , consider of the times abuses , & whose eyes are so bleared with vice , that doth not behold how sinne and sensualitie did neuer so much abound ? he is blinde that seeth not this , and too malitious that will not acknowledge it . the sinnes of this age are become like old festered soores , that are not to bee cured but with biting corosiues ; we can not therefore too bitterly reprehend them . we are become like naturall beasts that do bring all things to triall but by the senses ; but if we could carry them to the inquisition of the soule , we should finde it a fearefull iudgement of god , for men to be giuen vp so much to their owne lusts , to haue no sense nor feeling of their sinne : he that hath this hardnesse of heart , that he neither feeleth his owne sinne , nor will not be told of it by another , he is no more of the race of adam , who was ashamed of himselfe , but of pharao , who hardened his owne heart , and whose heart god did harden . if the head doth but a little ake , our vrins must knocke at the phisitions doore , and alas how inquisitiue we be about the state of our bodies ? but let our consciences cry out and exclaime how they list , our sickly famished soules are neuer respected , we are so farre in loue with our sinnes , that wee care not for the losing of our soules . are these the works that faith affordeth , is this the life that god requireth ? we goe to church ( indeed ) and we say , to seeke the lord ▪ but we do not seeke him as if we ment to finde him , wee seeke him not with humble and penitent heart , but with proud and presumptuous spirits , decking and pranking vp our selues with those gawdy and vngodly attires as are more liker to poison our praiers then to profit our soules , better fitting indeed for a brothell house , then for the house of god. we goe to church , rather to show our pompe and our pride , then with any zealous intent , to serue our god as we should do ▪ we goe to the church , as iudas went to the supper of the lord , we returne home in a worse case then when we first went thither . with what faces can we make show to professe the gospel ▪ when we be so giuen vp to that monstrous pride , that we rather desire to follow our owne voluptuous pleasures , then to serue god ? the world doth see it , our consciences doth witnesse it , neither can we denie it . they will make show by their speeches , as if they could not indure that god should be dishonoured : but looke vpon their actions , their pride , their vanity , their drunkennesse , their excesse ; and they doe shew them plainly what they are : and he that should iudge thē by the rules of holy scriptures , might boldly pronounce them to be farre from euerlasting life : our sauiour christ hath confidently avowed : the vnrighteous shall not inherit the kingdome of heauen : and the apostle , 1. cor. 6. be not deceiued , neither fornicator , neither adulterer , nor drunkard , nor idolater , shall not inherit the kingdome of god. let them flatter themselues therefore how they list , they are in a dangerous plight , & we cannot be too plaine to put them from that vaine hope that thus deludeth them , that will euery day pollute themselues with these abhominations , & yet will trust or hope for saluation , they thinke it time soone ynough to repent , when their climacterical yeare is past , & then if they haue but time to say , lord haue mercy vpon vs , and for their executors to giue penny dole when they bee dead , it wil serue for a quietus est , for all their sins forepassed : they may perhaps sometime dreame of a dying time , and it is but a dreame , for being not throughly resolued , that this time draweth euery day neerer then other , they neuer prepare themselues against the time , but are many times taken suddenly in the fulnesse of their filthinesse , and in the very prime , when they be acting of the abhominations . i haue little hope therefore to reforme those by my writing , whom the thundring voyce of gods word pronounced euery day by the preacher , can neither conforme , nor any thing at all terrifye : i know i shall rather procure hatred , for speaking truth , then win loue for wishing well : but i little feare the adulterat censure of a senceles multitude ; the wicked are like an ocean , that cannot rest from raging : and a madnesse for him that will run amongst thornes , and thinke scorne to be prickt ; let them then rage & raile as they list , he that is throughly settled and composed in himselfe , moues in so high an orbe , and at so far a distant from the malicious and ill disposed , that their vnsauoury belchings can neuer annoy him . it sufficeth me that i maske in the true simplicities , of a loyall honesty , my conscience bearing me witnes , i haue spoken those truths , that i am in nothing more agrieued , then in that they are too true . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a10711-e820 what one applies to vice , another may conuert to vertue . caligula vsed to looke in a glasse the nicitie of yong men in this age . looking glasses flattering . some make defects where none are . the nature of this glasse . the loftinesse of sinnes . men are vnwilling to heare their faults . no speaking against sinnes augustus thought it necessary for men to finde fault . pasquils piller why prohibibited . sin growne malipert . the fearefull condition of the time . angry fault sinders . vvhat they be that are angry , a dangerous time . the holy workes of papists . the diuell much bound to the pope . vice deriding vice . a dangerous sickenesse . vvorke for the diuell . pitifull spectacles . religious in show . religion but made a staale . vve must exhort one another . the securitie of the time . the effects of sinnes . the sinnes of all nations brought into england . the wantonnesse of sinne in this age . sinne a knowne strumpet become a lady . the lady new-fashions a strumpet , a bawde , and a vvitch sinne setteth a worke all sorts of tradesmen . a godly admonition to ladies and gentlewomen . vvomen more excellent by nature then men . i speake this but to those women that be wise & doe feare god ▪ more then would serue ●o ▪ good women that feared god. vvandring eyes . i hope al this will offend no women that are good . how women should vse their glasses . monstrous fashions euery day hatched vp . the genealogy of sinne . couetousnes the parent of many sinnes . the varieties of iniquities . sinne thinkes scorne to be reprooued . three shrewd witnesses . the glory pride . the effects of pride . a happie age . strange inuented vanities . the diuels ingeny . credible and true though strange to be beleeued . vve marre that fashion that god hath made to follow our owne . a most ridiculous folly . a precept from god neglected . the little difference that is vsed between men and women in their apparell . the new found out folly of taking tobacco . experience much better then master doctors opinion . tobacco vsed but to drawe dowue drinke . the loathsomnesse of tobacco . the tobacconist and the drunkard fit companions . tobacco sophisticated . a pitious expence . the inormities that be drawne in by tobacco . of couetousnesse . bribery in great estimation . briberie disguised . many sinnes boulstered out by briberie . lawes ordained but to bring in bribes ▪ vsury . vvhat vsurie is . vvhether all these be vsurers or nay ▪ if no vsurers , then arrant theeues . a question demanded . i speake now of dubline . the extortion of bakers and brewers , pitious to be suffered . vsury reproued , but not truely defined vsury defined of murther . of murther as it is determined by christ . vvho be murtherers by gods law cowardly murtherers . cruell murtherers charmes to draw on drunkennesse . whoredome hath many friends and fauourites . a true description of a harlot . nothing more true ▪ a reward fit for whoremongers . these old antiquities are little set by . harlots of two sorts , the first a staine to good women . the second a limme of the diuell . the custome o● good women pitiously neglected . the practise of harlots to slander good women . many good women defamed by conuersing with harlots . harlots better countenanced then those women that be good . a wittall the very shame of manhood . the prouerb old , though something vnmannerly . good women more pretious then siluer or gold . vvith a reuerent regard i do thus aduise them . a hard matter to iudge of women by their outward show . precious things ordained by god to be vsed to his glory . a womans garment no argument of incontinency . vvhat is fit for good women to obserue . gawdy attires by whom first deuised . vvhy taken vp by good women . things tollerable . things not to be excused . a matter of nothing . a matter intolerable . marks whereby to know a good woman from a bad . the testimony of the prophet esay . the testimony of salomon . the properties of a good woman . the properties of a harlot . the whore of babylon . of spirituall fornication . the doctrine of the pope . the god of the papists . the blindnes of papists . a papist and a tailer of some affinity . things vnpossible . a wise part . the double dealing of papists . the popes power . a happy thing for richmen the popes charitie . angry saints . no mercy but in the pope . the madde conceits of papists . the popes votaries . the grounds of popery . the hatred of papists , the true picture of a papist . the flatterer a notable flattering knaue . flattery and tobbaco two violent purgers . a dangerous parasite . iestmonger vnciuil iestes stolne iests . odible iestes . no iest without a foole and a flateter . the temporiser . the formalist . the fantasticke . the ninihammer . his obseruation . his ambition . his dexteritie . his skill in astronomy . special notes whereby to know him . the newes-monger . good newes for tyrones wel-willers in ireland . papists are very credulous . the state ape . a wonderfull prescience . the malecontent . swaggerers and quarrellers ▪ precedence ▪ the amorist . the folly of amorists . the wisedome of women in this age . a new way to wooe . the next way to winne . she cannot want a husband that doth not want a portion . the vanity of many yong women ▪ the worthinesse of the women of laconia . an excellent issue . this is allwaies to be respected . a precious sight . good women plenfull to be found . vvomen made worse by the ill example of men vvise women and foolish men an vnfit match . a pitifull saying . it is men only that seeketh the defamation of women . dangerous for women to conuerse with vitious men . a foule fault to be poore and honest . the honesty of richmen . honesty is d●●d many yeares since . knaucry in neuer better health then at this present . vertue growne poore . a cold recompence . conscience exilde . conscience found onely amongst souldiers . ill gotten goods very kinde to their master . riches but a tickle commoditie . who is to be accounted rich . an excellent touch-stone . prosperitie . aduersitie ▪ of friends and friendship . strange to be found . a foolish commendation . of diuinitie . the worthinesse of the diuine . our english clergy what they are . a false apostle ▪ parson please time ▪ an other nathan hard to be found . of philosophy . of counterfelt souldiors their brauadoes . the title of a captaine . a good priuiledge for a drunkard . a souldiers vertue . of knights . the one a carpet knight the other king arthurs foole . of a courtier . of lawyers . iourney men lawyers . the effect of the law. the subtillty of lawyers . the charitable disposition of lawyers . bastard poets flattering and lying . the trauell of wit , but slightly regarded . the conclusion . england described: or the several counties & shires thereof briefly handled. some things also premised, to set forth the glory of this nation. / by edward leigh esquire, mr of arts of magdalen-hall in oxford. leigh, edward, 1602-1671. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a88898 of text r202677 in the english short title catalog (thomason e1792_2). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 302 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 129 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a88898 wing l994 thomason e1792_2 estc r202677 99862881 99862881 115060 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a88898) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115060) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 224:e1792[2]) england described: or the several counties & shires thereof briefly handled. some things also premised, to set forth the glory of this nation. / by edward leigh esquire, mr of arts of magdalen-hall in oxford. leigh, edward, 1602-1671. [16], 234, [6] p. printed by a.m. for henry marsh at the signe of the princes-arms in chancery-lane, near fleetstreet, london, : 1659. with three final advertisement leaves. annotation on thomason copy: "may.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng names, geographical -england -early works to 1800. england -description and travel -1601-1700. a88898 r202677 (thomason e1792_2). civilwar no england described: or the several counties & shires thereof briefly handled.: some things also premised, to set forth the glory of this nat leigh, edward 1659 47003 25 10 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-04 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion england described : or the several counties & shires thereof briefly handled . some things also premised , to set forth the glory of this nation . by edward leigh esquire , mr of arts of magdalen-hall in oxford . london , printed by a. m. for henry marsh at the signe of the princes-arms in chancery-lane , near fleetstreet , 1659. to the right worshipfull , and his honoured friend sr robert pye . sir , it is blamed in our englishmen , that they are apt too much to admire foreigne countreys and commodities ; and exotick fashions also , because they are either ignorant of , or do not sufficiently prize the excellencies of their own native soil ; and herein the old proverb of the english is verified , they never know when they are well . vve have little cause ( i thinke ) to envy any other countrey , if we rightly understand our own happy condition . i have in my prolegomena written encomiastically of this nation ; and in the book have spoken snccinctly of each county . were the subject well handled , i suppose it would be a pleasing argument to you who have seen a great part of england . however you will ( i hope ) excuse my boldnesse in prefixing your name to this worke , since i was willing to testifie herein , how much i am beholding to you for your many great civilities and courtesies to me and mine . i have heard you often say , though you had a great office many yeers , and was executor also to three eminent persons of the nobility , yet you scarce ever had any complaint against you for miscarriages in your place , or a suit at law with any ( one excepted ) in your whole life . these , with a plentifull estate , and a healthfull constitution of body are mercies , and lay a stronger obligation upon you , to be carefull to please and honour that god , who hath been so propitious to you . your exciting of others , and your own munificence also to so good a vvork , as to the edifying of a specious chappel , for the solemn worship of god , and setling also a competent maintenance for a minister , is laudable . your prudent avoiding suretiship ( though you were solicited by two royal persons to be bound for them ) is consonant to scripture-rules . but ( sir ) in your declining age , it will be your wisdome now , and comfort hereafter , to lay up your treasures in heaven , to mortifie all inordinate affections , and to secure your interest in christ . nusquam tuta foelicitas ubi periclitatur aeternitas . a man is never safe , till his everlasting condition be well provided for . i shall not enlarge herein , but subscribe my self , sir , your obliged and thankfull friend and servant edward leigh . to the candid reader . reader , i did intend the publishing of this first book of the kingdome , or several counties of england , together with another of the kings of england . but the bookseller desired to put forth this first alone . i have made much use of camden , and if i could have added to his chorography , some new and memorable things of each county , which he had not observed , i should have thought it might have been usefull for a native englishman and foraigner . perhaps i have not been able to make additions to him in every county ; but i hope i have inserted some special things in the whole over and above what he ( travelling over most part of the land for that purpose ) hath published . i have perused andre du chesne his histoire generale de angleterre d'escosse , & d' irlande , councellor and geographer to the king of france ; and also draytons polyolbion , with m. seldens illustrations . those that have written of any counties or cities of england , as burton of leicestershire , dugdale of warwickshire , king of cheshire , nordens speculum britanniae , his brief description of middlesex and harfordshire , lambert and another of kent ; crews surveigh of cornwall ; stows description of london ; somners of canterbury , and nevils of norwich ; we having onely as yet the description of those three cities . i made use also of lelands itinerary , a manuscript written to henry the eighth , and his comment in cygneam cantionem ; m. burtons notes on antoninus his itinerary . i have confined my self to england , not medling with wales , ireland or scotland . i have in the prolegomena related some things which may make the nation illustrious , and also acquaint strangers with the politia or government thereof . i have lately received from m. du-gard a learned minister in warwickshire , and rector of barford , a memorable observation concerning the family of the fairfaxes there , the like whereto is scarce to be found in any sacred or prophane writer , which coming too late to insert in warwickshire , i thought good to mention here . the matchlesse family of the fairfaxes in barford , two miles from warwick , wherein there are four generations , and three of them double , viz. 1. samuel fairfax , a child of almost twelve years of age . 2. john and elizabeth : his father and mother . 3. john and eleonor : his grand-father and grandmother . 4. richard and alice : his great grandfather and great grandmother . not one of these three pairs hath been twice married : and every pair of them is an honour to marriage . they all for divers yeares most lovingly dwelt together in one house , and ate together at one table . at last they are divided in habitations , but not in affections . the youngest pair with their children live at wibtaft , in the furthest part of the county , nigh unto high-crosse : the other two pair in barford . the great grandfather is above fourscore yeares of age ; a very proper and lusty man ; an honest and loving neighbour ; and one that hath born the office of high-constable . the most remarkable of these particulars have been put into this latine epigramme by the present rector of barford . mirabilis fairfaxiorum familia , quae est barfordiae , secundo lapide à polemopoli , sive warwico . quartus in aetheream fairfaxius editur * auram , patris , avi , proavi , gaudia magna sui . hos tegit una domus cum terna uxore maritos , unáque alit lautis mensa benigna cibis . non magis unanimes nôrunt haec secula mentes , est bis corporibus mens velut una tribus . tótque ex conjugibus bis vincla jugalia nemo nexuit : & nemo nexa soluta cupit . more columbarum laetatur conjuge conjux . deseruit rugas nec juvenilis amor . hisce tribus paribus barfordia jure superbit . nampar his paribus quis locus alter habet ? tho. dugard . art. mag. rector barf . the same in english . fairfax the fourth is born * , a gallant boy : fathers , grandfathers , great grand-fathers great joy . under one roof these dwell with their three wives , and at one table eat what heaven gives . our times a sweeter harmony have not known . they are six persons , yet their hearts but one . and of these six , as none hath hitherto known marriage twice , so none desires to do . mate is to mate what dearest dove to dove . even grandest wrinkles are top-full of love . in these three pairs barford may justly glory . what other place can parallel this story ? th. dugard . some parts of this nation subsist upon mines and cole ; others upon manefacture : some upon corn ; others upon the profits of cattle : london and the sea-ports upon exportation and importation . m. wrens monarchy asserted , chap. 8. wileboord an englishman was the first bishop of utrect , he is called the apostle of zeland , for having there preacht and planted the christian faith , as also in the provinces next adjoyning . verstegans etymologies of our saxon proper names . willebrodus britannus fuit , frisiosque primus christianae religionis initiis imbuit . bertius in tab. geog. contract . i shall detain thee no longer , but subscribe my self thy hearty well-willer edward leigh . prolegomena . europe the least of the four parts of the world ( yet the most populous and eminent for arts and armes ) is divided into several nations and countreys , albion or great-britain , spain , france , germany , rhetia , vindelicia , italy , sardinia , sicily , sarmatia , dacia , maesia and greece . britain or britanny , which also is albion , the most famous island , without comparison , of the whole world . it is seated as well for air as soil , in a right fruitfull , and most milde place . the air so kinde and temperate , that not only the summers be not excessive hot , by reason of continual gentle windes that abate their heat ( which as they refresh the fruits of the earth , so they yeeld a most wholsom and pleasing contentment both to man and beast : ) but the winters also are passing milde : for therein falling often with still showers ( to say nothing of the air it self , somewhat thick and grosse ) dissolveth the rigour of the cold so ; and withall the sea which compasseth it , with moderate warmth , doth comfort the land in such wise , as that the cold with us is much more remisse than in some parts of france and italy . it is now called england , in latine anglia , in french angle-terre . of the several etymologies of which word , see histoire d' angle-terre par du chesne , l. 6. p. 195. and munsters universal gosmography , l. 2. britanniam lasciviae culparier justè negas ? tamen fateri cogeris quòd insula est , non continens . hugenii epig. l. 6. great britain ( consisting of england and scotland ) contains one thousand eight hundred thirty six miles in compasse . this island ( as camden , twine , verstegan imagine ) was broken off from the continent of france . see twine , de rebus britannicis . the bodies of the inhabitants are of an excellent constitution , their demeanour right courteous , their natures gentle , and their courage most hardy and valiant , whose manhood by exploits atchieved both at home and abroad , is famously renowned thorow the whole world . king edward the third , and his sonne did bear their victorious arms thoroughout all france . king henry the sixth was crowned king of france at paris . our famous kings henry the fifth , edw. 3. and k. henry the eight , were the most worthiest warriers that our nation ever had . sir roger williams his brief discourse of warre , pag. 37. see pag. 8 , 9. & 58. phil. de commines hist. l. 6. c. 2 , 3. sir francis , and sir horatio vere , sir thomas morgan , sir john norris , by their singular knowledge in military affairs , and exploits most valiantly and fortunately atchieved in the low-countreys , have added exceeding much honour and glory to themselves . see dr. dillinghams veres commentaries . sir roger williams also was a famous commander . john lord talbot earl of shrewsbury marched four and twenty years together with victorious arms over a great part of france . camden cals him englands achilles . see froissarts chron. c. 130. of the victory of the english at the great battel of cressy . the duke of bedford was regent of france , and being slain in a battel on land before veronil , was buried in roan , and together with him all the english mens good fortune in france . whose monument , when charles the eighth king of france came to see , and a nobleman standing by , advised him to rase it : nay , answered he , let him rest in peace now being dead , of whom in warre , whiles he lived all france had dread . marshal biron said , he liked not the english march ( being beaten by the drumme ) it was so slow : sir roger williams answer'd him , that yet it had gone through all france . see the discourse of the national excellencies of england , part 1. chap. 1. of the warres of the britains , and their courage . chap. 3. of the danish invasion . chap. 4. of the norman conquest . chap. 5. of warres with spain . chap. 6. of warres with france . chap. 7. of warres with the seventeen provinces . chap. 8 , 9. of warres with scotland . part 2. chap. 2. of the english courage . our wooden walls , the ships , are a great safety to this nation . the english navy is the strongest in the world . what service did our ships do us in 88 ? sir francis drake , and after him thomas candish esquire , within the space of three yeers and three moneths , travelled about the globe of the whole earth . this isle hath prescribed in all ages for the dominion * of the seas that incompasse it . vide seldeni mare clausum . lib. 2. c. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 30 , 31 , 32. sir richard grenvile in a ship of queen elizabeths , fought against a great navy of spaniards . this single vessel was fought with in turns by fifteen other great ships , whereof the great st. philip of 1500 tuns , prince of the twelve sea-apostles was one : it sunk two of their best ships , and killed a thousand men . it was sunk at last , having first to the full answered its name . without vanity our nation may assume to it self the praise , considering the narrow limits of the island , to have produced as many scholars , admirable in all degrees of knowledge , as any countrey on this side the alpes . beda , bradwardine , scotus , wicliffe , ockam , baconthorp , joannes de sacro bosco , cuthbert tunstall , pool , colet , lilie , linacer , pacaeus , fisher , more , stapleton , leland , camden , juel , whitaker , rainolds . sir philip sidney , a man of excellent parts , learned and valiant . our english mens pronunciation of the latine tongue is condemned much by outlandishmen . a herald brought a letter of defiance from the king of england in very good language , and so excellently well penned , that i am perswaded it was never of english mans doing . phil. de comin . in his history , lib. 4. ch. 5. they write good latine , though car hath written an oration , de scriptorum britannicorum paucitate . in edward the thirds time there was a letter directed to the pope in justification of making it treason , to bring in papal provisions , which was so excellently penn'd , as did not only move admiration , but astonishment . cito post rex direxit papae illam famosam epistolam pro libertate ecclesiae contuenda , quam praesentibus duximus inserendam . walsing. hist. angl. edw. 3. p. 161. there are sundry opinions , whence this word britain had the original derivation . camden dislikes that from brutus . some say , it is most probably derived from brit , which in the ancient british signifies painted , and the word tain , signifying a nation ; the britains used to discolour and paint their bodies , that they might seem more terrible in the eyes of their enemies . camden in his britannia , p. 26 , 27. seems rather to incline to this etymology . brith signifieth blew-coloured , sc. with woad , hence britons . the greeks gave to this isle the name albion for difference sake . seeing they have in fabulous wise named italy hesperia of hesperus the sonne of atlas ; france gallatia of a sonne of polyphemus : i cannot otherwise believe , but in the same vein also of fabling , they called this island albion , of albion neptunes sonne : which thing perottus and lilius giraldus have put down in writing . unlesse a man would derive it rather of {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , which as festus witnesseth , in greek signifieth white , whence the alpes also have their appellation : for it is environed with white rocks . england is called albion ab albis rupibus , whereby it is specially conspicuous : so was an isle in the indian-sea called leucas white . seld. on drayt. polyolb . song first . this etymology is disliked by lhoyd , but defended by sir john price , in his defence of the british history . england bears a great sway in the affairs of europe . speed in his chronicle saith , the great affairs of europe mainly depended upon the directions of queen elizabeth , who sitting at the helm of the ship , arbitrated and guided their estates both in peace and warre . see more there to this purpose in his 9th book , chap. 24. p. 880. the english have been very helpfull to the netherlands in their warres , and atchievers of the greatest exploits amongst them . heinsius in his oration made after the taking of the busse saith , anglorum sanguine stat haec respublica , this commonwealth stands by the bloud of the english . the first of all provinces this island of britain , by common consent , received the christian faith . the glorious gospel of jesus christ ( saith gildas albanius , surnamed the wise , the most ancient of our british historians ) which first appeared to the world in the later time of tiberius caesar , did even then spread his bright beams upon this frozen island of britain . and it is generally received for a truth , that joseph of arimathea laid the foundation of our faith at glastenbury . he that hath written of honour military and civil , lib. 4. cap. 19. saith , the chief place of honour and precedency in europe appertaineth to the kings of england . and one of the reasons he gives is , because the king and people of england received the gospel and christian faith before france or spain . there have been more kings and princes of the bloud royal , confessors and martyrs in england , than in any one province in europe . fasciculus temporis . see gainsfords glory of england , chap. 21. & 27. concerning our famous kings here , and of famous kings and princes that came hither . claudia rufina of the british nation is celebrated by the apostle paul , and also by martial . it is apparent that this island had the first christian king in the world , and clearly in europe . if priority of time swayed it , and not custome ( derived from a communicable attribute given by the popes ) that name of most christian should better fit our sovereigns than the french . vide polyd. verg. angl. hist. l. 2. p. 41. we had also the first christian emperour constantine . the first king that ever renounced the popes supremacy was king henry the eighth . the first king that ever wrote against the pope , to prove him to be the antichrist , was king james . england hath been an asylum for the distressed protestants of other countreys . the armes of england are three lions passant gold in a field gewls . the lion signifies fortitude and generosity . three flour-delices were since that time annexed thereto by edward the third , by reason of his claime to the crown of france . the state is monarchical . a kingdom of a perfect and happy composition , wherein the king hath his full prerogative , the nobles all due respects , and the people , amongst other blessings , perfect in this , that they are masters of their own purposes , and have a strong hand in the making of their own laws . of all seniories in the world that i know , the realme of england is the countrey where the commonwealth is best governed , the people least oppressed , and the fewest buildings and houses destroyed in civil warre , and the lot of misfortune falleth upon them that be authours of the warre . phil. de commin . hist. l. 5. c. 18. england is not subject to imperial and romane lawes , as other kingdoms are , but retaineth her ancient laws . it is governed by the municipal or common law , a law proper to the nation . the commonalty of england is the best commonalty in the world , and the best infantry , or foot-souldiers , in whom the principal strength of an army consists . it was once the saying , that the husbandry and yeomandry of england , were the freest men in the world . the merchant of england surpasseth all other nations . see gainsfords glory of england , ch. 26. england aboundeth with all sorts of cattel , except asses , mules , camels and elephants . no countrey yeeldeth such plenty of beeves and sheep . a countrey alwayes most temperate . the air is thick , and so it is much subject to winds , clouds and rain : and therefore in regard of the thicknesse of the air , it is neither opprest with too much heat , or too much cold . it is somewhat cloudy . gundamore being here , bid the spanish post , when he came to spain commend him to the sunne , for he had not seen him a great while , and in spain he should be sure to find him . the ocean which beateth upon the coast of this island aboundeth with all manner of fish . there are no where in all the world , either more dainty oisters , or greater store . the soil is fruitfull in mines of lead , iron , tin and other minerals ; especially it abounds in coal , a necessary and rich commodity . it is replenished also with all sorts of grain , with medows and pastures , in which innumerable flocks of cattel feed . cardan exhorted edward the sixth , to plant olives , and was fully perswaded they would prosper in this island . many places in glocestershire , and elsewhere in england , are called vineyards , seeing it hath afforded wine ; and surely it may seem to proceed rather from the inhabitants idlenesse , than any distemperature and indisposition of the aire , that it yeeldeth none at this day . camd. brit. in glocestershire . in hantshire he saith , we had vines in britain , since probus the emperours time , rather for shade than fruit . the people are tall of stature , well-favoured , and fair countenanced , for the most part gray-eyed . the women most fair and beautifull , do go very decently and comely attired . we feed mostwhat on flesh . the drink which we use , and do make of malt , is in deed very good , wholsome and pleasant . there are more parks , forests , chases in england , than are found in all christendom beside . at this day there are 9285. parishes in the kingdom . there is in no place of the world greater and larger dogs , nor better hounds . that the british hounds and mastives excell those of other nations . see burtons comment . on antoninus itin. pag. 219 , 220. of all the doggs in europe ours bear the name . they were in most request , both for those baitings in the amphitheaters , and also in all other publick huntings among the romanes . magnaque taurorum fracturi colla britanni . claudian . the cock is a bold and stout bird , and will fight valiantly with his adversaries , and presently crows when he obtains victory . see pliny , lib. 29. cap. 4. the cocks also there give not over the fight till death parts them . there are three principal rivers in england , thames in the south-east , severn in the south-west , trent a northern river . isis the principal and prince of all the english rivers , afterward entertaineth tame , and by a compound word is called tamesis . his ita compositis , hinc plantageneta regressus fluctibus aequoreis trajectis venit in arcem , urbis londini , quam praeterlabitur amnis piscosus thamesis , famae celeberrimus inter albionis rivos . — oclandi anglorum praelia . the thames swelleth with the accesse of the flowing tide of the sea , about lx italian miles by water from his mouth . neither to my knowledge is there any other river in all europe , that for so many miles within land feeleth the violence of the ocean forcing and rushing in upon it , and so driving back and with-holding his waters , to the exceeding great commodity of the inhabitants bordering thereupon . the second river of england is severn , the head of it is the hill plinlimon in montgomery-shire . he slowly wandereth through this shire , shropshire , worcestershire , and last of all glocestershire , infusing a certain vital moisture into the soil every where as he passeth , untill at length he mildely dischargeth himself into the severn-sea . trent by his due right challengeth to himself the third place among all the rivers of england . it runneth out of two fountains being neer neighbours together in the north part of staffordshire among the moors . certain unskilfull , and idle headed , have dreamed , that it was so named of trente a french word , which signifieth thirty , and thereupon also have feigned , that thirty rivers runne into it , and as many kinds of fishes live therein . we have more glorious universities , colledges , schools and churches , than any nation of the world . there are two famous universities in england , oxford and cambridge . five great schools in england , westminster , eaton , winchester , pauls and merchant-taylors school . for churches doctor heylin in his geography shews which are the best . it is famous beyond seas also for its fine wooll , which is our golden fleece . the most considerable ports on the east-side of the island , are new-castle , hull , lynne , yarmouth , harwich , colchester , sandwich ; on the south-side lies plymouth ; on the west , chester . our language consists partly of french , danish , saxon and pictish language . the english-saxon tongue came in by the english-saxons out of germany , who valiantly and wisely performed here all the three things , which imply a full conquest , viz. the alteration of lawes , language and attire . camd. remains . he saith also there , that our tongue is as copious , pithy and significative , as any other tongue in europe . there is in english as true strains of eloquence , as strong and fine expressions , as elaborate and solid pieces of fancy , as in any language whatsoever . howels instruct . for travel . sect. 12. george ( commonly called st. george ) was the patron , both of our nation , and of the most honourable order of knighthood in the world . the first and last heresie that ever troubled this island was inbred by pelagius ; but that was amongst the britons , and was suppressed by the zeal of the saxons , who liked nothing of the british breed , and for whose sake it suffered more happly then for the foulnesse of the opinion . the sweating sicknesse call'd for the propriety by which it seized on the english nation chiefly , sudor anglicus . it followed onely englishmen in forrain countreys , no other people infected therewith . there is a good course taken to secure this land from forreigne invasion by burning of beacons . beacon of the old word beacnian , that is , to shew by a signe ; for these many hundred years they have been in great request , and much used among us : in some places by heaping up a deal of wood , in others by barrels full of pitch fastened to the top of a mast or pole in the highest places of the countrey , at which by night some do alwayes watch , that by burning the pitch the enemies coming may be shewed to all the neighbour inhabitants . this realme was first divided into circuits by king henry the second , who appointed twice in the year , that two of the most grave and learned judges of the land , should in each circuit administer justice in the chief or head towns of every countrey . of these judges one sitteth on matters criminal , concerning the life and death of malefactours ; the other in actions personal , concerning title of lands , debts , or the like , between party and party . the first circuit heretofore did comprehend the counties of wilts , somerset , devon and southampton . the second contained the counties of oxford , berks , glocester , munmouth , hereford , worcester , salop and stafford . the third had in it , the counties of surrey , kent , essex and hartford . the fourth consisted of the shires of buckingham , bedford , huntingdon , cambridge , norfolk and suffolk . the fifth of the shires , of northampton , rutland , lincoln , nottingham , darby , leicester and warwick . the sixth and last , of the shires of york , durham , northumberland , cumberland , westmerland and lancaster . so that in these six circuits are numbered thirty eight shires . the two remaining are middlesex and cheshire : whereof the first is exempted , because of its vicinity to london ; and the second as being a county palatine , and having peculiar judges and counsellors to it self . the seven kingdoms , kent , south-saxia , west-saxie , east-saxia , northumberland , mercia and east-anglia , were governed by so many several kings . ethelbert was king of kent . sebert of east-saxon . erpenwald of the east-angle . edwine of northumberland . kingill of west-saxon . peada of mercia . ethelwolf of the south-saxon . king alfred ordained the division of shires , hundre●… , and * tithings , that every englishman living legally , might be of a certain hundred or tithing , out of which he was not to remove without security . there are one and fourty shires in england , every shire consisting of so many hundreds , and every hundred of a number of boroughs , villages , or tithings . england was divided into seven kingdomes by the saxons , after into provinces , shires , or shares , and countreys by alured . in these shires there is appointed in troublesome times a deputy under the king , to see that the commonwealth sustain no hurt . now every year , some one of the gentlemen inhabitants , is made ruler of the county wherein he dwelleth , whom we call in latine vicecomitem , as one would say , the deputy of the comes , or earl , and in our tongue sheriff . it is his duty to gather the common moneys of the prince in his county , to collect and bring into the exchequer all fines imposed , even by distreining : to be attendant upon the judges , and to execute their commandments : to assemble and empanel the twelve men , which in causes do enquire of the fact , and make relation thereof , and give in their verdict to the judges ( for judges with us sit upon the right onely of a cause , and not upon the fact ) to see condemned persons executèd , and to examine and determine certain smaller actions . of the several counties in england . camden begins with cornwall , and ends with northumberland , i shall mention the counties of england , rather according to the letters of the alphabet . barkshire . it is called in latine berkeria . it is bounded upon the east with surrey , upon the north with the river of thames from buckinghamshire and oxfordshire upon the west with wiltshire , and upon the south with hantshire . abbendune or abington , so called of the abbay , rather than of one abben an irish eremite of the abby there . see monasticon anglicanum , pag. 97. farendon famous now for a mercate there kept . wadley . it is situate in a vale , though not so fertile a soil , as some vales afford , yet a most commodious site , wholsome , in a delicious air , a rich and pleasant seat . newbury , as much as the newburgh , a fair town , well seated in a champion plain . reading of the brittish word redin , which signifieth fearn ( that growing here plentifully ) excelleth all other towns of this shire in fair streets , and goodly houses : for wealth also of the townsmen , and their name in making of cloath . there is a very great market . maidenhead , so named of the superstitious worshipping of i wot not what british maidens-head . camd. brit. maidenhead or maidenhith . hith in the old saxon did signifie a wharf , haven , or landing-place . it had its name from the wharf or ferry , belonging at that time to some neighbouring nunnery , or to some private maidens dwelling thereabout , who then received the profits of it . so queen-hith in london took that appellation , because the profits of the wharf were anciently accounted for to the queens of england . dr. heylins animadvers . on the church . hist. of brit. lib. 1. p. 20. see camden of maiden-bradly in wiltshire , fol. 243. windesore , a royal castle and house of the kings , with the town adjoyning . a princes seat cannot have a more pleasant situation . for from a high hill that riseth with a gentle ascent , it enjoyeth a most delightfull prospect round about . with the pleasantnesse of this place , princes were allured , very often to retire themselves hither : and here was edward the third that most puissant king borne : who here built new out of the ground a most strong castle , in bignesse equal to a pretty city , fortified with ditches and bulwarks made of stone : and forthwith after he had subdued the french and scots , held at one and the self same time john king of france , and david king of scotland prisoners together in the same . in this place king edward the third , for to adorn martial prowesse with honours , the guerdon of vertue , ordained the most noble order and society of knights , whom he called knights of the garter : who wear on their left legge , somewhat under the knee a blew garter , with these golden letters in french , honi soit qui mal y pens'e , shame to him that evil thinks , and fasten the same with a buckle of gold , as with the band of a most inward society , in token of concord and unity , that there might be among them a certain consociation and communion of vertues . some attribute the original of it unto the garter of the queen , or rather joan countesse of salisbury , a lady of incomparable beauty , which fell from her as she danced , and the king took up from the floor : for when a number of nobles and gentlemen standing by laughed thereat , he made answer again , that shortly it would come to passe , that garter should be in high honour and estimation . this is the most common , and most received report . there is a book entituled , catechismus ordinis equitum perifcelidis , written long since by belvaleti , the popes nuncio here , and published in the year 1631. by bosquierus : wherein the authour makes an allegory on the whole habit of the order , the matter , colour , fashion , wearing , to the very girdle . dr. heylins antidotum lincolniense . sect. 3. ch. 10. the mightiest princes in christendome , reputed it amongst their greatest honour to be chosen and admitted into this company : and since , the first institution thereof , there have been already received , and enrolled into this order , which consisteth of six and twenty knights , two and twenty kings , or thereabout ; besides our kings of england , who are named sovereigns thereof : to speak nothing of dukes , and others of most high calling , very many . the founders of the order , which in those dayes for stout courage and warlike prowesse , had few or no peers , and were in that regard advanced to that honour . edward the third king of england . edward his eldest sonne , and prince of wales . henry duke of lancaster . thomas beauchamp earl of warwick . peter copit de la bouche . ralph earl of stafford . william de montacute earl of sarisbury . roger mortimer earl of march . john lord lisle . sir bartholomew de burgherst . sir john beauchamp . john lord mohun of dunstere . sir hugh courtne . sir thomas and sir otho holland . sir john gray of codnor . sir richard fitz simon . sir miles stapleton . sir thomas walle . sir hugh wrothesly . sir neel lorenge . sir john chandos . sir james audley . sir henry eswi● . sir sanchio dampredicourt . sir walter pavely . there is an honourable family of barons , surnamed of windsore . eaton is hereto adjoyned by a wooden bridge over the thames , and in it a fair colledge , and a famous school of good literature , founded and built by king henry the sixth : wherein besides the provost , eight fellows , and the singing choristers , there are threescore scholars , instructed in grammar , and in due time preferred to the university of cambridge . it containeth twenty hundreds , twelve market towns , and an hundred and forty parishes . bedfordshire . bedford is the principal town , whereof the shire also taketh name . a town to be commended more for the pleasant situation , and antiquity thereof , then for beauty or largenesse , although a man may tell five churches in it . hockley in the hole , so named of the miry way in winter time , very troublesome to travellers : for the old englishmen our progenitors called deep mire hock and hocks . dunstable . this town seated in a chalky ground , well inhabited , and full of innes , hath four streets answering to the four quarters of the world : in every one of which there is a large pond of standing water , for the publique use of the inhabitants . it contains ten market towns , an hundred and sixteen parishes . buckinghamshire . it brings forth beech-trees plentitifully , which the english saxons in elder times called bucken , whence buckingham the chief town , and so the whole shire took the name from beech-trees . the countrey generally is of a rich plentifull soil , and passing full of inhabitants , who chiefly imploy themselves in grazing of cattel , there is store of mutton and beef . chiltern got that name according to the very nature of the soile of chalkie marle , which the ancient englishmen termed cylt or chilt . marlow a pretty town of no mean credit , taking name of the said chalk commonly termed marle : which being spread upon corn-ground eaten out of heart with long tillage doth quicken the same again ; so as that after one yeers rest it never lieth fallow , but yeeldeth again to the husbandman his seed in plentifull measure . high wickham or wicombe rather from the turning of the river thames , the germane saxons term any winding reach of river and sea , a wick , and comb a low valle . this town for largenesse and fair building is equal to the greatest town in this shire , and in that it hath a maior for the head magistrate . colbroke-pontes is parted into four chanels , over which stand as many bridges for the commodity of passengers , whence it tooke its name . hamden gave name to an ancient and well spread family in these parts . some say , one of that name was high-sheriff when william the conquerour came into england . there is part of ▪ the house at great hamden yet standing , which hath been built ever since the time of william the conquerour . they have ancient records , one of which runs thus , osbert hamden lord of great hamden , one of the commissioners for expulsion of the danes . ailesbury a fair market town , compassed about with many most pleasant green medows and pastures , of which the whole vale is termed the vale of ailesbury . ascot the principal mansion house of the dormers , from whence descended the dutches of feria in spain , and others of noble note . stony stratford , named so of stones , the streetway , and a fourd . the houses are built of a certain rough stone , which is digged forth in great abundance at caversham hard by , and it standeth upon the publick street , commonly called watling-street , which was a military high-way made by the romans , and is evidently to be seen yet beyond the town with the bank or causey thereof , and hath a ford , but now hardly passable . newport-painel so called of sir fulcod painel the lord thereof . here are an eleven market towns , and an hundred and eighty five parishes . cambridgeshire . cambridgeshire is famous for fish and fowl . cambridge a most famous mart and store-house of good literature and godlinesse , standeth upon the river cam , which turning into the east , divideth it into two parts , and hath a bridge over it , whence arose the name cambridge . neither is there wanting any thing here , that a man may require in a most flourishing university , were it not that the air is somewhat unhealthfull , arising as it doth out of a fenny ground hard by . there are sixteen colledges in it . saint ides is one of the famousest markets of england , it serves several counties . the isle of ely . there are several etymologies of it given by camden . ely a bishops see * , the city hath an unwholsome air by reason of the fens round about , although it be seated somewhat higher . hard under cambridge eastward neer unto sture , a little brook , is kept every yeer in the moneth of september , the greatest fair of all england , whether you respect the multitude of buyers and sellers resorting thither , or the store of commodities there to be vented . neer unto cambridge on the south-east side , there appear aloft certain high hils called gogmagog . on the top of them is a very large fort , entrenched , strengthened with a three-fold rampire . wisbich amongst fennes and waters . it hath eight market towns , and an hundred and sixty three parishes . cheshire . it is very pleasant and plenteous in all things needfull for mans use , and therefore had the name of the vale royal of england from edward the first . the grasse and fodder there is of that goodnesse and vertue , that cheeses are made there in great number , of a most pleasing and delicate taste , such as all england again affordeth not the like ; no , though the best dayriwomen otherwise , and skilfullest in chees-making be had from hence . this region hath alwayes bred more gentry than the other countreys in england : for you have not in all england again any one province beside , that in old time either brought more valorous gentlemen into the field , or had more families in it of knights degree . the breretons , manwarings and venables are the most noble families in that county . on the south-side it is hemmed in with shropshire , on the east-side with staffordshire and darbyshire , on the north with lancashire , and on the west with denbigh and flintshire . the river dee , called in latine deva , breeding very great plenty of salmons , ariseth out of two fountains in wales , and thereof men think it took the name : for dwy in their tongue signifieth two . this river no sooner is entered into cheshire , but it passeth by banchor , a famous monastery . it fostered and brought up ( as some write ) the most wicked arch-heretique pelagius , who injuriously derogating from the grace of god , troubled a long time the west church with his pestiferous doctrine . prosper aquitanus in this verse of his , termeth him the british adder , pestifero vomuit coluber sermone britannus . a british snake , with venemous tongue , hath vomited his poison strong . chester * or west-chester , of the west situation . cestria de castris nomen quasi castria sumpsit . this city built in form of a quadrant , four square , is enclosed with a wall that taketh up more then two miles in compasse , and hath eleven parishes . neer unto the river standeth the castle upon a rocky hill , built by the earls : where the courts palatine , and the assizes , as they call them , are kept twice a year . the houses are very fair built , and along the chief streets are galleries or walking-places , they call them rows , having shops on both sides , through which a man may walk dry from one end to another . it is called the county palatine of chester , because the earls thereof had royalties and princely priviledges belonging to them , and all the inhabitants owed allegiance and fealty to them as they did to the king . one hugh wolf was made earl of chester by william the first , and the county given him in fee , tenendum sibi & haeredibus it a vere ad gladium sicut ipse rex tenebat angliam ad coronam . and as the king , so he for his heirs had their barons , by that name specially known . king edgar in magnificent manner triumphed over the british princes . for sitting himself in a barge at the fore-deck , kennadie king of the scots , malcoline king of cumberland , macon king of mann , and of the islands , with all the princes of wales , brought to do homage , and like watermen working at the oar , rowed him along the river dee , in a triumphant shew , to his great glory , and joy of the beholders . king henry the seventh made it a county by it self incorporate . bunbury contractly so called , or boniface-bury , boniface was the patron saint there . beeston-castle hath a wall of a great circuit . here are very famous salt-pits , or salt-wiches , five or six miles distant asunder , where brine or salt water is drawn out of pits , which they boile over the fire , to make salt thereof . these were known unto the romanes , and from hence was usually paid the custome for salt , called salarium . nantwich , middle-wich , nortwich : nantwich , which the river wever first visiteth , is reputed the greatest and fairest built town of all this shire after chester . it is called the white-wich or salt-pit , because the whitest salt is there boiled . north-wich is called the black-salt pit . congleton a mercat town , famous for gloves , purses and points of leather . kinderton the old seat of the ancient race of the venables , who ever since the first coming in of the normans have been of name and reputation here , and commonly are called barons of kinderton . brereton hath given name to the worshipfull , ancient and numerous family of the breretons knights . before any heir of this house of the breretons dieth , there are seen in a pool adjoyning , bodies of trees swimming for certaine dayes together , so camden , but some deny this . middle-wich , there are two wels of salt water parted one from the other by a small brook . maclesfield one of the fairest towns of this county . lee from whence there is a family bearing the same surname , that is not only of gentle bloud , and of especial note , but also farre and fairly propagated into a number of branches . camd britan. high leigh in cheshire i think gave names to all the renowned races of that name in this county . two distinct descents of the same name have their seats in the same place , and there have continued in a long succession of their ancestors , knights and esquires of much worth : one is thomas leigh , the other is peter leigh esquires . king of cheshire . lime in cheshire a great family of the name of the leighs , of whom there have been many famous knights , sir peter now the possessor thereof . king of cheshire . nor thou magnanimous leigh must not be left in darkness , for thy rare fidelity ; to save thy faith , content to lose thy head : that reverent head , of good men honored . daniels second book of civil warres . cholmundeston or cholmeston anciently the lands of the leighs of rushall in staffordshire . king of cheshire , pag. 74. it containeth thirteen market towns , and sixty eight parishes . cornwall . it extends in length to about seventy miles , the breadth in the largest place passeth not thirty . carews surveigh of cornwall . speed computes the length sixty miles , and the breadth forty . it is called by later writers cornubia in latine , of all britain it doth bear most westward , because it waxeth smaller and smaller in manner of an horn , and runneth forth into the sea , with little promontories , as if they were horns on every side . others would have it so called of one corin , and do call it corinea . camd. brit. there is digged here wonderfull store of tin , yeelding exceeding much profit and commodity , whereof are made houshold pewter vessels , which are used thorowout many parts of europe in service of the table , and for their glittering brightnesse , compared with silver-plate . terra admodum sterilis , fructum magis ex cultorum industria , quam ex sua bonitate praebet : sed fert uberius plumbum nigrum & album , hoc est , stannum , in quo effodiendo maximè consistit vita incolarum . polyd. verg. angl. hist. l. 1. the kings of england , and dukes of cornwall , in their times have reserved to themselves a praeemption of tinne ( by the opinion of the learned in the law ) as well in regard of the propriety , as being chief lords and proprietaries ; as of their royal prerogative . not only tin is here found , but therewith also gold and silver ; yea and dyamonds shaped , and pointed angle-wise , smoothed also by nature it self : whereof some are as big as wall-nuts , and inferiour to the orient dyamonds , in blacknesse and hardnesse only . so plentifull is this countrey of grain , although not without great toil of the husbandman , that it hath not only sufficient to maintain it self , but also affordeth often times great store of corn into spain . besides a most rich revenue and commodity they have by those little fishes that they call pilchards , which swarming , as one would say , in mighty great skuls about the shores from july unto november , are there taken , garbaged , falted , hanged in the smoke , laid up , pressed , and by infinite numbers carried over into france , spain , and italy , unto which countreys they be very good chaffer , and right welcome merchandize , and are there named fumados . michael a cornish poet , and of rhymers in his time the chies , hath these verses of cornwall . non opus est ut opes numerem quibus est opulenta , et per quas , inopes sustentat non opulenta : piscibus & stanno nusquam tam fertilis ora . the people thre are civil , valiant , hardy , well pitcht in stature , brawny and strong limbed : such as for wrestling ( to speak nothing of that manly exercise , and feat of hurling the ball , which they use ) so farre excell , that for slight and clean strength together , they justly winne the prize and praise from other nations in that behalf . godolphin-hill right famous for plentifull veins of tin , but much more renowned in regard of the lords thereof , bearing the same name , who with their vertues have equalled the ancientnesse of that house and linage . that name in the cornish language came of a white eagle , and this family hath anciently born for their arms in a shield gules , an aegle displayed argent , between three flower-deluces of the same shield . falemouth-haven is as noble as brundusium it self in italy : of exceeding great capacity ; for it is able to receive an hundred ships , which may ride therein so apart by themselves , that out of never an one of them the top of anothers mast can be seen : and most safe withall under the wind , by reason that it is enclosed on every side with brims of high rising banks . the gullet on either hand , as well for the defence and safety of the place , as for terrour to enemies , is fortified with block-houses : to wit , the castle of maudit eastward , and toward the west , the fort pendinaes , both built by king henry the eighth . foy a town most renowned in former ages , for sea fights : which the very arms of the town do witnesse , as being compounded of the cinque-ports arms . padstow a pretty market town , so called short for petrockstow of one petroch a britan , canonized a saint by the people : who spent his dayes here in the service of god . edward the third erected cornwall into a dukedome , and invested edward his sonne , a prince most accomplished with martial prowesse , in the yeer of christ , 1336. duke of cornwall , by a wreath on his head , a ring upon his finger , and a silver verge . since which time , the king of englands eldest sonne is reputed duke of cornwall by birth . launston the chief town . the promontory named the lands end , the most western point of the kingdom . it containeth nine hundreds , two and twenty market towns , an hundred sixty and one parishes . cumberland . it took the name of the inhabitauts , who were the true and natural britans , and called themselves in their own language kumbri . this countrey although it be somewhat with the coldest , as lying farre north , and seemeth as rough by reason of hils , yet for the variety thereof it smileth upon the beholders , and giveth contentment to as many as travel it . of all the shires we have , it is accounted the best furnished with the roman antiquities . burtons comment . on antoninus his itin. p. 13. at newlands there are copper or brasse mines . skiddaw-hill is very high . skiddaw , lauvellin , and casticand , are the highest hils in all england . solway frith , so called of solway a town in scotland standing upon it . under this burgh , within the very frith where the salt water ebbeth and floweth , the englishmen and scotish , by report of the inhabitants , fought with their fleets at full sea , and also with their horsemen and footmen at the ebbe . hard by the riveret dacor , standeth dacre-castle , of signal note , because it hath given surname to the honourable family of the barons dacre . carlile . this ancient city is fortified with strong walls of stone , with a castle , and citadel , as they terme it . here begun picts-wall , or simply by way of excellency , the wall , the limit of the roman province , continued through this countrey , and northumberland , and ending in walls-end . here are nine market towns , and fifty eight parishes . darbyshire . it is a plentifull countrey , there are many minerals , and several kinds of stones . darby is the chief town of all this shire , a town of good trade . there be five churches in it : of which the greatest named all-hallows , dedicated to the memory of all-saints , hath a tower-steeple , that for height , and singular fine workmanship excelleth . they had a famous minister there one chappel , which was brother to him that was of cambridge , and went afterward into ireland . he did much good in darby . when king james came thither a witty butcher in the town said thus to him , jemmy , for a chappel and a steeple we may compare with any people . the assizes are there kept for the whole shire , and the best nappy ale is brewed there , in two places especially . it is the ancient and peculiar drink of the englishmen and britains , and very wholsome . henry of aurenches the norman arch-poet to king henry the third , merrily jested on it in these verses . nescio quid stygiae monstrum conforme paludi , cervisiam plerique vocant : nil spissius illa dum bibitur , nil clarius est dum mingitur , unde constat , quod multas faeces in ventre relinquit . of this strange drink , so like to stygean lake , ( most terme it ale ) i wot not what to make : folk drink it thick , and pisse it passing thin , much dregs therfore must needs remain within . the wealth of this town consisteth much of buying of corn , and selling it again to the mountains : for all the inhabitants are a kind of badgers . thomas linaker the famous scholar was born here , and so was mr. cotton the famous minister of boston , and dr. wilmot neer it . chesterfield a market town . the peak ( which signifieth to appear aloft ) is severed from staffordshire by the dove a most swift and clear river . it is plentifull of lead , also stibium or antimony . mill-stones likewise are here hewed out , as also grinde-stones and whet-stones , to give an edge unto iron tools . under the old castle , called the castle in the peak , there is a cave or hole within the ground , called the devils arse , devils arse in peak , that gapeth with a wide mouth , and hath in it many turnings and retiring rooms . this hole is reckoned one of the wonders of england . there are several other wonders in the peak . ashburn in the peak . there is a place called elden-hole , which lies two miles distant from castleton a town in the high peak , it is within the peak forest , it descendeth directly down into the earth , it is about thirty yards long , and fifteen yards broad at the top of it , but is much straighter when it cometh fourty yards deep . you may see into it about sixty yards , being as farre as the light which cometh in at the mouth of the hole will give light to see : it is fearfull to look into , being a face of rock on each side . about sixty years since one mr. henry cavendish ( eldest brother to sir charles cavendish ) who had spent all his dayes in travel , had been at jerusalem , and several other parts of the world , and hearing of this place , came to it , and caused engines to be made or to let a man into the hole , which being done , one george bradley of the peak forest was let down in a rope fourscore yards . and then another engine was made to let him go further , and from thence he was let down fourscore yards further , and at the end thereof a third engine was made whereby he was let down almost fourscore yards further , at the top of the rope was fastened a bell , which he was to ring if he could go no further , or would return back ; when he was let down almost the third fourscore yards , he rung the bell , and being drawn up , he was much affrighted , remained speechlesse for a time , and was struck with lamenesse ; but after he recovered his speech , he declared , that as he descended down , were bones of deer , sheep , and other cattel , and also of men , and that he was affrighted , but how , or in what manner he could not tel ; he lived several years , but never was in perfect memory , nor sound of his limbs . within the town of buxton , there is a bath called buxton-well which cureth very many diseases . there are two springs of water , the one within a hand breadth of the other , the one is very hot , the other cold as ice . there are eight market towns , six hundreds , and an hundred and six parishes in this county . denshire , or devonshire . a countrey harborous on either side with commodious havens , enriched with tin-mines , especially westward ; garnished with pleasant medows , sightly with great store of woods , and passing well replenished with towns and buildings . there is not any place almost in all england , where the ground requireth greater charges . for in most parts thereof it groweth in manner barren , if it be not over-strewed and mingled with a certain sand from the sea , which is of great efficacy to procure fertility , by quickening , as it were , and giving life unto the glebe : and therefore in places far from the shore it is bought at a dear rate . on teave a little river teavistock , commonly tavistoke fluorisheth , a town in times past famous for the abbay there . of the river plime , the town adjoyning to it , is called plimmouth , sometimes named sutton . of late time it became of a poor fisher village to be a great town , and for the number of inhabitants grown to that passe ( as now it is to be seen ) that it may be compared with a city . such is the commodiousnesse of the haven , which without striking sail admitteth into the bosome thereof the tallest ships that be , and doth harbour them very safely , and is sufficiently fortified against hostility . the whole town is divided into four wards , governed by a maior , ordained there by king henry the sixth , and under him every ward had in times past a captain set over it , each of them likewise had his inferiour officers . the circuit of this town is not great , but much renowned it is among forrain nations : and not so much for the comodious haven , as the valour of the inhabitants in sea-services of all sorts . from hence was sir francis drake that famous knight , and most skilfull man at sea . in the year 1577. putting to sea from hence , he entered into the straits of magellane , and in two years and ten moneths , thorow many alternative varieties of fortune , god being his guide , and valour his confort , was the next after magellaenus , that sailed round about the world . whereupon , one wrote thus unto him , drake , peragrati novit quem terminus orbis , quemque semel mundi vidit uterque polus . si taceant homines , facient te sidera notum , sol nescit comit is immemòr esse sui . plimpton a mercate town , well frequented . dertmouth a port town , by reason of the commodious haven , defended with two castles much frequented by merchants , and furnished with good shipping . excester , so called from the river isc , and by the saxons ex. it is a bishops see . it is situate upon a little hill , gently arising with an easie ascent to a pretty height , environed about with ditches , and very strong walls , and containeth in circuit a mile and an half , having suburbs running out a great way on each side . in it there are fifteen parish churches , and in the very highest part thereof , neer the east-gate , a castle called rugemont , at this day commended for nothing else , but the antiquity and situation thereof : for it commandeth the whole city and territory about it , and hath a very pleasant prospect into the sea . joseph iscanus was born here , and from hence took his surname , a poet of a most excellent wit , whose writings were so well approved , as that they had equal commendation with the works of ancient poets . for his poeme of the trojan warre was divulged once or twice in germany under the name of cornelius nepos . the civil government of this city is in the power of four and twenty persons : out of whom there is from year to year a maior elected ; who with four bailiffs ruleth here the state . this city hath three dukes . tawstoke a very ancient towne , for elegant building and frequency of people , held chiefe in all this coast . the inhabitants ( for the most part ) are merchants , who in france and spain trade and traffick much . out of this towns school , there issued two right learned men , and most renowned divines , john jewel bishop of salisbury , and thomas harding the publick professour in lovain , who most hotly contended , and wrote learnedly one against the other , concerning the truth of religion . this shire containeth thirty three hundreds , thirty seven market towns , three hundred and ninety four parishes . dorsetshire . it is bounded on the north-side with somersetshire and wiltshire , on the west with devonshire , and some part of somersetshire , on the east with hampshire : on the south part , where it carrieth the greatest length , it lieth all open to the sea . some say , there are within six miles compasse round about dorchester , three hundred thousand sheep . it is a fruitfull soyl , and a great ship countrey . lime a little town situate upon a deep hill , so called of a small river of the same name running hard by . shaftsbury a town of note . baurtport , or more truly birtport , is placed between two small rivers which there meet together . in respect of the soil yeelding the best hemp , and skill of the people for making ropes and cables for ships , it was provided by a special statute , to remain in force for a certain set time , that ropes for the navy of england should be twisted no where else . portland an island , so called of one port a noble saxon , who anno 703. infested and sore annoyed these coasts . weymouth a little town upon the mouth of wey a small river ; over against which on the other side of the bank standeth kings-melcomb , divided from the other only by the haven between . pool in calm weather , when the waters are still , resembleth a pond , whence it receiv'd its name . a mercat town exceeding rich and wealthy , beautified with goodly houses . frau or frome , the greatest and most famous river of all this tract . dorchester is the head town of the whole shire , and yet is neither great nor beautifull . it hath but three parish churches . the forest of white-hart . when king henry the third came hither to hunt , and had taken other deer , he spared a most beautifull and goodly white hart , which afterwards t. de la lynde a gentleman of this countrey , with others in his company took and killed . but the king put them to a grievous fine of money for it , and the very lands which they held pay even to this day every yeer by way of amercement a peece of money into the exchequer , which is called white-hart silver . shirburn town or castle is sited in the hanging of an hill , a pleasant and proper seat : it is the most populous and best haunted town of this country , and gaineth exceeding much by cloathing . it containeth thirty four hundreds , eighteen market towns , and two hundred and fourty eight parishes . durham or duresme . duresme the chief town , in latine dunelmum , a county palatine , and a bishops see . it is seated on high , it is shaped in form of an egge . the river teise or teisis , commonly tees , boundeth the south part of this county . it first beateth upon bernard-castle , built and so named by bernard balliol the great grand-fathers father of john balliol king of the scots . hartle-poole a good towne of trade , and a safe harbour for fishing . by the tine there is situate a memorable town called gateshead , or goateshead : the common people think it is farre more ancient than new-castle itself . this name was given unto this place by occasion of some inne that had a goats-head for the sign . jarrow , the native soil of venerable bede . thomas wolsey cardinal , who in his high prosperity wanted nothing but moderation , and cuthbert tunstall , who for singular knowledge in the best sciences , sincere holinesse of life , a singular ornament to his native countrey , were bishops of durham . essex . a countrey large in compasse , fruitfull , full of woods , plentifull of saffron , and very wealthy : encircled , as it were , on the one side with the main sea , on the other with fish-full rivers , which also do afford their peculiar commodities in great abundance . the air is temperate and pleasant , only towards the waters somewhat aguish , insomuch that in one hundred they will ask a stranger merrily , whether the bayliff of the hundred hath yet arrested him . waltham forest of the town waltham . it was stored very full with deer , that for their bignesse and fatnesse withall , have the name above all other . rochford , it hath given name to an hundred . it is aguish . rumford , the glory whereof dependeth on a swine mercat . brent-wood a mercat town . engerstone a town of note for nothing else but the mercat and innes for travellers . chensford a good big town situate in the heart of the shire between two rivers : of note onely for the assizes . cogeshall a mercate town . maldon for the number of the inhabitants , and the bignesse , it is worthily counted one of the principal towns in all essex , and in records named , the burgh of maldon . it is a haven commodious enough , and for the bignesse very well inhabited , being but one especial street descending much about a mile in length , upon the ridg of an hill answerable to the termination of dunum , which signified an hilly and high situation . colchester a proper and fine burrough , well traded , and pleasantly seated , as being situate upon the brow of an hill , stretching out from west to east , walled about , beautified with several churches , some of which were lately demolished . the inhabitants affirm , that flavia julia helena the mother of constantine the great was borne and bred there . harewich a most safe road , whence it hath the name . the town is not great , but well peopled , fortified by art and nature . walden of saffron * called saffron walden , among the fields looking merrily with most lovely saffron . a very good mercat town . here sir thomas smith , secretary to queen elizabeth , a wise and learned man was born . audley-end , a magnificent house built by the earl of suffolk , where there is a spacious and very broad gallery . barrington-hall , where dwelleth that right ancient family of the baringtons . lees-abbey now the seat of the right honourable lord rich , baron lees , and earl of warwick . it contains twenty hundreds , one and twenty market towns , and four hundred and fifteen parishes . glocestershire . on the west-side butteth on monmouthshire and herefordshire ; on the north on worcestershire ; on the east upon warwickshire and oxfordshire both ; on the south with somersetshire . a pleasant countrey , and fruitfull in corn , wooll , apples and pears , and severn full of salmon . commonly through all glocestershire there is good plenty of corn , pasture and wood , saving in coteswold , where the great flocks of sheep be , and yet in some places there groweth fair corn . lelands itinerary . forest of dean , or dean-forest was wholly bespread with thick tall wood . it is between two navigable rivers wie and severn . it was a wonderfull thick forest , and in former ages so dark and terrible , by reason of crooked and winding wayes , as also the grisly shade therein , that it made the inhabitants more fierce , and bolder to commit robberies . since that rich mines of iron were here found out , those thick woods began to wax thinne by little and little . tewksbury . it is a great and fair town , having three bridges to passe over , standing upon three rivers , famous for the best mustard . one may carry it in bals a long way . glocester the head city of this shire . it lieth stretched out in length over severne : on that side where it is not watered with the river , it hath in some places a very strong wall for defence . a proper and fine city both for number of churches , and for the buildings . above the quire , in an arch of this church , there is a wall built in forme of a semi-circle full of corners , with such an artificial devise , that if a man speak with never so low a voice at the one part thereof , and another lay his ear to the other being a good way distant , he may also hear every syllable . cotswold , it took its name of woulds and cotes , that is hils and sheepfolds . here feed in great numbers , flocks of sheep long necked , and square of bulk and bone , by reason of the hilly and large situation of their pasturage : whose wooll being most fine and soft is had in passing great account among all nations . barkly honoured with a castle , whereof the lord barklies are entituled . camden a mercat town well peopled , and of good resort . near unto it standeth weston , where there is a fair house which maketh a goodly shew , built by ralph sheldon for him and his posterity . hales in late time a most flourishing abbey , and deserving commendation for breeding up of alexander of hales a great clerk , and so deeply learned above all others in that subtil divinity of the schoolmen , as he carried away the surname of doctor irrefr agabilis , the doctor ungain said , as he that could not be gain-said . winchelcomb a great town , and well inhabited . cyrencester a famous mercat town , both for corn upon the monday , and for wooll and yarn on the friday . bibery . there is a spring under the side of a hill which is so forcible , that it serves to drive a mill about a stones cast from it . strowd , whence the name of strowdwater , where are multitudes of rich clothiers , fair building , and famous also for dying of cloaths , by reason of the nature of the water . it containeth thirty hundreds , two hundred and eighty parishes . hantshire . on the west it hath dorsetshire and wiltshire ; on the south the ocean to bound it : on the east it joyneth to sussex and surrey , and on the north it bordereth upon barkshire . a small province it is , fruitful in corn , rich in plenteous pasture , and for all commodities of sea most wealthy and happy . wools , cloathes and iron are the general commodities of this shire . ringwood a well frequented mercat town . new-forest . king william of normandy pulled downe all the townes , villages , houses , and churches farre and neare , cast out the poore inhabitants , and when he had so done , brought all within thirty miles compasse , or thereabout , into a forest and harbour for wilde beasts . hurst-castle commandeth seaward every where . south-hanton a town populous , rich and beautifull , from whom the whole shire deriveth her name . andover . winchester * in latin wintonia ; a city flourishing even in the romans times . it is indifferently well peopled and frequented , having plenty of water , by reason of the river conveyed divers wayes into it ; it containeth about a mile and half in circuit within the wals : which open at six gates , and have every one of them their suburbs reaching forth without a good way . it is adorned with magnificent churches , and a bishops see . there is a fair colledge which william wickham bishop of this see , built for a school , out of which , both for church and commonwealth , there ariseth a most plentifull increase of right learned men . in this colledge , one warden , ten fellows , two schoolmasters , threescore and ten scholars , with divers others are plentifully maintained . potesmouth , that is , the mouth of the haven . a place always in time of warre well frequented . it is fortified with a wall made of timber , and the same well covered over with thick banks of earth : there is nothing wanting that a man would require in a most strong and fenced place . of the garison souldiers , some keep watch and ward both night and day at the gates : others upon the tower of the church , who by the ringing or sound of a bell give warning how many horse or foot are coming , and by putting forth a banner shew from what quarter they come . basing stoke a mercat town well frequented . basing is near it , the seat of the marquesses of winchester . odiam a borough corporate , belonging in times past to the bishop of winchester . william lilie the great grammarian was born here . he was the first master of pauls school . there are in this shire two hundred and fifty three parishes , eighteen market towns , and forty hundreds . to this county of southampton belongeth the isle of wight , vecta , or vectis insula . this isle , between east and west in an old form , stretcheth out twenty miles in length ; and spreadeth in the midst , which is broadest , twelve miles . so camden . leland saith , it is ten miles broad . the ground ( to say nothing of the sea full of fish ) consisteth of a very fruitfull soil , it breeds every where store of coneys , hares , partridges and pheasants . it hath one little forest , and two parks replenished with deer , for game and hunting pleasure . through the midst thereof runnes a long tract of hils , yeelding plenty of pasture and forrage for sheep . the wooll of which , next unto that of lemster and cotteswold , is esteemed best , and in special request with clothiers , whereby there groweth to the inhabitants much gaine and profit . there are thirty six towns , villages , and castles : which for ecclesiastical jurisdiction belonged to the bishop of winchester , and for civil government to the county of south-hanton . it armeth four thousand men exercised by their captains . the inhabitants of this isle were wont merrily to make their boast , that their case was happier than all others , because they had neither hooded monks , nor cavilling lawyers , nor yet crafty foxes . newport is the principal mercat town of the whole isle . caresbrook an old castle is in the very heart and midst of the isle . brading a mercat town . newton and yarmouth have their maiors , and send burgesses to the parliament . sauham-castle . the inhabitants of the isle being naturally most warlike , bold and adventurous , are through the diligence and care of the captain of the isle , confirmed so by continual exercise in strength and military discipline , that they exactly know before-hand with their peeces to shoot point-blank , and not misse the mark , to keep their ranks , to march orderly and in ray , to cast their squadrons , if need be , close into a ring , to display and spread the same at large , to take pains , to runne and ride , to endure both sunne and dust , and fully to performe whatsoever warfare doth require . of these souldiers thus trained , the isle it self is able to bring forth into the field four thousand : and at the instant for all assayes appointed , there are three thousand more of most expert and practised souldiers out of hantshire , and two thousand beside out of wiltshire , to be ever prest and in readinesse for the defence of the isle . that all hostile forces whatsoever might be withstood more speedily and with greater facility , the whole countrey is divided into eleven parts , and every of them hath their several centoner or centurion , their vinton also , leaders ( as it were ) of twenty , their great peeces of ordnance , their sentinels and warders , who keep watch and ward at the beacons standing on the higher grounds : their posts also or runners , whom by an old name , grown almost out of use , they terme still hoblers , who presently give intelligence of all occurrents to the captain and governour of the isle . vespasian was the first that brought it into subjection , whiles he served as a private person under claudius caesar . this isle had a noble family , named de insula , or lisle , out of which in the reign of king edward the second , one was summoned unto the parliament by the name of sir john lisle , of the isle of wight . herefordshire . this county lieth round in compasse , as it were a circle , it is bounded on the east-side with worcester and glocestershire ; on the south with monmouthshire ; on the west-side with radnoc and brecknotshire ; and on the north with shropshire . for three w. w. w. wheat , wooll and water * it yeeldeth to no shire of england . this countrey is reputed the orchard of england . from the greatest persons to the poorest cottager , all habitations are encompassed with orchards and gardens ; and in most places the hedges are enriched with rows of fruit-trees , pears or apples , gennet-moyles , or crab-trees . worcestershire is more proper for pears and cherries ; herefordshire for apples . herefordshire orchards , a patern for all england . by j. b. bradwardin-castle gave both original and name to that famous thomas bradwardin archbishop of canterbury , who for his variety of knowledge , and profound learning , was in that age termed , the profound doctor . hereford is the chief city of the shire , it is seated among most pleasant medows , and as plentifull corn-fields , compassed almost round about with rivers . on the north-side and the west with one that hath no name ; on the south-side with wye , which hasteneth hither out of wales . lemster upon the river lug. the greatest name and fame that it hath at this day is of the wooll in the territories round about it , ( lemster ore they call it ) which setting aside that of apulia and tarentum all europe counteth to be the very best . where lives the man so dull , on britains furthest shore , to whom did never sound the name of lemster ore : that with the silk-worms web for smalnesse doth compare : wherein , the winder shews his workmanship so rare . as doth the fleece excell , and mocks her looser clew ; as neatly bottom'd up as nature forth it drew ; of each in high'st accompt , and reckoned here as fine , as there th' appulian fleece , or dainty tarentyne . draytons polyolbion 7th song . in apulia and the upper calabria of italy , the wool hath been famous for finest excellence : insomuch that for preserving it from the injury of earth , bushes and weather , the shepherds used to clothe their sheep with skins ; and indeed was so chargeable in these and other kind of pains about it , that it scarce requites the cost . seld. illustrat . of drayt. polyolb . brameyard upon the river frome . ledbury under malvern-hils . it is also so renowned for wheat and bread of the finest flour , that lemster bread , and weabley ale are grown unto a common proverb . by reason of these commodities the mercates at lemster were so frequented , that they of hereford and worcester , complaining , that the confluence of people thither impaired their mercates , procured that by royal authority the mercat day was changed . there are an hundred and seventy six parishes , eight market towns , and an eleven hundreds in this county . hertfordshire . famous for a good air , and fair houses of gentlemen , and wheat . it lieth on the east , and partly on the south-side of bedfordshire : the west-side is enclosed with bedfordshire and buckinghamshire : the south with middlesex , the east with essex , and the north with cambridgeshire . a rich countrey in corn , fields , pastures , medows , woods , groves , and clear riverets . there is scarcely another shire in all england that can shew more good towns in so small a compasse . in ware in this county , there is 1. the head of the river that runs into tames . 2. a great bed which is about three yards at least every way about , at both the sides and ends . roiston a town well known , it is very famous , and passing much frequented for malt. it parts four shires , cambridgeshire , bedfordshire , hertfordshire and huntingtonshire . ashwell , the well or fountain among the ashes , where there is a source of the springs bubling out of a stony bank overshadowed on every side with tall ashes , from whence there floweth at certain veins , continually running such store of water , that forthwith being carried within banks , it carrieth a stream able to drive a mill , and all of a sudden , as it were , groweth to a good big river . whethamssed a town plentifull in wheat , whence it took its name ; which place john of whethamsted there born , and thereof named , a man in king henry the sixth his dayes much renowned by his due desert of learning , made of more estimation . bishops-hatfield in times past belonging to the bishops of ely , whence it was named bishops-hatfield , which john morton bishop of ely re-edified . the earle of salisbury hath an house there . there were seven parks in the mannor of hatfield . hertford , it hath given name to the whole county , and is reputed the shire town , it is ancient . hodesdon a fair thorow fare . saint-albans . it was famous for nothing so much as bringing forth alban a citizen of singular holinesse and faith in christ , who when dioclesian went about by exquisite torments to wipe christian religion quite out of the memory of men , was the first in britain that with invincible constancy and resolution suffered death for christ his sake . whereupon he is called our stephen , and the protomartyr of britain . fortunatus presbyter the poet wrote thus of him , albanum egregium faecunda britannia profert . fruitfull britain bringeth forth alban a martyr of high worth . the abbey of st. albans was the first of england , whether because adrian the fourths father called breakspear was monk there , or from saint alban himself proto-martyr of england . this town was raised out of the ruins of verolamium , it is a fair and large town . redborne or red water is seated upon that common and military high-way , which we call watling-street . hamsted a little mercat town called hehan hamsted situate among the the hils by a riveret-side . kings-langley , in which was born , and thereof tooke name , edmund langley king edward the third his sonne , and duke of york . over against kings-langley , in a manner , there is abbots-langley , so called , because it belonged to the abbots of st. albanes : wherein was born nicholas surnamed breakspear , afterwards bishop of rome , known by the name of pope hadrian the fourth , whose breath was stopped in the end with a flie that flew into his mouth . watford a mercat town . welwen . here the murder of the danes began , when they were generally murdered ; and it was so called , because the weal of that countrey ( as was then thought ) was there first wone . but who well considers the sequele of the story , shall find little weal that ensued of this deed . graftons chron. rickemausworth also a mercat town . caishobery . here sir richard merisin knight , a great learned man , and who had been used in embassages to the mightiest princes under king henry the eighth , and king edward the sixth began to build an house , which sir charles his sonne finished . bernet famous for the beast mercat there kept . this county hath an hundred and twenty parishes , eight hundreds , and eighteen market towns . huntingdonshire . it confineth northward and eastward upon cambridgeshire , southward upon bedfordshire , westward upon northamptonshire . a countrey good for corn and tillage : and toward the east , where it is fenny , very right and plentifull for the feeding of cattel : elswhere right pleasant , by reason of rising hils and shady groves . kimbolton . saint-neots , commonly called saint-needs , so named of one neotus , a man both learned and holy ; who travailed all his life time in propagating of christian religion . ainsbury , it was named ainulphsbury of one almulph likewise , an holy and devout man , which name continueth still also in one part of it . huntingdon , in the publick seale huntersdune , leland cals it venantodunum , the hill or down of hunters . this is the chief town of all this shire , to which it hath given also the name . godmanchester a very great countrey town , and of as great name for tillage ; situate in an open ground , of a light mould , and bending for the sunne . there is not a town in all england which hath more stout and lusty husbandmen , or more ploughs a going : for , they make their boast that they have in former time received the kings of england , as they passed in their progresse this way , with ninescore ploughs , brought forth in a rustical kinde of pomp , for a gallant shew . when king james came first into england , here the bailiffs of the town presented him with seventy teem of horses , all traced to fair new ploughs , in shew of their husbandry , of which when his majesty demanded the reason , he was answered , that it was their ancient custome , whensoever any king of england passed thorow their town , so to present him . besides they added , that they held their lands by that tenure , being the kings tenants . his majesty took it well , and bad them use well their ploughes , being glad he was land-lord of so many good husbandmen in one town . saint-ives of ivo a persian bishop , who ( as they write ) about the year of christ 600 , travelled thorow england , preached diligently the word of god , and to this town , wherein he left this life , left also his name . ramsey a wealthy abbey . in this little shire are numbred seventy eight parishes , four hundreds , and six market towns . kent . this name cantium , and the name kent , was given by reason of the form and situation . the helvetian countreys were called by the french cantons . this countrey by the old geographers is called angulus , an angle , or corner of land . or of the british word cainc , they call their great woody forest in staffordshire yet kanc. it is the pleasantest countrey of england . this region extendeth it self in length from west to east fifty miles ; and from south to north six and twenty . the upper part of it , they say is healthfull , but not so wealthy : the middle they account both healthfull and plentifull : the lower they hold to be wealthy , but not healthy ; as which for a great part thereof is very moist . it is every where almost full of medows , pastures and corn-fields : abounding wonderfully in apple-trees , and cherry-trees also : the trees are planted after a direct manner one against another by square , most pleasant to behold . it hath villages and towns exceeding thick and well peopled , safe rodes and sure harbours for ships , with some veins of iron and marle : but the air is somewhat thick , and somewhere foggy , by reason of vapours arising out of the waters . the revenues of the inhabitants are greater both by the fertility of the soil , and also by the neighbourhood of a great city , of a great river , and the main sea . this county is enriched with two cities and bishops seas , strengthened with twenty seven castles , graced with four of the kings houses , traded with four and twenty market towns , and beautified with many stately buildings . camden in kent , pag. 324. saith , the kentishmen had priviledge to leade the van in all battels for their valour shewed against the danes . amongst our old english the kentishmen had the honour due to them alwayes of being in the vant-guard , and those of wiltshire , with cornwall and devonshire in the rere , which they all might challenge by the continuall worth of their performance . mr. seldens preface to his titles of honour . the sueuians had anciently prerogative , in omni expeditione regis teutonici , exercitum praecedere , & primi committere . id. ib. the meaning of that common proverb , kent and christendome , was , that it was famous as kent , and famous as christendom . this was the first of the kingdoms of the heptarchy , and no one county of england had a king of it self , but this . they are the most civilized people of the nation . it is plentifull of fowl and fish of all sorts . fertile lands , fruit , grain , wood . when william the conquerour came in , the yeomanry of kent at suaves-comb , carrying before them in their hands , every one a great green bough , representing afarre off a moving wood , yeelded them unto william the conquerour , upon this condition , that they might retain their ancient customs unviolated , and especially that which they call gavelkind , that is , give all kinne , by which they are not so bound by copy-hold , customarytenures , or tenant-right , as in other parts of england , but in manner every man is a free-holder , and hath some part of his own to live upon . for lands of this nature are equally divided among the male children , or if there be no sonnes , among the daughters . by vertue of this also , they are at full age , and enter upon their inheritance when they come to be fifteen years old : and it is lawfull for them to alienate and make it over to any one , either by gift , or by sale , without the lords consent . by this likewise , the sonne ( though their parents were condemned for felony or murder ) succeeds them neverthelesse in such kind of lands . after this , william the conquerour , that he might more firmly assure to himself kent , which is the very key of england , placed a constable over dover-castle , the most important castle of england , and according to the ancient order of the romans , made him also lord warden of the cinque-ports . these be they , hastings , dover , hith , rumney and sandwich , unto which , winchelsey and rie are joyned , as principal ports , and other small towns as members . which because they are bound to serve in the warres by sea , enjoy many great immunities : they are free from paiment of subsidies ; and from wardship of their children , as touching the body , they are not sued in any court , but within their own towns ; and of the inhabitants therein , such as they call barons , at the coronation of kings and queens support the canopies over them , yea , and have a table by themselves that day spread , and furnished on the kings right hand . and the lord warden himself , who is alwayes one of the nobility of most approved trust , hath within his jurisdiction the authority of chancellour and admirall in very many cases , and enjoyeth other rights besides . depe-ford a most famous ship-dock , where the kings ships are built , and such as are decayed , repaired : there is also a good store-house , and an incorporation ordained for the use of the navy . green-wich , that is , the green-creek , for the creek of a river in the old english tongue was called wic . a place of very great name by reason of the kings house there , and because queen elizabeth was here borne . barclay the scot in his icon animorum , commends green-wich tower for one of the best prospects in europe , to see london on the one side , the thames , ships , and pleasant medows on the other : eltham a retiring place likewise of the kings , but unwholsome by reason of the moor . seven-oke , so called ( as men say ) of seven exceeding great oaks now cut down . which commendeth sir william sevenok an alderman of london , who being a foundling and brought up here ; and therefore so named , built herein gratefull remembrance an hospital and a school . dartford upon the river darent , a great mercat town well frequented , and well watered . graves-end , so called , as the gereves-end ; that is , the limit of the gereve or reve. a town as well known as any other in england , for the usual passage by water between it and london . henry the eight raised two block-houses here , and two other opposite on essex-side . tunbridge the town of bridges . maidstone the shire town : a large , fair , sweet and populous town . rochester may glory in her impregnable fortification by the navy royal. rochester signifies as much as castrum in rupe , the camp or station on the rock . all places ending in chester arise from the ruines of the old romane castra . burt. comment . on antoninus itin. through brit. the island shepey , or the isle of sheep : it feedeth mighty great floks of sheep ; it is plentifull in corn , but scarce of woods , containeth twenty one miles in compasse . queen-borough-castle , king edward the third built it , and so named it in honour of his queen . tenham the parent ( as it were ) of all the choise fruit gardens and orards of kent , and the most large and delightsome of them . thirty parishes thereabout , are replenished with cherry-gardens , and orchards beautifully disposed in direct lines . as for orchards of apples and gardens of cheries , and those of most delicious and exquisite kinds that can be , no part of the realm ( that i know ) hath them either in such quantity and number , or with such art and industry set and planted . lamb . perambulat . of kent . amongst these is feversham very commodiously situate . reculver of name for the salt savoury oisters there dregged , and for a minster . the oisters here do as farre surpasse those of whitstaple , as these do the rest of this shire in savoury saltnesse . lamb perambul of kent . canterbury * the chief city of this county , ancient and famous no doubt in the romans time . the archbishop of canterbury was called totius angliae primas ; the archbishop of york , angliae primas ; without any further addition . anselme ( for recompence of the service he had done in oppugning the marriage of priests , and resisting the king for the investiture of clerks ) was by pope urbane endowed with this accession of honour , that he and his successours , should from thenceforth have place in all general councels , at the popes right foot , who then said withall , includemus hunc in orbe nostro , tanquam alterius orbis papam . canterbury is one of the famousest cities in england : it hath had a rare cathedral , though now much ruinated by reason of these later times . the cathedral is in the midst of the city , a fair church , the body of which is within a little as large as pauls in london ; between the body and the quire a very high steeple , where hangeth a bell , called by the name of bell-harry , being one of them which king henry brought out of france . there is also in this steeple four spires much like to sepulchres in london . there is on each side of the great west-gate two other steeples , the one called dunston-steeple , the other , arnold-steeple , in each of which are a very pleasant ring of bels . in the same cathedral there was the famousest window that ever was known in england , for which there was offered ( as some say ) by the spanish embassadour 10000lb , being the whole history of christ from his nativity to his sufferings , but is now battered to pieces . in the quire of this cathedral is buried prince edward , called the black prince , whose monument is there of brasse . the dean and prebends had very fair houses within the bounds of the said cathedral , which was like a little city , and so much power formerly , that the maiors sword was not suffered to be held up within the gates of the deanry . there is underneath this cathedral a great congregation of french living in the city ; and the dutch also have a church in that place which was called the bishops palace . within the bounds of the said deanry there is a free school , called , the kings school , wherein are two masters , and many scholars ( formerly wearing gowns ) that are there brought up , and many from thence sent to the university . there was one schoolmaster * some years before he died , affirmed , he had had thirty seven masters of arts of his bringing up . there are many churches in the city and suburbs . there are two markets a week . the maior and aldermen are cloathed in scarlet , and they keep the sessions in the same city . the city is walled , and hath a mote about it , the wall being so broad that two or three men may go a-brest , with gallant watch houses , called citadels , all built with flint-stone . there was an old castle , but it hath been for many years demolished , and some of the works ( or forts ) are yet standing , that were when the danes came in , one or two of which were made use of when the last rising was there . there are two hospitals in the city , one for ancient people , and the other for children . the isle of thanet , it is eight miles long , and four broad , a right fertile soil . goodwin-sands a sandy dangerous place . in the reign of william the second , certain lands in kent , which did once belong to godwin earl of kent , were overflowed and covered with sand , which to this day do bear the name of godwins sands . see kilburns survey of kent , pag. 262 , 263. how tenterden steeple was said to be the cause of goodwins sands . sandwich one of the cinque ports . dover . the town is seated between high cliffs , more famous for the commodiousnesse of the haven , ( such as it is ) and for ready passage into france , then for any elegance or great trade . there is a most stately castle like unto a pretty city , fortified strongly with bulwarks , and many a tower . it is the strongest hold of all england , and most commodious for the french . sandgate-castle , and satlwood , a castle . hith , it signifies an haven or harbour , one of the cinque ports . rumney-marsh a fruitfull soil , it feedeth a number of herds of cattel sent hither from the furthest parts of wales , and england to be fatted . there is at bilsington a priory built by john maunsel . weaver in his funeral monuments saith , he saw a pedigree of the maunsels from philip de maunsel , who came in with the conquerour , untill these our times . wie . here was born john kemp archbishop of canterbury , and one of the great benefactors to the university of oxford . he was bishop of rochester , chichester and london , archbishop of york first , and afterward of canterbury , twice made cardinal . bis primas , ter praeses , & bis cardine functus . this province hath three hundred ninety eight parishes , and sixty four hundreds . lancashire . it is a large , populous and well wooded countrey . the county palatine of lancaster ( famous for the four henries , the fourth , fifth , sixth and seventh kings of england , derived from john gaunt duke of lancaster ) is upon the south confined and parted by the river mersey , from the county palatine of chester , the county of darbyshire bordering upon the east ; the large countrey of yorkshire , together with westmerland and cumberland , being her kind neighbours upon the north , and the sea called mare hibernicum imbracing her upon the west . their kine and oxen have goodly heads and fair spread hornes , and are in body well proportionate withall . warringdon . rochdale a mercate town well frequented . manchester , a town of great antiquity , from main a british word which signifieth a stone : it is seated upon a stony hill , and beneath the town , there are most famous quarries of stone . it farre excelleth the towns lying round about it , for the beautifull shew it carrieth , for resort unto it , and for cloathing : in regard also of the mercate place , the fair church and colledge . john bradford the famous martyr was born here . letherpool or lirpool , so named of the water spreading it self in manner of a pool : whence there is a convenient passage over into ireland , and much frequented , and in that respect more notorious than for any antiquity . ocmeskirk a mercate town , well known by reason of the sepulture there , of the stanleys earls of derby , whose chief seat latham , is hard by , a stately house . wiggin a corporation with a maior and burgesses . bolton upon the river irwell . preston a great fair town , and well inhabited . hornby a fair castle . lancaster the chief town of this region . there are thirty six parishes in this shire , but those very populous and spacious , six hundreds , and fifteen market towns . leicestershire . it hath bordering upon it on the east-side , both rutlandshire and lincolnshire ; on the north notingham and derbyshire ; and warwickshire on the west ; and on the south-side lieth northampton . the whole shire yeeldeth great abundance of peas and beans more than any other country , insomuch that there is an old by-word of the same , commonly known to all men , viz. leicestershire bean-belly . burtons descript. of leicestershire . the south-east-side of this shire is exceeding rich ground , yeelding great increase of corn in abundance of all kinds , & affordeth many good and large sheep-pastures , breeding a sheep to that height and goodnesse ; so that ( as i have credibly heard ) neither lemster nor cotswould , can exceed them , if one respect either largenesse of the body , finenesse of the wooll , or goodnesse of the breed . id. ib. leicester standeth upon the river leire , now called sore , it signifies the city standing upon the river leir . it is a town of great antiquity , and standeth in the center and heart of the shire , bearing the proportion of an heart , and being in the very midst and heart of the land . it is situate in a most rich , delicate and pleasant soyl , and delicious air ; it wants only a navigable river . harborow a town famous for a fair of cattel there kept . carleton , all that are born there , whether it be by a peculiar property of the soyl , or of the water ; or else by some other secret operation of nature , have an ill favoured , untunable , and harsh manner of speech , fetching their words with very much ado , deep from out of the throat , with a certain kind of wharling . lutterworth a mercat town , it hath a fair church . that famous john wicliffe was sometimes parson of this church , a man of a singular , polite , and well wrought wit , most conversant also in the holy scripture . neer to this town there is a spring so call'd , that within a short time turneth straws and sticks into stones . cathorp . it came to one cook , a merchant of the staple in the time of henry the fourth , whose daughter and heir was married to william harper of rushall in the county of stafford , and from thence by descent , to leigh . it was not many years since belonging to sir edward leigh of rushall . burtons descript. of leicestershire . hinkley . burton-lazers , so called from a famous hospital , which was there founded for the use of leprous people , to whose master all the lesser houses of that kind were subordinate , as he himself was to the master of the lazers at hierusalem . bosworth , an ancient mercat town . here henry earl of richmond with a small power , encountred in pitch-field with king richard the third , and overcame and slew him , and then with joyfull acclamations was proclaimed king in the very midst of slaughtered bodies round about . ashby de la zouch , a most pleasant lordship now of the earls of huntingdon , but belonging in times past to the noble family de la zouch . cole-overton or orton , famous for pit-coal . it is so called of the cole-mines which are there in great abundance . mount-sorehill , famous only for a mercat there kept . lough-borough a mercat town , next town to leicester in this shire : whether a man regard the bignesse or building thereof , or the pleasant woods about it . melton-mowbray a mercat town , bearing name of the mowbrayes sometimes lords thereof . within this shire are two hundred parish churches , six hundreds , and twelve market towns . lincolnshire . a very large countrey , reaching almost threescore miles in length , and carrying in some places above thirty miles in bredth : passing good for yeelding of corn , and feeding of cattel ; well furnished and set out with a great number of towns , and watered with many rivers . the diocesse here is the largest of england . after three bishopricks were taken out of it , it containeth four whole counties , and parts of two , usually thus exprest , it had under it two bs , two hs , two ls. the whole shire is divided into three parts , whereof one is called holland : a second kesteuen ; and the third lindsey . crowland or croyland , a raw and muddy land , as ingulph the abbot of this place interprets it , a town formerly of good note among the fenne-people . it is seated like unto venice . in the moneth of august , they have sometimes spread a net , and at once drawn three thousand mallards : and they use to term these pools or watery plots of theirs their corn-fields . in regard of this their taking of fish and fowl , they paid yearly in times past to the abbot three hundred pounds of our money , and after so much to the crown . spalding a fair town , enclosed round about with riverets . boston a famous town , standing on both sides of the river witham , which hath over it a wooden bridge of a great heigth , well frequented by means of a commodious haven unto it : the market place is fair and large , and the church maketh a goodly shew , as well for the beautifull building as the greatnesse thereof : the tower-steeple of it , which riseth up to a mighty height , doth salute passengers and travellers a great way off , and giveth direction also to the sailers . in the coat of boston for the corporation there are three crowns relating to the three kingdoms , the crest a ramme lying upon a wool-sack , the ram signifying the great sheep-walks in the fens round about , and the wool-sack , that it was a staple-town . the supporters of the coat are two mare-maids , signifying , that it is a port-town . stanford , it was built of rough stone , whence it hath the name . a town well peopled , and of great resort , endowed also with sundry immunities , and walled about . it is beautified with seven parish churches , or thereabout , and sheweth an old hospital . belvoir or beauvoir-castle , so called of the fair prospect , mounted upon the top of a good steep hill . it belongs to the earl of rutland . the vale of bever , a very pleasant place lieth under the castle . the vale of bevell barren of wooll , is large and very plentifull of good corn and grasse , and lieth in three shires , leicester , lincoln , and much in nottinghamshire . lelands itinerary . grantham a town of good resort , adorned with a school built by richard fox bishop of winchester , and with a fair church , having a spire-steeple of a mighty height . lincolne . this city is large , well inhabited and frequented , it standeth upon the side of an hill , and thence hath its name from its situation , or because it hath been a colony . there are fourteen churches , the minster is a fair one , and in one of the steeples there is a very great bell rung by sixteen men , called great tom of lincoln . camden honourably mentions two learned bishops of lincoln , robert grosthead , and his master thomas cooper . wainfleet , it bred william wainfleet bishop of winchester a worthy prelate , founder of magdalen-colledge in oxford , a man that singularly well deserved of learning . alford a mercat town . castor an ancient castle . mercate-rasin , so called of a mercat there well resorted unto . gainsborrow a market town standing upon the river of trent . grimsby an old market town . here was archbishop whitgift born . there are in this shire six hundred and thirty * parishes , thirty and one hundreds , and thirty market towns . middlesex . it is severed from buckinghamshire by the river cole ; on the west-side , from hertfordshire ; on the north-side by a known crooked limit ; from essex on the east with the river lea , from surrey and kent on the south by the thames . it is a small shire , in length not twenty miles , in circuit not above seventy miles , yet for the fertility thereof it may compare with any other shire : for the soil is excellent fat , fertile and full of profit . nordens speculum britaniae . for air passing temperate , and for soyl fertile , with sumptuous houses , and pretty towns on all sides pleasantly beautified , and every where offereth to the view many things memorable . uxbridge full of innes , it stretcheth out in length . harrow-hill , the highest hill of all this country , under which southward there lie for a long way together , exceeding rich and fruitfull fields , especially about heston a small village , that yeeldeth so fine flour for manchet that a long time it hath served for the kings mouth . hampton-court a royal palace of the kings , a work of admirable magnificence , built out of the ground by thomas wolsey cardinal , in ostentation of his riches . it was enlarged and finished by king henry the eighth so amply , as it containeth within it five several inner courts passing large , environed with very fair buildings wrought right curiously , and goodly to behold . the neatest pile of all the kings houses . godwins annal. it is called hampton-court , hampton of the parish of hampton , which standeth not farre thence : court in regard of the majesty and princely beauty . there are two parks , the one of deer , the other of hares . nordens speculum britaniae . thistleworth , or isleworth . brentford a fair thorow-fare and frequent mercat . fulham the place of fowls , where the bishop of londons house was . chelsey a place garnished with fair and stately houses . london * , the epitome or breviary of all britain , the seat of the british empire , and the king of englands chamber . king luds re-edifying troinovant ( first built by brute ) and from thence leaving the name of caer lud , afterwards turned ( as they say ) into london , is not unknown , scarce to any that hathbut lookt on ludgates inner frontispiece . seld. illustrat . of the eighth song of drayt. polyolb . georgius braun or bruin in his theatrum praecipuarum totius mundi urbium , in three great volumes in folio , mentions london in the first place of his first volume . sir robert dallington in his view of france ; comparing the city of paris with london , saith , that paris is the greater , the fairer built , and the better situate : london is the richer , the more populous , the more ancient . howell in his londinopolis makes a parallel of it , with the other great cities of the world , and so doth gainsford in his glory of england , lib. 2. ch. 17. for the space of above one thousand five hundred fourscore and six years it hath flourished more for the statelinesse and magnificence of her goodly buildings , for the large extent of her bounds and jurisdiction , for the religion and civility of her inhabitants , for the wisdome and honour of her magistrates , for the profession of arms , all good letters and arts , not to speak of her traffique and commerce with all countreys and ports of the known world , more than any other knowne city whatsoever throughout all christendom . burtons comment . on antonin . his itin. through britain , pag. 154 , 155. see more there , and 156 , 157 , 158 , 159 , 160 , 161 , 162 , 163 , 164. see also m. calamy and m. hardie his sermon preacht before the londoners . caput atque metropolis totius insulae trinovantum sive londinium sive londinum , urbs potens & amaena , quam fluviorum rex thamesis pererrat . adolphi a dans vita elizabethae . quicquid habet miri memphis , pretiive corinthus , illion antiquum , graecia magnificum , roma ecquid sanctum , campania deliciarum , subtile hetrusci , splendidulum hesperii : quicquid opum venetis , doctrinae quicquid athenis , metropolis britonum dicat id omne suum . stradlingi epig. l. 1. p. 1. tacitus , ptolomee , and antonine call it londinium ; ammianus lundinum , and augusta , the inhabitants london . it is situate in a rich and fertile soyl , abounding with plentifull store of all things , and on the gentle ascent and rising of an hill , hard by the thames side , which by his safe and deep chanel able to entertain the greatest ships that be , daily bringeth in so great riches from all parts , that it striveth at this day with the mart towns of christendom for the second prize , and affordeth a most sure and beautifull rode for shipping . king james being displeased with the city , because she would not lend him such a summe of money , he told the lord maior and aldermen one day , that he would remove his own court , with all the records of the tower , and the courts of westminster-hall to another place , with further expressions of his indignation ; the lord maior calmly heard all , and at last answered , your majesty hath power to do what you please , and your city of london will obey accordingly ; but she humbly desires , that when your majesty shall remove your courts , you would be pleased to leave the thames behind you . it is for antiquity honourable . ammianus marcellinus called it in his times , and that was twelve hundred yeers ago , an old town : and cornelius tacitus in like manner , who lived in nero his dayes , 1540. years since , reported it to have been a place very famous for fresh trade , concourse of merchants , and great store of victuals , and all things necessary . the tower of london , a most famous and goodly citadel , encompassed round about with thick and strong wals , full of lofty and stately turrets , fenced with a broad and deep ditch , furnished also with an armoury or magazine of warlike munition , and other buildings besides : so as it resembleth a big town . the tower containeth a kings palace , a kings prison , a kings armoury , a kings mint , a kings wardrobe , a kings artillery . gainsford . in the yeer 1235. frederick the emperour sent to henry the third three leopards in token of his regal shield of arms , wherein three leopards were pictures , since which time those lions and others have been kept in a part of this bulwark , now called the lions tower , and their keeper there lodged . stows survey of london . there are twelve chief companies out of which the lord maior is to be annually chosen . twelve innes ordained for students of our common law , whereof four being very fair and large , belong to the judicial courts , the rest unto the chancery . herein such a number of young gentlemen do so painfully ply their books and study the law , that for frequency of students it is not inferiour either to angiers , cane , or orleans it self , as sir john fortescue in his small treatise of the laws of england doth witnesse . the said four principal houses , are the inner-temple , the middle-temple , grayes-inne , and lincolns-inne . john leland the famous antiquary was born in london , bishop andrews , mr. gataker , m. calamy , sir thomas more . chaucer , edmund spenser the famous english poets were born in london . if any city in the world may at this day be called , as jerusalem once was , a city of truth , a holy mountain , in regard of the doctrine of truth and holinesse preached therein , then certainly london may . insomuch that foraigners , hungarians , germans , batavians , others learn our language , and come over to this city , that they may hear our preachers , and read our english divines . london-bridge is an admirable workmanship of stone hewen out of the quarry , upon nineteen arches , besides the draw-bridge , and is furnished on both sides with passing fair houses joyning one to another in manner of a street , that for bignesse and beauty it may worthily carry away the prize from all the bridges in europe . the whole city is divided into six and twenty wards : and the councel of the city consisted of as many ancient men , named of their age in our tongue aldermen , as one would say senatours , who each one have the over-seeing and rule of his several ward . the chief magistrate is the lord maior and two sheriffs , whereof the one is called the kings , the other the cities sheriff . in henry the sixths reign godfrey bolein was lord maior of london ( being the ancestor of two renowned and virtuous queens of england , anne second wife to king henry the eighth , and elizabeth their daughter ) through whose great vigilancy and providence , the city stood so well guarded , that the kings peace was dutifully kept , notwithstanding the great lords of both the factions ( yorkists and lancastrians ) were with so great troops of followers lodged within , and about the same . in edward the thirds reign , henry picard maior of london , in one day sumptuously feasted four kings , edward the third king of england , john king of france , the king of cyprus then arrived in england , david king of scots . see the courage and piety of a lord maior in king james his time in wilsons history of great-britain , p. 106. the merchants meeting place standing upon pillars , which the common people call the burse , and queen elizabeth with a solemn ceremony named , the royal exchange , was set up by sir thomas gresham citizen and knight ; a magnificent work , whether you respect the model of the building , the resort of merchants from all nations thither , or the store of wares there . which sir thomas gresham , being withall an exceeding great lover of learning , consecrated a most spacious house his own habitation to the furtherance of learning , and instituted the professours of divinity , law , physick , astronomy , geometry , and musick , with liberal salaries and stipends , to the end that london might be a place , not only furnished with all kind of traffick , but also with the liberal arts and sciences . there is also a fair and goodly library in sion-colledge , containing an hundred twenty and one foot in length , and above five and twenty foot in breadth . in the reign of king james , robert earl of salisbury , caused to be erected a stately building in the strand , which upon tuesday the tenth of april , in the yeer 1609. was begun to be richly furnished with wares ; and the next day after , the king , the queen and prince , with many great lords and ladies came to see , and then the king gave it the name of britains burse . westminster was called in times past thorney , of thorns , now westminster of the west situation , and the monastery . a city of it self , having its peculiar magistrates and priviledges . it is renowned for the abbey church , the hall of justice , and the kings palace . this church is famous especially by reason of the inauguration and sepulture of the kings of england . william the conquerour and matilda his wife were first crowned at westminster , and since them all other kings and queens of this realm have been there crowned . stows surveigh of london . it is a church of very fair workmanship , supported with sundry rows of marble pillars , a peece of work that cost fifty yeers labour in building . it was founded by king edward the confessour . king henry the seventh for the burial of himself and his children , adjoyned thereto in the east end a chappel of admirable elegancy : leland calleth it , the wonder of the world , all the curious and exquisite work that can be devised , is there compacted . it is reported , that the chappel cost ten thousand pound , or as others say fourteen thousand pound . there is a collegiate church , and famous school : forty scholars in their due time are preferred to the universities . here are buried the prince of english poets geffrey chaucer : as also he that for pregnant wit , and an excellent gift in poetry of all english poets came neerest unto him edmund spenser . isaac casaubone . william camden clarenceux king of arms . westminster-hall is the greatest hall in england , and the very praetorium , or hall of justice . in this are the judicial courts , the upper-bench , the common-pleas , and the chancery ; and in places neer thereabout , the starre-chamber , the exchequer , court of wards , and court of the dutchy of lancaster . in which at certain set times ( we call them terms ) causes are yeerly heard and tried . this judgement hall king richard the second built out of the ground , as appeareth by his arms engraven in the stone-work , and many arched beams . there are a hundred twenty and one churches , more than rome it self can shew . redcliff , so called of the red cliff , a pretty fine town and dwelling place of sailers . enfield-chase a place much renowned for hunting . in this county without the city of london are reckoned parishes much about seventy three , with the city , liberties , and suburbs an hundred twenty and one . monmouthshire . it is enclosed on the north-side with the river munow that separateth it from herefordshire : on the east-side with wye running between it and glocestershire : on the west with the river remmey , which severeth it from glamorganshire ; and on the south with the severn . the east part is full of grasse and woods : the west is somewhat hilly and stony , yet not unthankfull to the husbandman . monmouth the chief town of the shire . munow and wye at their confluence do compasse it almost round about , and give it the name . on the north-side , where it is not defended with the rivers , it was fortified with a wall and ditch . in the midst of the town , hard by the mercat place standeth a castle , which ( as it is thought ) john baron of monmouth built . it was the birth place of henry the fifth that triumpher over france , and the second ornament of the english nation . it glorieth also that geffrey ap arthur , or of munmouth , compiler of the british history was born and bred there : a man well skilled in antiquities , but ( as it seemeth ) not of antique credit ; so many toyes and tales he every where enterlaceth out of his owne brain , as he was charged while he lived . chepstow a famous town , and of good resort , situate upon the side of an hill , rising from the very river , fortified round about with a wall of a large circuit , which includes within it both fields and orchards . it hath a very spacious castle situate over the river . strighall castle , it belongs to the earls of pembroke . sudbroke , the church whereof called trinity-chappel standeth neer the sea , a moor for many miles together . abergenny , it is fortified with wals , and a castle . this shire containeth parish churches an hundred twenty seven . northfolk or norfolk . people of the north . it is a region large and spacious , and in manner all thorowout a plain champion , unlesse it be where there rise gently some pretty hils ; passing rich , exceeding full of sheep , and stored with coneys , replenished likewise with a great number of populous villages : for besides twenty seven mercat towns , it is able to shew villages and countrey towns six hundred twenty and five , watered with divers rivers and brooks , and not altogether destitute of wood . a man may collect the goodnesse of the ground by this , that the inhabitants are of a passing good complexion , to say nothing of their exceeding wily wits , and the same right quick in the insight of our common laws : insomuch as it is counted , the only countrey for best lawyers . one saith , that three hundred and forty nisi prius were tried there at one assizes . it is a pleasant countrey for sports , hawking and hunting . thetford the ford of thet , of good bignesse , yet it hath but few inhabitants . harleston a good mercat . norwich a famous city by reason of the wealth , number of inhabitants , the resort of people , fair buildings , and many fair churches ( it containeth thirty two parishes , and fourty two chappels and churches ) the painfull industry of the citizens , and their courtesie unto strangers . the market , crosse and cloister of the cathedral there , are the fairest in england . it is pleasantly situate on the side of an hill , compassed about with strong wals , ( in which are orderly placed many turrets , and twelve gates ) unlesse it be on the east-side , where the river is a fence thereto .. it is three miles about . the arms of the city are the castle and lion . a city whose antiquity alexander nevil hath most learnedly and elegantly set down in latine . it hath been long famous for the ancient cloathes , or stuff , called worsted , but hath lately abounded in variety of weaving through the invention and industry of the dutch and french flemmings which inhabit there in great numbers . there is a great house there of the duke of norfolks , now the earl of arundels , where there are very fair granaries , and the best bowling-alley in england . there is also an hospital , where an hundred of men and women are maintained . matthew parker was born here . yarmouth a very convenient haven , and as fair a town , beautifully built , and well fenced , both by the natural strength of the place , and also by the skilfull industry of mans art . it hath but one church , yet the same is very large , having a high steeple to adorn it . it is famous for fishing and merchandizing . there are two long streets in it , each of them a mile long , one called the dean-street , the other the key : there is also another street , called the middle-street , and many rows , as they call them after the manner of holland . there is also a fair market place . holt a town so called of an holt or tuft of trees , and for the mercat well ▪ known . ailesham a mercat town of good resort . worsted , where the stuff worsted in so great request amongst our ancestors was first made ; and hence so named , as dornicks , camery , calecut , had in like manner their denominations from the places where they were first invented and made . walsingham . this village is very famous by reason of the best saffron growing there . the family of the walsinghams knights , fetched first their name and original from hence : out of which house flourished that sir francis walsingham secretary to queen elizabeth , a man as of deep insight , so also of as rare and painfull industry in the weightiest affairs of the realm . lynne peradventure so named of the waters broad spreading . so lynne imports in the welch tongue . this is a large town encompassed with a deep trench and wals , for the most part thereof divided by two small rivers that have fifteen bridges , or thereabout over them . it is called old linne , and linnum regis , that is , kings linne ; yet by reason of the safe haven which yeeldeth most easie accesse , for the number also of the merchants there dwelling , and thither resorting , for the fair and the goodly houses , the wealth also of the townsmen , it is doubtlesse the principal town of this shire , except norwich onely . mershland , a little moist mersh-countrey , as the name implieth , a soil standing upon very rich and fertile mould , and breeding abundance of cattel : insomuch as that in a place commonly called tilneysmeth there feed much about thirty thousaud sheep . in this province there be parish churches about six hundred and sixty . in norfolk and suffolk there are more parishes than in any other counties , six hundred and odde in norfolk , and above five hundred in suffolk . northamptonshire . this county is situate in the very middle and heart ( as it were ) of england . on the east lie bedford and huntingdonshires . on the south buckingham and oxfordshires : westward warwickshire : northward rutlandshire , and lincolnshire , separated from it by avon the lesse , and welland two rivers . it is a champion countrey , exceeding populous , and passing well furnished with noblemens and gentlemens houses , replenished also with towns and churches ; insomuch as in some places there are twenty , and in others thirty seeples with spires or square towers within view at once . the soil very fertile both for tillage and pasture , yet nothing so well stored with woods , unlesse it be in the further and hither sides . but in every place , as elswhere also in england , it is over-spread , and ( as it were ) beset with sheep . brakley a place full of brake or fern , the students of magdalen ▪ colledge in oxford , use the colledge there for a retiring place . torcester , so called of towrs . it hath a large church in it . hard by at eston-nessont there is a fair and beautifull house belonging to the knightly family of the farmers . sacy-forest stored with deer , and fit for game . avon a general name of all rivers . this aufona or nen is a notable river , which after a sort runneth through the middle part of this shire . dantrey is a through-fare town , well known at this day by reason of the innes there . fawesly where have dwelt a long time the knightleys descended from those more ancient knightleys of gnowshall in the county of stafford . wedon in the street . it is a pretty through-fare set on a plain ground , and much celebrated by carriers , because it standeth hard by the famous way there commonly call'd of the people * watlingstreet . lelands itinerary . holdenby-house , a fair patern of stately and magnificent building . northampton , so called from its situation upon the north-bank of the river aufon . the city for houses is very fair , for circuit of good largenesse , and walled about : and from the wall there is a goodly prospect every way to a wide and spacious plain countrey . there are seven parish churches within the wals , whereof the church of alhallows is principal , standing in the heart of the town , and is large and well builded . lelands itinerary . mercat wellingborow . kettering a mercat town well frequented . higham-ferrers . the excellent ornament of this place was henry chichley * archbishop of canterbury , who built all-souls colledge in oxford , and another here , where he placed secular clerks and prebendaries , and withall an hospital for the poor . oundale , there is a fair church , and a free-school for the instruction of children , and an almes-house for poor people . fothering-hay castle , environed on every side with most pleasing medows . here mary queen of scots was beheaded . upton , so called , because it is highly situate . peterborow , because the monastery was dedicated to saint peter . see monasticon anglicanum , p. 63. baibroke castle . rockingham castle . welledon . maxey castle . there belong unto this shire three hundred twenty six parishes . nottinghamshire . it is limited northward with yorkshire , westward with darbyshire , and in some parts with yorkshire , and on the south-side with leicestershire . the south and east parts thereof are made more fruitfull by the noble and famous river trent , with other riverets resorting unto it . the forest of shirewood in the west part stretcheth out a great way . it yeeldeth store of wood to maintain fire . it hath a grea● number of fallow-deer , yea and stags with their stately branching heads feeding within it . mansfield there is a great mercat passing well served , and as well frequented . the first earl of mansfield in germany was one of king arthurs knights of the round-table , born and bred at this mansfield . nottingham ( the principal town , which hath given name unto the shire ) is seated on the side of an hill . the town for the natural site thereof is right pleasant : as where , on the one hand lie fair and large medows by the rivers-side ; on the other , rise hils with a gentle and easie ascent : and is plentifully provided of all things beside , necessary for mans life . it is both a large town and well builded for timber and plaister , and standeth stately on a climbing hill . it hath a fair market place and street . the castle standeth on a rocky hill on the west-side of the town , and line riveret goeth by the roots of it . lelands itinerary . for largenesse , for building , for three fair churches , a passing spacious and beautifull mercat place , and most strong castle , it maketh a goodly shew . newark , as one would say , the new work , of the new castle . here king john finished the most wearisom course of his troublesom life . little-borough , a little town indeed , and truly answering to the name . workensop a town well known for the liquorice that there groweth , and prospereth passing well . blithe a famous mercat town . wollerton a fair house built by sir francis willoughby . there are in this county an hundred sixty eight parishes . northumberland . the ground it self for the most part is rough , and hard to be manured , seemeth to have hardened the inhabitants , whom the scots their neighbours also made more fierce and hardy , while sometimes they keep them exercised in warres , and other whiles in time of peace intermingle their manners among them , so that by these means they are a most warlike nation , and excellent good light-horse men . and whereas they addicted themselves wholly to arms ; there is not a man amongst the better sort , that hath not his little tower or pile : and so it was divided into a number of baronies : the lords whereof in times past before king edward the first his dayes went commonly under the name of barons , although some of them were of no great living . but a wise and politick devise this was of our ancestours , to cherish and maintain martial prowesse among them in the marches of the kingdome , if it were nothing else , but with an honourable bare title . toward the sea and tine , by diligence and good husbandry it becometh very fruitfull ; but else where it is more barren , rough , and ( as it were ) unmanurable . and in many places sea-coles are digged up in great plenty to the great gain of the inhabitants , and commodity of others . thrilwale castle , not great , but strongly built . otterburn , where there was a field most valiantly fought between the scots and english ; in which the victory waved alternatively too and fro three or four times , and fell in the end to the scottish . * hexham . new-castle * upon tine , the very eye of all the towns in these parts , ennobled by a notable haven , which tine maketh , being of that depth , that it beareth very tall ships , and so defendeth them , that they can neither easily be tossed with tempests , nor driven upon shallows and shelves . it is situate on the rising of an hill . it is adorned with four churches , and fortified with most strong walls , which have seven gates in them , with many towers . it is wealthy , partly by entercourse of traffick with the germans , and partly by carrying out sea-coles , wherewith this countrey aboundeth , both into foraign countreys , and also into other parts of england . portus , castrum , carbo , salmo , salina , molaris , murus , pons , templum , schola sunt novi gloria castri . hurst . a sylva nomen accepit , nec aliunde sejactat , quam a minaci castello . lel. comment . in cygn. cant. tinmouth-castle , a stately and strong castle . morpeth a famous little town . morpith-castle , so called , from the death of the picts in that place . withrington an ancient castle , which gave the name unto the withringtons gentlemen of good birth , and knights , whose valour in the war hath been from time to time remarkable . warkworth a proper fair castle . there is a chappel wonderfully built out of a rock hewen hollow , and wrought without beams , rafters , or any pieces of timber . alnwick or anwick , a town ennobled by the victory of the englishmen over the scots , and fortified with a goodly castle . the earls of northumberland kept their court at that castle . emildon . here was born john duns , called scotus , because he was descended of scotish bloud , who being brought up in merton-colledge at oxford , became wonderfull well learned in logick , and in that crabbed and intricate divinity of those dayes : yet as one still doubtfull and unresolved , he did overcast the truth of religion with mists of obscurity . and with so profound and admirable subtilty , in a dark and rude stile , he wrote many works , that he deserved the title of the subtile doctor : and after his own name erected a new sect of the scotists . but he died pitifully , being taken with an apoplexy , and over-hastily buried for dead ; whiles upon return of life , nature ( though too late ) was about to discusse the violence of the disease : and he , making means in vain by a lamentable noise for help , after he had a long time knocked his head against the grave-stone , dashed out his own brains , and at last yeelded up his vital breath . norrham or northam . there is a castle upon the top of an high steep rock , and fortified with a trench . berwick the utmost town in england , and the strongest hold in all britain . it is well neer compassed about with the sea . and twede together . upon the west parts of northumberland , the picts-wall is ; in some of the waste ground the wall is to be seen of great height , and almost whole . the roman britains being continually molested by the often incursions of the barbarous people called picts . the emperour severus built a wall of stone , with great wisdome and industry to strengthen the northern parts of britain , against the many inrodes of the picts . at every miles end of this wall was a tower , and in the wall a pipe of mettal betwixt the tower or sentinel-houses , that so soon as a man had set his mouth to this pipe , they might hear through all the sentinels , where the enemy was , and so in a short time giving warning from one end of the wall to the other . there are about fourty six parishes in northumberland . oxfordshire . on the west-side it joyneth upon glocestershire ; on the south , which way it runneth out farthest in breadth , it is dissevered from barkshire by the river isis or tamis ; eastward it bordereth upon buckinghamshire ; and northward where it endeth pointed , in manner of a cone , or pineapple , hath northamtonshire of one side , and warwickshire on the otherside , confining with it . it is a fertile countrey and plentifull ▪ wherein the plains are garnished with corn-fields and medows , the hils beset with woods , stored in every place not only with corn and fruits , but also with all kind of game for hound or hawk ; and well watered with fish-full rivers . hoch-norton , for the rustical behaviour of the inhabitants in the age afore-going , it grew to be a proverb , when folk would say of one rudely demeaning himself , and unmannerly after an hoggish kind , that he was born at hocknorton . woodstock a woody place . here is one of the kings houses full of state and magnificence , built by king henry the first , who adjoyned also thereunto a very large park compassed round about with a stone wall , which john rosse writeth to have been the first park in england . our historians report , that king henry the second being enamoured upon rosamond clifford , a damsel so fair , so comely and well-favoured without comparison , that her beauty did put all other women out of the princes mind ; insomuch as she was termed rosa mundi , the rose of the world ; and to hide her out of the sight of his jealous juno the queen , he built a labyrinth in this house , with many inextricable windings , backward and forward : which notwithstanding is no where to be seen at this day . she was buried at godstow with this epitaph in rhyme . hic jacet in tumba rosa mundi , non rosa munda , non redolet , sed olet , quae redolere solet . the town it self having nothing at all to shew , glorieth yet in this , that jeffrey chaucer our english homer was there bred and brought up . banbury a fair large town . it is famous for cheese and cakes . hanwell , where the family of cope hath flourished many yeers in great and good esteem . broughton , the seat of my lord say and sele . islip the native place of that king edward , whom for his religious piety and continency , our ancestours and the popes vouchsafed the name of edward the confessor . oxford a fair and goodly city , whether a man respect the seemly beauty of private houses , or the stately magnificence of publick buildings , together with the wholsome site or pleasant prospect thereof . it was from its situation in ancient times , called bello situm . isidis vadum saxonice ouseford , & ousenford , corrupte oxford . historia circumfertur adfirmans hanc urbem olim ab amaenitate sitûs bellositum dictum fuisse : joannes rossus hinc edoctus , hoc idem affirmat . let. comment . in cygn. cant. oxoniensis universitas schola secunda ecclesiae , imo ecclesiae fundamentum . matthew paris hist. angl. pag. 945. in the councel of vienna , it was ordained that there should be erected schools for the hebrew , greek , arabick and chaldaean tongues , in the studies of paris , oxford , bonony and salamanca , as the most famous of all others , to the end that the knowledge of these tongues might by effectual instruction be throughly learned . here are 17 colledges , and 7 hals . dorchester , a town known in times past to the romans . vide lel. commentin cygn. cant. henley upon tamis , the inhabitants of it for the most part are watermen . this county containeth two hundred and eighty parish churches . richmondshire . it takes the name from a castle . most of it lieth very high , with ragged rocks , and swelling mountains , whose sloping sides in some places bear good grasse , the bottom and valleys are not altogether unfruitfull . the hils themselves within , are stored with lead , pit-coal and copper . nappa an house built with turrets , and the chief seat of the medcalfs , thought to be not long since the greatest family for multitude of the same name , in all england : for i have heard that sir christopher medcalf knight , and the top of this kindred being of late high-sheriff of the shire , accompanied with three hundred men of the same house all on horse-back , and in a livery , met and received the justices of assizes , and so brought them to york . so camden . bolton-castle , a stately castle . richmond , the chief town of the countrey , well peopled and frequented . hourby-castle . there are contained in this shire an hundred and four parishes besides chappels . rutlandshire . it is the least county of all england . lying in form almost round like a circle , it is in compasse so farre about , as a light-horsman will ride in one day . it was called rutland , as one would say red-land , the earth in this shire is every where red , and so red that even the sheeps fleeces are thereby coloured red : the english-saxons called red in their tongue roet and rud. uppingham a place upon an high ascent , whence that name was imposed , a well frequented mercat town . the vale of catmose a field full of woods . okeham is in the midst of it , so called from oaks . this small shire hath parish churches fourty eight . shropshire . on the east-side it hath staffordshire ; on the west mongomeryshire and denbighshire ; on the south-side worcester , hereford and radnorshires , and on the north cheshire . it is replenished with towns and castles standing thick on every side , in regard of repelling and repressing the welshmen in the marches bordering hereupon . whence our ancestours by an ancient word , named the confines of this shire toward wales , the marches , because they were bounds and limits between the welsh and english ; and divers noblemen in this tract were called barons of the march , and lords marchers , who had every one in their territory a certain peculiar jurisdiction , and in their own courts ministred law unto the inhabitants , with sundry priviledges and immunities . bishops-castle , so called , because it belonged to the bishops of hereford , whose diocesse and jurisdiction was large in this shire . clun-castle , so called from the river clun . ludlow , it standeth upon an hill , a town more fair than ancient . bridgnorth , so called of burgh or burrough , and morfe ( heretofore a forest ) adjoyning . a town fortified with walls , a ditch , a stately castle , and the severn : seated also upon a rock , out of which the wayes leading into the upper part of the town were wrought out . wenlock , now known for the lime . huckstow-forest . routon-castle . tong-castle , there is a bell for the bignesse of it very famous in all those parts adjoyning . draiton . wem . morton-corbet , a castle of the corbets . shrewsbury the famousest town of this shire , it standeth most pleasantly . it is seated upon an hill of a reddish earth , and severn , having two very fair bridges upon it . neither is it strengthened only by nature , but fortified also by art ; it is like a horse-shoe in the opening place . there is a strong stately castle . it is a fair and goodly city well frequented and traded , full of good merchandize , and by reason of the citizens painfull diligence , with cloth making , and traffique with welshmen , rich and wealthy . for , hither ( almost ) all the commodities of wales do conflow ( as it were ) to a common mart of both nations . it is inhabited both with welsh and english , speaking both languages . one of the rarities there is their cakes , such as cannot be made so well in any other place of england . shrawerden castle . knocking-castle . oswestre , a little town enclosed with a ditch and a wall , fortified also with a pretty castle , in it there is great traffick of welsh cottons . whittington-castle . whit-church , or album monasterium . ellesmer a little territory , but rich and fruitfull . in this region there are about an hundred and seventy parishes . it had the great lawyer , ployden ; the rich squire thin ; the great hebrician , broughton ; the strong man , the baron of burford ; the witty jester , tarleton . somersetshire . this county is very large and wealthy : the north-side whereof the severn sea beateth upon : the west part confineth with denshire : in the south it bordereth first upon devonshire , and then upon dorsetshire : eastward upon wiltshire : and north-east upon part of glocestershire . the soil very rich , yeelding for the most part thereof passing great plenty both of pasture and corn , and yet not without stony hils : exceeding populous , and full of inhabitants : furnished also with commodious havens , and ports sufficiently . as it is soul , so it is fruitfull , which makes them comfort themselves with this proverb , what is worst for the rider is best for the abider . this name grew from somerton , a famous town in ancient time , and of all others in the shire most frequented . dunster-castle is enclosed round about with hils , saving to the seaward , built by the mohuns , a right noble and mighty family , which flourished from the very conquerours dayes , ( under whose reign that castle was built ) unto the time of king richard the second . cheder , famous for five things : 1. cheese . 2. * teazers . 3. garlick . 4. mills : there is a spring whereby many mils are turned about . 5. cliffs , a great rock cleft asunder . evel a great market town . west-camalet and east-camalet , or queens-camalet two towns . winecaunton a great market . ilchester , there is a market there kept . montacute , fo termed , because the hill riseth up by little and little to a sharp point . it hath given name to that right honourable family of montacute . longport a market town well frequented . wellington a pretty market town . sir john popham dwelt here , a man of an ancient worshipfull house , and withall a most upright justicer , and of singular industry . taunton or thonton from the river thone . a very fine and proper town , and most pleasantly seated , one of the eyes of the shire . the countrey here most delectable on every side with green medows ; flourishing with pleasant gardens and orchards , and replenished with fair mannor-houses , wonderfully contenteth the eyes of the beholders . athelney a pretty island , a place famous for king alfreds shrouding himself therein , when the danes had brought all into broil . somerton the shire town in times past . there is kept a fair of oxen , and other beasts from palm-sunday untill the midst of june , with much resort of people ; the countreymen all thereabout are very great grasiers , breeders , and feeders of cattel . bridgwater a great and populous town ; king henry the eighth adorned it with an earldom . bruiton . the glassy isle , so called , propter amnem scilicet quasi vitrei coloris in marisco circumfluentem ▪ monasticon anglicanum . vide plura ibid. here flourished the famous abbey of glastenbury , the beginning whereof is very ancient , fetched even from that joseph of arimathaea , who enterred the body of jesus christ , and whom philip the apostle of the gauls , sent into britain for to preach christ . see dees british monarchy . ochy hole a cave , or den far within the ground , wherein are to be seen certain pits and riverets . congerbury , so named of one congar , a man of singular holinesse . this county is famoused by three cities , bath , wells and bristow . wells a little city with an episcopal see , so called of the springs or wells , which boyl up there . for multitude of inhabitants , for fair and stately buildings , it may well and truly challenge the preheminence of all this province . it hath a goodly church and colledge . the church it self all thorowout is very beautifull , but the frontispiece thereof in the west-end , is a most excellent and goodly piece of work indeed , for it ariseth up still from the foot to the top all of imagery , in curious and antique wise wrought of stone carved , and embowed right artificially , and the cloisters adjoyning very fair and spacious . a gorgeous palace of the bishops , built in manner of a castle , fortified with walls , and a mote standeth hard by , southward ; and on the other side fair houses of the prebendaries . in the reign of henry the first johannes de villula of tours in france , being elected bishop , translated his see to bath , since which time the two sees growing into one , the bishop beareth the title of both , so that he is called , the bishop of bath and wells . selwood , a wood thick of trees , whereof the countrey adjoyning is called selwoodshire . bathe of the hot bathes in times past , callid in latine aquae calidae . it is seated low in a plain , environed round about with hils almost all of one height , out of which certain rilles of fresh river waters continually descend into the city , to the great commodity of the citizens . within the city it self there bubble and boil up three springs of hot water , of a blewish or sea-colour , thin vapours , and rising up from thence a kind of strong sent withall , by reason that the water is drilled and strained through veins of brimstone , and a clammy kind of earth , called bitumen , which springs are very medicinable , and of great vertue to cure bodies over-charged and benummed with corrupt humours . for , by their heat they procure sweat , and subdue the rebellious stubbornnesse of the said humours . from eight of the clock in the forenoon unto three in the afternoon , they are in a manner scalding hot , and do work : and being thus troubled , cast up from the bottom certain filth ; during which time they are shut : neither may any body go into them , untill by their fluces they cleanse themselves , and rid away that filthinesse . of these three the crosse-bath ( so called of a crosse standing upright in old time in the midst of it ) is of a very mild and temperate warmth ; and hath twelve seats of stone about the brink or border thereof , and is enclosed within a wall . the second , distant from this not fully two hundred foot , is much hotter ; whence it is termed hot bath . these two are in the midst of a street on the west-side of the city . the third , which is the greatest , and after a sort in the very bosom and heart of the city , is called , the kings bath , neer unto the cathedral church , walled also round about , and fitted with two and thirty seats of arched work ; wherein men and women may sit apart , who when they enter in put upon their bodies linnen garments , and have their guides . this city hath flourished as well by cloathing , as by reason of usual concourse thither for health twice every yeer . bristow . this city standing partly in somerset , and partly in glocestershires , is not to be reputed belonging to this or that , having magistrates of its own , and being of it self entire , and a county incorporate . it is situate somewhat high between avon , and the little river frome , sufficiently defended with rivers and forfications together . so fair to behold by reason of buildings , as well publick as private , that it is fully correspondent to the name of brightstow . with common sews or sinks ( they call them goutes ) so made to runne under the ground , for the conveyance and washing away of all filth , that for cleanlinesse and wholsomnesse a man would not desire more : whereupon there is no use here of carts : so well furnished with all things necessary for mans life , so populous , and well inhabited withall , that next after london and york , it may of all cities in england justly challenge the chief place . for the mutual intercourse of traffick and the commodious haven , which admitteth in ships under sail into the very bosom of the city , hath drawn people of many countreys thither . the citizens themselves are rich merchants , and traffick all over europe , yea , and make voyages at sea so farre as into the most remote parts of america . the most beautifull church there is s. maries of radcliff without the wals , into which there is a stately ascent upon many stairs ; so large withall , so finely and curiously wrought , with an arched roof over head of stone artificially embowed , a steeple also of an exceeding height , that it surpasseth in many degrees all the parish-churches in england . there is hard by , another church also , which they call the temple , the tower whereof , when the bell rings , shaketh to and fro , so as it hath cloven and divided it self from the rest of the building , and made such a chink from the bottom to the top , as that it gapeth the breadth of three fingers , and both shutteth and openeth whensoever the bell is rung . s. vincents rock , so full of diamonds , that a man may fill whole strikes or bushels of them . they are not so much set by , because they are plenteous : in bright and transparent colour they match the indian-diamonds , if they passe them not : in hardnesse only they are inferiour to them . in this county are numbered three hundred eighty five parishes . staffordshire . it hath on the east warwickshire and darbyshire ; on the south-side worcestershire ; and westward shropshire bordering upon it ; reacheth from south to north in form of a lozeng , broader in the middest , and growing narrower at ends . the north part is full of hils , and so lesse fruitfull : the middle being watered with the river trent is most plentifull , clad with woods and embrodered gallantly with corn-fields and medows : as is the south port likewise , which hath coals also digged out of the earth , and mines of iron . there are these rivers in staffordshire , sow which runneth by stafford , dove , peru a little river by pencridge , charnet , blith , tame . the river trent ariseth in collonel boyers park , and dove passeth thorow part of it ; severn passeth thorow some part of the shire . stourton castle stands upon the river stour in the very confines with worcestershire . dudley-castle did stand upon an hill , named so of one dudo , or dodo ah english saxon. it is now demolished . under this lieth pensneth-chace , wherein are many cole-pits . pateshall a seat of the astleys descended from honourable progenitors . wrotestley , the habitation of sir walter wrotesly whose father was sir hugh wrotesly . in the parlour window among divers of the arms of the ancestours of that family there is one sir hugh wrotesley mentioned , who for his approved valour was made by king edward the third knight of the garter at the first institution , and so accounted one of the founders of the said honourable order . chellington a fair house and mannor of the ancient family of the giffards . brewood a mercat town . weston . theoten-hall , by interpretation , the habitation of heathens or pagans , at this day tetnal . ulfrunes-hampton , so called of wulfruna a most devout woman , who enriched the town ( called before simply hampton ) with a religious house , it is now corruptly called wulver hampton . for an in-land town , there is a famous market for cattel and corn . weddsborow , there is sea-coal . walsal , a little mercat town , a mile by north from weddesbury . there are many smiths , peuterers and bit-makers . there is a park of that name half a mile from the town . there are many lime-pits neer the town . draiton-basset , the seat of the bassets . tamworth , a town so placed in the confines of the two shires , that the one part which belonged sometime to the mirmions , is counted of warwickshire ; the other which pertained to the hastings of staffordshire . here is a fair castle . at falkesley-bridg that roman high-way watlingstreet , entereth into this shire , and cutting it through ( as it were by a strait line ) goeth westward into shropshire . wall , so called of the reliques of an old wall there remaining , and taking up much about two acres of ground . penck-ridge , so named of the river penck , famous for an horse-fair , which the lord of the place hugh blunt obtained of king edward the second . new-castle under lyme . trentham . stone a mercat town , which having the beginning in the saxons time , took the name of the stones , which our ancestours after a solemn sort had cast on a heap , to notifie the place where wolpher the heathenish king of the mercians , most cruelly slew his two sonnes wulfald and rufin , because they had taken upon them the profession of christianity . sandon . cankwood , or forest . gerards-bromley an house . chebsey . eccleshall . raunton a monastery . stafford , neer unto which there was a castle upon an hill , now demolisht . it is the head town of the whole shire . ticks-hall , the dwelling place of the astons , a family which for antiquity , kinred and alliance , is in these parts of great name . chartley , there is a castle . beaudesert , the house of the lord paget . lichfield . this city is low seated , of good largeness , and fair withall , divided into two parts with a shallow pool of clear water : which parts notwithstanding joyn in one by the means of two bridges or causeys made over , that have their sluces , to let out the water . it was beautified with a very goodly cathedral church , which being round about compassed with a fair wall castle-like , and garnished besides with fair houses of prebendaries , and with the bishops palace also , mounting upon high with three pyramids or spires of stone , making an elegant shew , and for elegant and proportional building it did yeeld to few cathedral churches , but is now demolished . burton upon trent , a famous market , the bridge there hath 38 arches . blithfield a fair house of the ancient family of the bagots . needwood-forest was very large . moorland , so called , because it riseth higher into hils and mountains , and is less fruitfull , which kind of places we call moors . leek a well known market town . wotton , a little countrey village there lying under weverhill . wotton under wever where god came never . this fond rime the neighbour inhabitants use of it . yet in so hard a soil it breedeth and feedeth beasts of large bulk , and fair spread . the river dow or dove doth swiftly runne along the most part of the east-side of this county , and separateth it from darbyshire , if it chance to swell above the banks , and overflow the medows in april , it maketh them so fruitfull that the inhabitants use commonly to chant this joyfull note ; in april doves flood is worth a kings good . utcester , it is situate upon the side of an hill with a gentle ascent : a town more rich in gay flowring medows , and in cattel , than fair built . tutbury-castle in times past large and stately . there are accounted an hundred and thirty parishes in this shire . suffolk . it hath on the west-side cambridgeshire ; on the south the river stour , which divideth it from essex ; on the east-side the german-sea , and on the north two little rivers , ouse the least , and waveney , which flowing out ( as it were ) of the same fountain , runne divers wayes , and sever it apart from norfolk . it was famous for worthy ministers in the very beginning of reformation . in the entrance of queen elizabeth to the crown , it was moved at the council-table , whether it was not dangerous ( for some politick respects ) to alter the religion before established ? sir nicholas bacon ( who was of the county of suffolk ) demanded , which was the true religion acccording to scripture , the protestant or popish ? it being answered , the protestant , leave that to god then ( said he ) to defend it . it is a large countrey and full of havens , of a fat and fertile soil ( unlesse it be eastward ) being compounded of clay and marle , by means whereof there are every where most rich and goodly corn-fields , with pastures as battable for grazing and feeding of cattel . great store of cheeses are there made , which to the great commodity of the inhabitants are vented into all parts of england : nay into germany , france and spain also . there are also woods and parks . new-market a town lately built , as the very name imports . here lieth out a great way round about , a large plain , named of this town , new-market-heath , consisting of a sandy and barren ground , yet green withall . there are great ditches , called , the devils ditches . st. edmunds-bury , or bury , a renowned town . a place for situation and wholsomenesse of air so excellent , that camden saith , sol non vidit urbem situ elegantiorem . many of the gentry live there . there are two churches in one churchyard , where there are lectures several dayes in the week . here was born richardus de bury bishop of durham , the governour of edward the third when young , and famous especially for a work which he entituled philobiblos , in the preface of which he confesseth , ecstatico quodam librorum amore potenter se abreptum . he was well acquainted with petrark the italian , and other learned men of that age . bradwardine archbishop of canterbury , and richard fitzralph , armachanus , walter burleigh , robert halcot , and other most famous men of that age were his chaplains . lidgate a small village , yet in this respect not to be passed over in silence , because it brought into the world john lidgate the monk , whose wit may seem to have been framed and shapen to the very muses themselves : so brightly reshine in his english verses , all the pleasant graces and elegancies of speech , according to that age . clare a noble village , it gave name to the right noble family of the clares , earls of clare . sudbury , that is , the south-burgh , it is populous and wealthy by reason of cloathing there . mont-chensie . nettlested . offton the town of off a king of the mercians . lancham a pretty mercat . hadley a town of good note for making of cloaths . higham . bentley . walpet , that is , the wolves-pit , a mercat town . stow and needham two little mercat towns . ipswich * a fair town resembling a city , situate in a ground somewhat low : which is the eye of this shire , as having an haven commodious enough ; fenced in times past with a trench and rampire , of good trade and stored with wares , well peopled and full of inhabitants , adorned with twelve churches , and with goodly large and stately edifices , plentifull in shipping . mendlesham , there is a market and fair . ufford the seat in times past of robert de ufford earl of suffolk . the roof of this church and other parts of the quire are curiously engraven with sundry kinds of works and pictures , all burnisht and guilt with gold . weevers ancient funer . mon. rendelisham , that is , rendils mansion place . woodbridge a little town beautified with fair houses . framlingham-castle , a very fair and beautifull castle , fortified with bank , ditch , and walls of great thicknesse , wherein are thirteen towers ; and inwardly furnished with buildings right commodious and necessary . parrham a little town ; barons willoughbey of parrham . oreford . aldburgh , that is , the old burgh , or the burgh upon the river ald. an harbour very commodious for sailers and fishermen , and thereby well frequented . dunwich , it lieth now desolate . blithborow a small town , it hath a mercat and a fair . southwold a town well frequented through the benefit of an haven . wingfield , it hath given name to an ancient and renowned family . dunnington the habitation of the ancient family of the rousses . heuningham the residence of a family of that name of very great antiquity . halesworth a mercat town . hoxon , ennobled by reason of king edmunds martyrdom . brome , there dwelt a long time the family of cornwalleis of knights degree : of whom sir john cornwalleis was steward of edward the sixth his houshold while he was prince ; and his sonne sir thomas , for his wisdom and faithfulnesse became one of the privy-councel to queen mary , and controller of her royal house . eaye an island . beddingfield , it gave the name to an ancient and worshipfull family . flixton , or felixton , so named of faelix the first bishop of these parts . mettingham , where there is a castle . luthingland of luthing the lake . comerley town . burgh-castle , now ruined . sommerly-hall , my lady wentworths house , famous for fair walks and ponds . there is one long walk encompassed with fir-trees on each side . the parishes in this county amount to the number of five hundred seventy five . surrey . from the west it boundeth partly upon barkshire and hantshire ; from the south upon sussex ; and from the east on kent ; toward the north it is watered with the river tames , and by it divided from middlesex . it is a countrey not very large , yet wealthy enough , where it beareth upon thames , and lieth as a plain and champion countrey . it is likened by some unto a course freeze garment with a green gard , or to a cloath of great spinning , and thin woven , with a green list about it , because the inner part is but barren , the outward edge or skirt more fertile . chertsey a kind of island . fernham , so named of much fern growing in that place . guildford a mercat town well frequented , and full of fair innes . ockam , where that great philosopher and father of the nominals william de ockham was born , and whereof he took that name , as of the next village ripley , george ripley a ring-leader of our alchymists . oatlands a fair house of the kings : neer unto which caesar passed over tames into the borders of cassivelaunus . for this was the only place where a man might in times past go over the tames on foot , and that hardly too , which the britains themselves improvidently bewrayed unto caesar . ockley , so named of oaks . rhiegate , the rivers course . holm-castle . beckworth-castle . effingham . kingstone a very good mercat town for the bignesse , and well frequented . it had beginning from a little town more ancient then it of the same name . in which , when england was almost ruinated by the danish warres , aethelstan , edwin and ethelred were crowned kings upon an open stage in the market place , whence it was called kingston . leland . comment. in cygn. cant. camd. brit. shene , so called of its shining brightnesse , now richmond , wherein the most mighty prince king edward the third , when he had lived sufficiently both to glory and nature , died . king henry the seventh built it , and gave it that name of richmond , of the title he bare , being earl of richmond , before he obtained the crown of england . he had scarce finished this new work , when in this place he yeelded unto nature , and ended his life . here queen elizabeth also died . none-such a retiring place of the princes , and surpasseth all other houses round about : which king henry the eighth , in a very healthfull place called cuddington before , selected for his own delight and ease , and built with so great sumptuousnesse and rare workmanship , that it aspireth to the very top of ostentation for shew : so as a man may think , that all the skill of architecture is in this one piece of work bestowed , and heaped up together . so many statues and lively images there were in every place , so many wonders of absolute workmanship , and workes seeming to contend with roman antiquities , that most worthily it might have this name that it hath of none-such . hane quia non habeant similem laudare britanni , saepè solent , nullique parem , cognomine dicunt . the britains oft are wont to praise this place : for that through all the realm they cannot shew the like , and none-such they it call . the house was environed about with parks full of deer , it had such dainty and delicate orchards , such groves adorned with curious arbours , so pretty quarters , beds and alleys , such walks so shadowed with trees , that it was exceeding pleasant . wandle a clear riveret full of the best trouts . woodcot a pretty town . croidon , there was the archbishops house of canterbury : there are charcoals . bedington a fair house , beautified with a delightfull shew of pleasant gardens and orchards . addington . aguilon situate in a most fertile soil . merton . it is famous for the statute of merton , enacted here in the 21. of king henry the third , and also for walter de merton founder of merton colledge in oxford , borne and bred here . wimbledon , there is a goodly house , beautifull for building , and delectable for fair profpect , and right pleasant gardens , built in the year 1588. when the spanish armado made sail upon the coast of england . wandlesworth . putney . thomas cromwell earl of essex in the reign of king henry the eighth , was born there . batersey . lambeth . canutus the hardy king of england there amidst his cups yeelded up his vital breath . it was the palace of the archbishop of canterbury . southwark , the burrough of southwork , the most famous mercat town and place of trade in all this shire . it is large and populous . in the reign of king edward the sixth , it was annexed to the city of london , and is at this day taken for a member ( as it were ) of it . sterborow-castle . this county hath in it an hundred and forty parish churches . sussex . the region of the south saxons , a word compounded of the site thereof southward , and of the saxons , who in their heptarchy placed here the second kingdom . it is above threescore miles long , and somewhat above twenty miles broad . it lieth upon the british ocean all southward with a strait shore ( as it were ) farre more in length than breadth : how be it it hath few harbours , by reason that the sea is dangerous for shelves , and therefore rough and troublous , the shore also it self full of rocks . the sea-coast of this countrey , hath green hils on it , mounting to a greater height , called the downs , which because they stand upon a fat chalk , or kind of marle , yeeldeth corn abundantly . the middle tract , garnished with medows , pastures , corn-fields and groves , maketh a very lovely shew . the hithermore and northern side thereof is shaded most pleasantly with woods , like as in times past the whole countrey throughout , which by reason of the woods was hardly passable . the wood andradswald taking the name of anderida the city next adjoyning , took up in this quarter , a hundred and twenty miles in length , and thirty in bredth . it is full of mines in sundry places , where for the making and fining whereof there be furnaces on every side , and a huge deal of wood is yeerly spent , to which purpose divers brooks in many places are brought to runne in one chanel , and sundry medows turned into pools and waters , that they might be of power sufficient to drive hammer-mils , which beating upon the iron , resound all over the places adjoyning . boseham a place environed round about with woods , and the sea together . chichester lieth in a champion plain ▪ a city large enough , and walled about , built by cissa a saxon the second king of this province , and of him so named . it hath four gates opening to the four quarters of the world : from whence the streets lead directly , and crosse themselves in the midst , where the market is kept ; a fair stone market place , supported with pillars round about . the church it self is not great , but very fair and neat , having a spire-steeple of stone , rising up passing high . selsey the isle of sea-calves , now famous for good cockles , and full lobsters . amberley , there is a castle . arundel . petworth a house of my lord of northumberland , where there is a very fair stable . horseham an indifferent market . michel-grove , that is , great-grove . old shoreham a village . stening a great market , and at certaine set dayes much frequented . lewes , this for frequency of people and greatnesse , is reputed one of the chiefest towns of the county , it is seated upon a rising almost on every side . there are six churches in the town . high-hills , called the downs , which for rich fertility giveth place to few valleys and plains . pemsey or peremsey marsh of pevensey , the next towne adjoyning , herst-mounceaux . ashburnham , it gave the name to a family of great antiquity . hastings . it is accounted the first of the cinque-ports . winchelsey a fair town . rhie , a very commodious haven : there is an usual passage from hence into normandy . echingham . bodiam a castle belonging to the ancient family of the leaknors . ashdown-forest , under which standeth buckhurst , the habitation of the ancient house of the sackviles . waterdown-forest . this province containeth parishes three hundred and twelve . warwickshire . it is bounded on the east-side with northamptonshire , leicestershire , and the watlingstreet way : on the south with oxfordshire and glocestershire ; on the west for the greatest part with worcestorshire ; and on the north-side with staffordshire . it is divided into a plain champion , and a woody countrey : which parts the river avon , running crookedly from north-east to south-west , doth after a sort sever one from the other . edge-hill . there is the vale of the red-horse , so termed from a shape of a horse cut out in a red hill by the countrey people hard by . essenhull . it takes its name from the situation , standing eastward from monks-kirby , and upon a rising ground . pillerton . shipston a mercat of sheep in times past . kinton a mercat of kine . compton in the hole , because it lieth hidden under the hils , thence a noble family hath taken the name . shugbury , stones resembling little stars are there found , which the lords of the place surnamed thereupon , have long shewed in their coat-armour . southam a mercate town well known . leamington a mercat town , so caled of leame a small brook that wandereth through this part of the shire . chesterton the habitation of that ancient family of the peitoes . rugby a mercat chiefly for butchers . newenham regis , kings newenham , to distinguish it from newenham paddox , the king was anciently possest of it . there are wholsome wells . upton , so called , because it stands upon an ascent . bagginton , which belonged sometime to the bagots . stoneley a stony place . warwick is the principal town of the whole shire . it standeth over the river avon upon a steep and high rock , and all the passages into it are wrought out of the very stone . it stands in a dry and fertile soil , having the benefit of rich and pleasant medows on the south part , with the lofty groves and spacious thickets of the woodland on the north . it hath a very strong castle , the seat in times past of the earls of warwick , the town it self is adorned with fair houses . a place of strength and health in the same fort you would conceive a castle and a court , the orchards , gardens , rivers , and the air may with the trenches , rampires , walls compare . it seems no art , no force can intercept it , as if a lover built , a souldier kept it . d. corbets iter boreale . blacklow-hill , here piers de gaveston was by the nobles of the kingdom beheaded . charl-cot the habitation of the renowned ancient family of the lucies knights , which place long ago descended hereditarily to them from the charlcots . stratford upon avon a little mercate town ; there is a stone bridge supported with fourteen arches . bitford a mercat town . studly-castle . coughton the principal mansion house of the throckmortons . beauchamps-court , so named of baron beauchamp of powick . henley a pretty mercat town . aulcester a small mercat of wares and trade , but much frequented for the corn-fair there holden . wroxhall , there is a little priory . killingworth , there is a most ample , beautifull and strong castle , encompassed all about with parks . bremicham or bremingham full of inhabitants , and resounding with hammers and anvils , for the most of them are smiths . the lower part thereof standeth very waterish , the upper riseth with fair buildings . sutton-coldfield . it standeth in a wooddy , and on a churlish hard soil , but in an excellent air , and full of all manner of pleasures . there is a grammar-school . coleshull , so called from the river cole . maxstock-castle is neer to it . meriden . this place situated upon london-road , hath from some innes and ale-houses built for the receipt of passengers , grown of late times to the credit of a village . coventry . it is a city very commodiously seated , large , sweet and neat , fortified with a strong wall , and set out with right goodly houses : among which there rise up on high two churches of rare workmanship , standing one hard by the other , and matched ( as it were ) as concurrents , the one consecrated to the holy trinity , the other to saint michael . one and the self same bishop carried the name both of coventry and lichfield . leofrick the first lord of this city being much offended and angry with the citizens , oppressed them with most heavy tributes , which he would remit upon no other condition , at the earnest suit of his wife godina , unlesse she would her self ride on horse-back naked through the greatest and most inhabited street of the city : which she did indeed , and was so covered with her fair long hair , that ( if we may believe the common sort ) she was seen of no body , and thus she did set free her citizens of coventry from many paiments for ever . at gosford-gate there hangeth to be seen a mighty great shield-bone of a wild bore , which guy of warwick slew in hunting , when he had turned up with his snout a great pit or pond , which is now called swansewell , but swineswell in times past . ausley-castle . brand . caledon . whitmore-park . though it be for the most part woody , yet is in some places so moorish , as that the ground beareth nothing but mosse ; which being in one place white , gave occasion ( doubtlesse ) for its name . dugd. antiq. of warwickshire . willowby , because of the willows . cester-over , neer unto which the high port-way watlingstreet . nun-eaton , or eaton . mancester a very small village . atherstone a mercat town of good resort . merival . pollesworth . sir francis nethersole a kentish gentleman of an ancient house , sometimes oratour to the university of cambridge , secretary to the queen of bohemia hath erected a school-house there . in this county there are an hundred and fifty eight parish churches . vvestmerland . it is so called , because it lieth all of it among moors and high hils , and was for the most part unmanured . such barren places the northern englishmen call moors : and west-moreland is a western-moorish countrey . it is bounded on the west and north-side with cumberland ; on the east with yorkshire , and the bishoprick of durrham . the barony of kendale and candale of the river can , which running thorow upon stones , cutteth thorow it . kendale-kirke by kendale , a town of very great trade and resort , with two broad and long streets crossing the one over the other , and a place for excellent cloathing , and for industry so surpassing , that in regard thereof it carrieth a great name . for , the inhabitants have great traffique and vent of their wollen cloaths throughout all parts of england . in the river can are two water-falls , where the waters have a downfall , with a mighty noise . kirkby-lonsdale , whither all the people round about repair to church and mercat . wharton-hall , the seat of the barons wharton . kirkby-stephen a mercat town well known . musgrave , there are two little villages of that name , which gave name unto that martial and warlick family of the musgraves . burgh under stanemore a small poor village fenced with a little fortresse . apelby memorable for its antiquity and situation onely . it standeth in a pleasant site , encompassed for the most part with the river eden ; for its antiquity it deserves to be counted the chief town of the shire . the castle is the common-goal for malefactours . whellep-castle . brougham . in this shire are contained six and twenty parishes . vviltshire . it is altogether a mediterranean or midland countrey . it is enclosed with somersetshire on the west , berkshire and hampshire on the east ; on the north with glocestershire ; on the south with dorsetshire , and a part of hampshire . a region , which as it breedeth a number of warlike and hardy men , who in old time with cornwall and denshire together challenged by reason of their manhood , and martial prowesse the prerogative of the english army , of that regiment which should second the main battel ; so it is exceeding fertile , and plentifull of all things ; yea , and for the variety thereof passing pleasant and delightsome . wansdike a dike of wonderfull work , cast up for many miles together . the saxons made it as a limit to divide the two kingdom of the mercians and west-saxons asunder : for this was the very place of battel between them , while each strove one with another , to enlarge his dominions . greeklade , so called of greek philosophers , as some are ready to believe ; who ( as the history of oxford reporteth ) began there an university , which afterwards was translated to oxford . camdens britan. this ( though leland dislikes ) other learned men approve . see m. seldens illustrat . of draytons polyolb . high-worth highly seated , and well known . wood-town or wotton-basset . it hath his primitive name from wood , the addition proves , that it belonged to the noble house of the bassets . malmesbury , a very neat town , and hath a great name for cloathing . see monasticon anglicanum , p. 49. of the monastery here . maidulphi urbs , that is , maidulphs city , and afterwards short malmesbury . aldelme the chief of maidulphs disciples being elected , his successour built there a very fair monastery , and was himself the first abbot thereof . he was canonized a saint , and on his festival day , there was here kept a great fair , at which usually there is a band of armed men , appointed to keep the peace among so many resorting thither . he was the first of the english nation , who wrote in latine , and that taught englishmen the way how to make a latine verse . primus ego in patriam mecum , modò vita supersit , aonio rediens deducam vertice musas . this monastery among other famous clerks , & great scholars , brought forth william surnamed thereof malmesburiensis , unto whom for his learned industry , the history of england both civil and ecclesiastical are deeply indebted . colne an old little town situate upon a stony ground , having in it a fair church to commend it . chippenham , of note at this day for the market there kept . there is now nothing worth the sight but the church , built by the barons hungerford , as appeareth every where by their coats of armes set up thereon . cosham a little village . castle-comb an old castle . leckham the possession of the noble family of the bainards . lacock a monastery . the castle de vies , the devizes , built by roger bishop of salisbury . he built also the castle of malmesbury and shireburn . trubridge , that is , a sure and trusty bridge in great name and prosperity by reason of cloathing , and sheweth the remains of a castle . bradford , so named of a broad ford . long-leat , the dwelling place of the thins , a very fair , neat and elegant house in a foul soil . maiden-bradley . a maiden infected with the leprosie , founded an house here for maidens that were lepers . stourton the seat of the lords stourton , so called of the river stour . werminster exceeding much frequented for a round corn-market . sarisbury-plains , they are but rarely inhabited , and had in late time a bad name , for robberies there committed . heitesbury an ancient mansion place of the family of hungerford . yanesbury-castle a very large warlike fence or hold , fortified with a deep and double ditch . wardour a proper fine castle . hindon , a quick market . wilton , so called from the river willey , a place well watered , and sometime the head town of the whole shire , which thereof took the name . it is now a small village , having a maior for the head magistrate , and in it a fine house of the earls of pembroke . salisbury . there is a stately and beautifull minster , which with an exceeding high spired steeple , and double crosse-isles on both sides . the windows in the church , as they reckon them , answer just in number to the dayes , the pillars great and small , to the hours of a full yeer , and the gates to the twelve moneths . mira canam , soles quot continet annus , in unâ tam numerosa , ferunt , aede , fenestra micat . marmoreasque capit fusas tot ab arte columnas , comprensas horas quot vagus annus habet . totque patent portae , quot mensibus annus abundat , res mira , at verâres celebrata fide . daniel rogers . it hath a cloister for largenesse and fine workmanship inferiour to none : whereunto joyneth the bishops palace , a very fair and goodly house : and on the other side a high bell tower , and passing strong withall , standing by it self apart from the minster , every street is watered . it is the second city in all this tract well inhabited and frequented , plentifull of all things , especially of fish , adorned with a very stately market place , wherein standeth their common hall of timber work , a very beautifull edifice . it boasteth chiefly of john jewel long since bishop there , a wonderfull great and deep divine , a most stout and earnest maintainer of our reformed religion against the adversaries by his learned books . clarindon a very large and goodly park very fit for the keeping and feeding of wild beasts . about six miles from salisbury in the plains before named , is to be seen a huge and monstrous peece of work stone-henge . within the circuit of a ditch , there are erected in manner of a crown , in three ranks or courses one within another certain mighty and unwrought stones , whereof some are eight and twenty foot high , and seven foot broad ; upon the heads of which , others like overthwart peeces do bear and rest crosse-wise , with small tenents and mortesis , so as the whole frame seemeth to hang . everly-warren , a warren of hares . savernac-forest of great name for plenty of good game , and for a kind of ferne there , that yeeldeth a most pleasing savour . in remembrance whereof , their hunters-horn of a mighty bignesse , and tipt with silver , the earl of hertford keepeth unto this day , as a monument of his progenitors . atibury an uplandish village . rockley a little village . kenet . marleborow . it was most famous by reason of a parliament there holden , wherein by a general consent of the states of the kingdome there assembled , a law passed for the appeasing of all tumults , commonly called , the statute of marleborow . ramesbury a pretty village , which hath pretty medows about it . littlecot , a place worthy to be remembred , because of the late lord thereof sir john popham , who being the chief judge in the kings-bench , executed justice against malefactours to his high praise and commendation . this county containeth in it three hundred and four parishes . worcestershire . so called of the principal town in it . here are many salt-pits , which the old englishmen in their language named wiches . warwickshire confineth on the east of this county , glocestershire on the south , it is bounded westward with herefordshire and shropshire ; north-east with staffordshire ; it hath so temperate an air , and so favourable soil , that for healthfulnesse and plenty , it is not inferiour to the neighbour countreys , and in one part for dainty cheese surpasseth them . it yeeldeth store of pears , of which they make a bastard kind of wine called pyrry , which they drink very much , although it be ( as other drinks of that kind ) both cold and full of wind . in every place there are sweet rivers , which afford a great abundance of the most delicate kind of fishes . severn that noble and renowned river carrieth his stream along , through the midst of the shire from north to south ; and avon that cometh down out of warwickshire to meet with severn , watereth the south-part thereof . beawdly , worthily so called for the beautifull site thereof , standeth most pleasantly upon the hanging of an hill , and hovereth over the river on the west-side : on late dayes well known for the admirable talnesse of trees growing in the forest of wyre adjoyning , which now in manner be all gone . delicium rerum bellus locus , undique floret fronde coronatus virianae tempore sylvae , kidderminster a fair town , and hath a great mercat of all commodities , well frequented , parted in twain by little river stowre that runneth thorow it . there is a very beautifull church . hertlebury-castle . holt-castle , so called of a very thick wood there . frankeley the family of the littletons , planted by john littleton , aliàs westcote the famous lawyer , justice in the kings-bench in the time of king edward the fourth , to whose treatise of tenures the students of our common-law are no lesse beholden , then the civilians to justinians institutes . bromesgrove a mercat town . grafton . droitwich , some term it durtwich , of the salt-pits , and the wettish ground on which it standeth , where three fountains yeelding plenty of water to make salt of , divided asunder by a little brook of fresh water passing between , by a peculiar gift of nature spring out : out of which most pure white salt is boiled for six moneths every year , viz. from mid-sommer to mid-winter , in many set furnaces round about . richard de la wich bishop of chichester was here born , whom pope urban the fourth canonized for a saint . fekenham-forest . worcester the principal city of this shire , an ancient and beautifull place . it standeth in a place rising somewhat with a gentle ascent , by the rivers-side that hath a fair bridge with a tower over it , it is well and strongly walled . there are fair and neat houses , many churches . it is a bishops see . the cathedral church is a passing fair and stately building , adorned with the monuments and tombs of king john , arthur prince of wales , and divers of the beauchamps . powick , famous for cherries . hanley-castle . upton a mercate towne of great name . malvern-hills , great and high mountains , which for the space of seven miles , or thereabout , do ( as it were ) by degrees rise higher and higher , dividing this shire from the county of hereford . bredon-hills farre lesse . elmesley-castle . washborn a village , whence came the surname to a very ancient and worshipfull family in this tract . eovesham , so called , as the monks write , of one eoves , swinherd to egwin bishop of worcester . a very proper town situate upon an hill arising from the river . a town well known for the vale under it , named thereof , the vale of evesham , which for plentifull fertility hath well deserved to be called the granary of all these countreys ; so good and plentifull is the ground in yeelding the best corn abundantly . charlton , now the seat of the dingleyes . oswaldslow-hundred , so called of oswald bishop of worcester , who obtained it for himself of king edgar . augustines-oke , at which augustine the apostle of the englishmen , and the bishops of britain met , and after they had disputed and debated the matter hotly for a good while touching the celebration of easter , preaching gods word also to the english nation , and of administring baptisme according to the rites of the roman church ; in the end , when they could not agree they departed on both sides with discontented minds , upon their dissenting opinions . there are in this shire an hundred fifty and two parishes . yorkshire . the county of york , the greatest shire by farre of all england , is thought to be in a temperate measure fruitfull . if in one place there be stony and sandy barren ground , in another place there are for it corn-fields , as rich and fruitfull ; if it be void and destitute of woods here , you shall find it shadowed there with most thick forests : so providently useth nature such a temperature , that the whole countrey may seem by reason also of that variety more gracefull and delectable . it is farre greater and more numerous in the circuit of her miles , then any shire of england . the length extended from hart-hill in the south to the mouth of tees in the north is neer unto seventy miles ; the breadth from flambrough-head to horn-castle upon the river lun is eighty , the whole circumference three hundred and eight miles . speed . helmsley a mannor in yorkshire hath two parks and a chase in it , it is said to be about an hundred fourty six miles compasse , it had fourty thousand timber trees , and two hundred acres of wood . there are many free-holders there . it is famous for wool , grasing , corn , rivers and fountains . there are the gips upon yorkshire woolds , which in the drought of summer , when all other springs seem to be dried up , burst out and rise up five or six yards plum height , and so fall down into the dales , and make a little river , by which the towns neer thereto refresh their cattel , when the valley springs fail . on the north-side it hath the bishoprick of durham , which the river tees with a continued course separateth from it : on the east-side the germane sea lieth sore upon it : and the south-side is enclosed first with cheshire and darbyshire ; then with nottinghamshire , and after with lincolnshire , where that famous arm of the sea humber floweth between , into which all the rivers well neer that water this shire empty themselves ( as it were ) into their common receptacle . the whole shire is divided into three parts : which according to the three quarters of the world are called , the west-riding , the east-riding , the north-riding . west-riding , for a good while is compassed in with the river ouse , with the bound of lancashire , and with the south limits of the shire , and beareth toward the west and south . east-riding , looketh to the sunne-rising , and the ocean , which together with the river derwent encloseth it . north-riding reacheth northward , hemmed in ( as it were ) with the river tees with derwent and a long race of the river ouse . west-riding . sheafield a town of great name for the smiths therein , fortified also with a strong and ancient castle . rotheram glorieth in thomas rotheram sometimes archbishop of york , a wise man , bearing the name of the town , being born therein , and a singular benefactor thereunto . connisborrow an ancient castle seated upon a rock . dan-castre . there is the fair church of s. georges . tickhill an old town , fenced with as old a castle , large enough , but having only a single wall about it . hatfiele-chace , a great game and hunting of red deer . halifax a most famous town . this place is become famous as well among the multitude by reason of the law there , whereby they beheaded straitwayes whosoever are taken stealing : as also amongst the learned : for they report that johannes de sacro bosco the authour of the sphere , was here born : yet more famous it is , for the greatnesse of the parish , which reckoneth eleven chappels ; whereof two are parish-chappels , and to the number of twelve thousand people therein . halifax nuts are spoken of proverbially , all shels and no kernels . dewsborough seated under an high hill . wakefield a town famous for cloathing , for greatnesse , for fair building , a well frequented mercat , and a bridge , upon which king edward the fourth erected a beautifull chappel , in memorial of those that lost their lives there in battel . sandall-castle . the tract lying here round about for a great way together , is called the seigniory or lordship of wakefield , and hath alwayes for the steward one of the better sort of gentlemen dwelling thereby . medley , so called for the situation ( as it were ) in the midst between two rivers . skipton , it lieth hidden and enclosed among steep hils , as latium in italy , which varro supposeth to have been so called , because it lieth close under appenine and the alps. the town ( for the manner of their building among these hils ) is fair enough , and hath a very proper and strong castle . leeds a rich town by reason of cloathing . winwidfield , a name given it from a victory . pontfret , the normans of a broken bridge , named it in french pontfract . it is seated in a very pleasant place , which bringeth forth liquorice and skirworts in great plenty , adorned also with fair buildings , and hath to shew a stately castle , as a man shall see , situate upon a rock , no lesse goodly to the eye , then safe for the defence , well fortified with ditches and bulwarks . shirburn a little town , but well inhabited . aberford a little village , famous only for making of pins , which by womens judgment are especially commended as the best . hesselwood the principal seat of that worthy and right ancient family of the vavasours , who by their office ( for the kings valvasors in times past they were ) took to them this name . peters-post a famous quarry of stone , so called , because with the stones hewed out of it , by the liberal grant of the vavasors , that stately and sumptuous church of s. peters at york was re-edified . harewood-castle of good strength . wetherby a mercat town of good note . tadcaster , it is situate upon a port high-way . rippley a mercat town . knasborrow-castle , situate upon a mostragged and rough rock , whence also it hath the name . there is a well under it which turns wood into stone , within two miles of it is the spaw , which makes women conceive that were barren before , and cures many diseases . within three miles of knarsborough are the stinking wells , which come out of a mineral of brimstone , and do many cures , especially for worms , the scurvy and itch. rippon . there is a very fair church , which with three high spire-steeples doth welcome those that come to the town . burrow-bridge a little town , so called of the bridge that is made over the river . pyramides , four huge stones of pyramidal form in three divers little fields , they were monuments of victory erected by the romans , hard by the high street that went this way . * york . this is the second city of england , the fairest in all this countrey , and a singular safeguard and ornament both , to all the north parts . a pleasant place ; large and stately , well fortified , beautifully adorned as well with private as publick buildings , rich , populous ; and it hath an archiepiscopal see . ure , which now is called ouse , flowing with a gentle stream from the north part southward cutteth it in twain , and divideth it ( as it were ) into two cities , which are conjoyned with a stone bridge , having one mighty arch. the west part , nothing so populous , is compassed in with a very fair wall , and the river together , four squarewise , and giveth entrance to those that come thither at one only gate , named mikel-barre , the great gate . from which a long street , and a broad , reacheth to the very bridge , and the same street beset with proper houses , having gardens and orchards planted on the back-side on either hand , and behind them fields even hard to the walls , for exercise and disports . the east-side , wherein the houses stand very thick , and the streets be narrower , in form resembleth ( as it were ) a lentill , and is fortified also with very strong walls ; and on the south-east defended with the deep chanel of fosse ▪ a muddy river ; which entring into the heart of the city by a blind way , hath a bridge over it , with houses standing upon it , so close ranged one by another , that any man would judge it , to be not a bridge , but a continued street ; and so a little lower runneth into ouse . there is a cathedral church dedicated to saint peter , an excellent fair and stately fabrick , neer unto which there is the princes house , commonly called , the mannour . york was a colony of the romans , as appeareth both by the authority of ptolomee and antonine ; and also by a peece of money coined by the emperour severus , in the reverse whereof we read , col. eboracum leg . vi . victrix . severus had his palace in this city , and here at the hour of death gave up his last breath , with these words : i entered upon a state every way troublesome , and i leave it peaceable even to the britains . valerius constantius surnamed chlorus , an emperour surpassing in all vertue and christian piety , ended his life also in this city , and was deified . this emperour begat of his former wife helena , constantine the great , who was present in york at his fathers last gasp , and forthwith proclaimed emperour . york was in great estimation in those dayes , since the romane emperours court was there held . our own countrey writers record , that this city was by constantius adorned and graced with an episcopal see . alcwin of york schoolmaster to charles the great , first founder of the university of paris , and the singular honour of this city . from paulinus the first archbishop , consecrated in the year of our redemption 625. there have sitten in that see threescore and five archbishops , unto the year 1606. in which dr tobie matthew a most reverend prelate , for the ornaments of vertue and piety , for learned eloquence , and continual exercise of teaching , was translated hither from the bishoprick of durham . cawood a castle . selby a little town , well peopled , and of good resort ; where king henry the first was born . east-riding . it is the second part of this region , it lieth eastward from york . stanford-bridge , of the battell there fought , it is called battle-bridge . wreshill a proper and strong castle . howden a mercat town , it hath given name to a little territory adjoyning , called of it howdenshire . metham , it gave both surname and habitation also to the ancient house of the methams . humber an arm of the sea , whereof also the countrey beyond it , by a general name was called northumberland . it is one of the broadest arms of the sea , and best stored with fish in all britain . wighton a small town of husbandry well inhabited . drifield a village well known by reason of the tomb of alfred that most learned king of northumberland ; and the mounts that are raised here and there about it . beverley a great town , very populous and full of trade . john surnamed de beverley , archbishop of york , a man both godly and learned , after he had given over his bishoprick , as weary of this world , came hither , and ended his life in contemplation , about the year of our redemption , 721. cottingham , a countrey town of husbandry . kingston upon hull , but commonly hull . for stately and sumptuous buildings , for strong block-houses , for well furnished ships , for store of merchants , and abundance of all things , it is become now the most famous town of merchandize in these parts . the town is a county incorporate by it self . headon . patrington . rosse , from whence the honourable family of the barons rosse took their name . kelnsey a little village . constable-burton , so called of the lords thereof . sureby . bridlington . north-riding . this carrieth a very long tract with it ( though not so broad ) for threescore miles together , even as far as to westmorland . scarborough-castle a goodly and famous castle . within it there is ting-tong-wells which go two miles under the earth toward an hill , called weapness , in which passage there is an iron-gate , and by that way the people in the time of civil wars brought in their goods and cattel , and so supplied the castle . the hollanders and zelanders use to take marvellous plenty of herrings upon this coast , and make a very gainfull trade thereof , having anciently first obtained licence by an ancient custom out of this castle . cliveland , it taketh that name of steep banks , which we call cliffs ; for there runne all along the side thereof cliffie hils . sken-grave a little village much benefited by taking great store of fish . kilton-castle within a park . skelton-castle appertaining to the ancient family of the barons brus , who derive their descent from robert brus the norman . wilton-castle . y are a mercat town well known . stokesley a little mercat town . gisburgh a small town very pleasant and delightfull . ounsbery-hill , or rosebery-topping , it mounteth up a mighty height , and maketh a goodly shew a farre off , so often as the head therof hath his cloudy cap on , lightly there followeth rain : whence they have a proverbial rhime , when rosebery-topping wears a cap , let cliveland then beware a clap . kildale a castle . pickering a good big town belonging to the dutchy of lancaster , situate upon an hill , and fortified with an old castle : unto which a number of small villages lying there round about do appertain : whence the countrey adjoyning is commonly called pickering-lith ; the liberty of pickering and forest of pickering . kirkby-morside it lieth hard unto the hils , whereof it had that name , a famous mercat town . rhidal a goodly , pleasant and plentifull vale , adorned with three and twenty parish churches , through the midst whereof runneth the river rhie . malton a mercat town well known and frequented for corne , horses , fish , and implements of husbandry . newborrough a famous abbey unto which we are indebted for william of newborrough , a learned and diligent writer of the english history . gilling-castle belongs unto that ancient and worshipfull family , which of their fair bush of hair got their name fairfax . the forest of galtres , notorious for a solemn horse-running , wherein the horse that out-runneth the rest hath for his prize a little golden bell . sherry-hutton a fair castle . hinderskell a little castle : others call it hundred-skell of a number of fountaines that spring up and rise there . northallertonshire , a little countrey watered with the riveret wisk , and taking the name of northalverton a town having in it on saint bartholomews day a great fair of kine and oxen. in this county there are four hundred and fifty nine parishes , under which are very many chappels , for number of inhabitants equal unto great parishes . a catalogue of some books lately printed , and in the press a printing , and sold by henry marsh at the princes-armes in chancery-lane , near fleetstreet . folio . the sovereigns prerogative , and the subjects priviledge , comprised in several speeches , cases and arguments of law , discussed between the late king charles , and the most eminent persons of both houses of parliament . together with the grand mysteries of state then in agitation , collected and revived by tho. fuller b. d. in fol. quarto . that delightfull peece , entituled , gemmarius fidelis , or , the faithfull lapidary , experimentally describing the richest treasure of nature , in an historical narration of the several natures , vertues and qualities of all precious stones . with an accurate discovery of such as are adulterate and counterfeit , very necessary for all gentlemen , merchants and tradesmen . large octavo . the rogue , or , the life of guzman de alfarache the witty spaniard , the fifth and last edition corrected , with many additions never before printed . small octavo . the ascent to bliss by three steps , viz. philosophy , history and theologie . in a brief discourse of mans felicity , with many remarkable examples of divers kings and princes . very pleasant and profitable for all sort of people . to which is annexed that most excellent dialogue of d. thaulerus with a beggar . the practick part of the law , shewing , the office of a compleat attorney in the full prosecution of any action , whether real , personal or mixt ; ( from the very original to the execution ) in all courts ; with the exact fees of all officers and ministers of the court . together ▪ with special instructions for the solicitation of any cause in chancery or elswhere , relating to the present government , being usefull for all men . the last and fifth impression corrected , with a table . the baptized turk , or , a narrative of the happy conversion of signior ripex dandulo the only sonne of a silk merchant in the isle of tzio from the delusions of that great impostor mahomet unto the christian religion , and of his admission unto baptisme , by m. gunning at exeter-house the 8th of november , 1657. drawn up by tho. warmestry d. d. the mirrour of justices , by andrew horn . to which is added , the diversity and jurisdictions of courts , both now most exactly rendred to more ample advantage out of the old french into the english tongue , by w. h. of grayes inne esq. the second edition corrected and amended . advice to balaam's ass , or , momus catechized ; in answer to a certain scurrilous pamphlet , entituled , advice to a daughter . large twelves . the entrance of mazzarini through the first years regency of anna maria of austria queen dowager of france , and mother of the present monarch lewis xiv . wherein the principal causes of those revolutions that have since happened in that kingdom may be discovered . the fatal doom to the reprobates , and charms of divine love to the regenerate , being a learned and usefull comment on 1 cor. 16. 21. by r. hook late preacher to the honourable society of lincolns-inne . small twelves . the christian diary , or , the whole duty of man , describing the means of obtaining every vertue , and the remedies against every vice , with prayers containing the whole duty of a christian , and the parts of devotions , fitted for all occasions and necessities , by n. caussin authour of the holy court . the wicked mans plot defeated , or , the wicked man laughed out of countenance , by tho. baker rector of s. mary the more in exon. a word of caution to the present times , in relation to the atheists and errorists thereof , by edward reynolds d. d. twenty fours . a bundle of spikenard , or , holy thoughts and devotions for the lords table , before the receiving of the sacrament , by tho. warmestry d. d. hygiasticon , or , the right course of preserving life and health unto extream old-age : together with soundness and integrity of the senses , judgment and memory , by the learned leo lessius . the third edition . an elegie on the deplored death of that rare column of parnassus m. john cleveland . playes . the valiant scot . antiquary . dukes mistresse . unnatural combate . mounsieur thomas . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a88898e-400 * octob. 18th , 1647. * octob. 18. notes for div a88898e-1710 vide bertii europae universalis descript. britannia , quae ptol. albion , insula maxima europae in oceano galliae obversa . ferrarii lexicon . geographicum . vide twini comment. derebus . albioniois , britannicis . l. 1. p. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. munsteri cosmog. univers. l. 2. camd. britan. pag. 1. britanniam omnium insularum quas continet terrarum orbis : nobilissimam esse , & multis retrò , seculis extitisse , cunctorum jam poenè literis ac linguis percrebuit , sive naturam loci , situsve speciem atque pulchritudinem spectes , sive gentis rerumque à gente gestarum magnitudinem . nevvilli norvicus . britain was generally called the great island . see burtons annotat. on clements first epist. to the corinth . omnium europae populorum bellicosissimi & strenuissimi sunt britanni . bodin in meth. hist. c. 5. de recto histor. judicio . quam existimatis fuisse galliae faciem , auditores cum edvardus iii. angliae rex , philippum valesium galliarum regem ad cressiacum vicit ? ubi interempti gallorum circiter xxx . millia & inventi inter cadavera joannes rex bohemiae , decem principes , octoginta barones , mille ducenti equites , flos totius nobilitatis galliae ; philippus autem vix fugâ evasit , qui noctu ad urbem brayum deveniens , praefecto ad portas quaeren i ; qui va la ? miserabili voce respondit : la fortune de france . achillis consultatio de principatu inter provincias europae . vide humfredi . lhyd. fragmentum commentarioli britannicae descriptionis prop. fin . terra gallica frequens suit tam pretium quam scena fortitudinis anglicanae , praeliaque de cressey , poictiers , agincourt aeterna manent stupendae nostratium victoriae monimenta . praefat. ad expeditionem in ream insulam . vide plura ibid. vide spelman . aspilogiam . p. 95. his name and fame was dreadfull to the french people absent , insomuch that women in france to fear their young children , would cry , the talbot cometh , the talbot cometh . grafton in henry the sixth . see speed there . johannes talbotus comes salopiensis vir clarissimus , fortissimusque , cujus virtute populi anglicani nomen maximè gallis formidolcsum extiterat . polyd. verg. ang. hist. l. 23. sir clement edmunds in his observations , on caesars commentaries , saith , we got most of our victories from the french by our good archers . see sir thomas elyoth governour , pag. 83. and aschams toxophilus , l. 1. p. 29. bello sunt merepidi optimi sagittarii . bertius descript. angl. * see dees british monarchy . he is called by the spaniards yet don richard of the greenfield , and they fright their children with him . vide camd. annal. rerum anglic. part . 4. p. 40. habingtons history of edw. the 4th . p. 134. see more there . fuere viri semper in insula eruditissimi , qui tanquam doctrinarum riv●…li ab illo fonte decurrentes , non modo angliam , sed galliam quoque mellifluo disciplinarum nectare irrigarunt . polyd. ver. hist. arg. p. 15. vide l. 4. the letter is in walsingham . camd. brit. p. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. caesar qui primus romanorum hujus insulae nomen litteris commendavit , eam britanniam appellavit , quem omnes ferè , latini scriptores secuti , idem nomen haud mutavere . commentarioli . britan. descrip . fragmentum per llhyd . ille brutus sive brito ( sic enim nominandus erat , ut ex ejus nomine , britanniae aliquo pacto dicta videretur ) fertur à principio insulae potitus imperio , ac britannorum gentis autor fuisse , nec diu deinde visus in terris . polyd. verg. angl. hist. lib. 1. fama perrebuit , an verax nescio , ( nec virorum magnorum , nennii , galfridi monumethensis , pontici virunnii , alexandri nechamii , &c. nec non joh. lelandi horum omnium acerrimi defensoris , patrocinio indiget ) brutum albanium ( quem volunt ascanii trojani albae italorum conditoris nepotem ) britanniam aut albionem cum suis occupasse ; hinc antiquitus ( ut aiunt ) à bruto nomen obtinuit . wheloci notae in bed. hist. eccles. gentis . angl. l. 1. vide seldeni praefat. ad analecta anglo-britan . anglia oceani polygonia insula , quam britanniam vocant à bruto trojanorum duce , qui profugus in hanc terram venit , vidit , vicit . adolphi à daus vita elizabethae . camd. brit. p. 23 , 24. albion ab albedine rupium ab austro albarum , dici quidam volunt , quale quid albion in summitate montis alpium apud strabonem prae se fert . wheloci notae in bedae hist. eccles. gentis anglorum , lib. 1. cap. 1. vide polyd. verg. angl. hist. lib. 1. vide rr. armach . primord . eccles. brit. pag. 721. & 733. albion ab albione nep● uni filio ibidem regnante sic appellāta . circa annum mundi 2220. quod verò aliqui eam ab albis rupibus , sic vocatam affirmant , ridiculum est : mirorque viros alias perspicaces , in tanta luce connivisse , omniumque locorum & hominum nomina etymologiis latinis obsuscare : cum omnibus constat latinos minimam italiae partem tunc temporis possedisse . commentarioli britannicae descript. fragmenta , auctore humfredo lhyd. ita illa quasi heroina , & honoraria arbitra inter hispanos , gallos & ordines sedit , ut illud patris usurpare potuerit . cui adhaereo praeest . et verum sit quod ille scripsit , galliam & hispaniam esse quasi lances in europae libra , & angliam lingulam sive libripendem . camd. annal. rerum anglic par . prim . p 271. britannorum inaccessa romanis loca christo verò subdita . tertul. advers. jud. cap. 7. gildas testis est , britannos jam inde ab initio orti evangelii , christianam recepisse religionem . polyd. verg. hist. angl. l. 2. vide r r. armach . in primord . antiquitat . britan. p. 3. & 27. & 740. & eruditissimum d. hen. spelm. in apparatu . concil. brit. pag. 12. & godwinum de prima britanniae nostrae ad fidem christianam conversione . 2 tim. 4. 21. vide spelman . epist. ded. ad lib. de concil. seldens illust. of drayt. polyolb . song 8. m. selden saith there also , that constantine the great was born here . regina elizabetha protestantibus in gallia subvenit , gallosque in angliam confugientes nullo non humanitatis genere prosequuta est , ut etiam & belgas , quorum magna multitudo , albano nihil nisi caedem & sanguinem spirante , in angliam ut in asylum se receperant . qui reginae permissu norwici , colcestriae , sandwici , maidstonae , & hamptonae sedes posuerant magno sanè angliae emolumento . artem enim conficiendi levidensas quas bayes & sayes vocant , & id genus alia linea & lanea varia textura primi in angliam intulerunt . camd. annal. rerum anglic. pars prima . p. 148. vide humfredum de nobil. l. 2. p. 252 , 253 , 254. leones tres aureos gradientesque , oribus obversis , in scuto puniceo gestabant reges angliae ; & eorum ad exemplum , leones frequentissimè nostris in clypeis videre est . bissaei notae invptonum . polydorus vergilius , wilielmo , quem vocant , conquestori , tres leones accomodat jubatos aureos in clypeo rubeo . sed & tribus etiam liliis ( ut hodiè solet ) commixtos : oblitus lilia ab edwardo tertio , accedente jam gallia , fuisse annexa . spelman . aspilogia p. 44. subsidium vocamus quod singulis capite censis viritim pro ratione bonorum & agrorum imponitur . verùm nec haec , nec illa taxatio ( quindenarum & decimarum ) unquam imponitur nisi ex ordinum consensu in parliamento . camd. annal. rerum angl. par . 1. p. 80. the englishmen are the best shot in the world , saith philip de commines l. 1. c. 3. p. 10. sir walt. ral. hist. see gainsfords englands glory , chap. 24. ● and sir francis bacons history of henry the seventh , pag. 74. britannia beatissima est insularum , foecunda frugibus & arboribus , copiosa rivis & nemoribus , jucunda volucrum & ferarum venatibus , ferax avium multi fluviis , & diversi generis terra ; mari , & fluviis alendis autem mira pecoribus , & jumentis , fluviis abundat valde piscosis , fontibus praeclara copiosis : et quidem praecipuè isicio redundat & anguilla , nec non & halecia , & ostrea mire in ea redundant . huntingd. hist. lib. 1. ager non sterilis , sed mirè foecundus est , excepto quod merum non gignat , nec illic largo vinea pubescat foetu . genus hominum non solutum , non agreste , sed maxime cultum , qui per totum terrarum orbem , vel literis , vel armis clari habentur . non silebo luculentam corporis pulchritudinem qua cunctas gentes & nationes vincunt . adolphi à dans vita elizabethae . vide plura ibid. a spaniard boasting of his countreys citrons , orenges , olives , and such like , sir roger williams answered him ; yea , but ( said he ) in england , we have dainty veal , and well fed capons to eat with this sauce , and many delicate dishes worthy the name of sustenance indeed . gainsfords glory of england , lib. 2. chap. 13. england a great mistresse of hunting . ortel . theat. . orbis terrarum . camd. brit. in hantshire . see him also in middlesex . molossi nullibi terrarum praestantiores saevioresque sunt . lucae de lind. descript. orbis . sunt duo flumina caeteris clariora . tamesis & sabrina quasi duo brachia britaniae , per quae sibi suas & alienas effert & infert divitias . huntingd . hist. l. 1. tamesis fluviorum omnium , qui britanniam alluunt facile princeps . lel. praefat. in cygn. cant. tame and isis meet neer wallingford in barkshire , as jordan is compounded of jor and dan. camd. brit. in surrey . see more there . sabrina tacitus . camd. brit. in montgomery-shire . camd. brit. in staffordshire . vigent duo gymnasia alterum apud oxonium supra thamesim , alterum cantabrigiae non longè ab eliensis urbis paludibus in haec ingenuorum adolescentium ingens numerus ad perdiscendas liberales disciplinas concurrit : professoribus enim stipendia , alimentaque discipulis antiquâ regum liberalitate , & optimorum antistitum testamentis persolvuntur . paul . jov. britanniae descriptio . see my book of religion and learning . lana anglica verum fuerit belis vellus aureum , cui inclytus ille militaris ordo velleris aurei , suam originem & burgundiae duces magnas opes debuerunt . camd. annal. rerum angl. pars . prima . pag. 90. anglicum idioma non solum belgico & alemannico , sed etiam graeco & hebraico in multis convenire inspicienti sacile patebit . seldeni praefat. ad analecta anglo brit. saxonica lingua eo olim in honore fuit ( fortè quod è graeco plurima retulisset ) ut doctissimo ipfi bedae anglo-saxoni inter laudes detur , fuisse doctum in saxonica lingua . spelm. praefat. ad lib. de concil. vide plura ibid. vide polyd. verg. ang. hist. l. 26. in henrico 7timo , pag. 568. speeds chron. in edw. 6. specula . lamb . perambul . of kent . camden in hantshire . the scots in such danger command the fire-crosse to be carried ( an ancient custome in cases of importance ) which was two fire-brands set in fashion of a crosse , and pitched upon the point of a spear . sir richard bakers chron. in the reigne of king edward the 6th . the saxon heptarchy . this island most flourished then , and in the conquerours time it was farre better inhabited then at the present . * so named , because there were ten persons in each of them , whereof each was surety for others good abearing . lamberts perambulat . of kent . totius angliae ( de aluredo rege sic scribit ingulphus abbas croulandensis ) pagos & provincias in comitatus primus omnium commutavit . comitatus in centurias & in decimas divisit , ut omnis indigena legalis in aliqua centuria & decima existeret . seldeni janus anglorum . notes for div a88898e-8280 abbay town . the vale of the white horse , is a very fruitfull vale , and full of gentry , it is both in barkshire and wiltshire . a very ancient town , and the best town of all barkshire . lelands itinerary ms. to h. 8. others say abington . new windsore ▪ oppidum antiquum , nobile , magnificum , & situ denique tam amaenum , ut cum alio quocunque jure optimo de palma contendat , quam & mihi vel in ipso castri vertice quo sol splendidius sanè nihil aspicit , decentissimè gestare videtur . lel. comment . in cyg . cant. see histoire d' angle-terre . par du chesne , l. 15. p. 670 , 671 , 672 , camd. britanin barkshire . an order verily of all the orders of the christian world ( if it be to be compared with any other ) most ancient and most famous . milles of nobil. polit. and civil . p. 88. the order of the garter exceeds in majesty , honour and fame , all chivalrous orders in the world . selden . illustrat of drayt. polyolb . 16th song . see more there , and lel. com. in cygn. cant. and seld. tit. of hon. 4to , pag. 363. vir pugnacissimus joannes chandos periscelidis eques primarius , gallisque propter summam virtutem sub ed. 3. bellator notissimus . spelman . aspilogia . splendor loci omnis in scholae publica , quam erexit vindelisorae in alumnos , rex●longe pientior , quam fortunatior . lelandi comment . in cygneam cantionem . bedfordia , the river ouse runs thorow the town in the middest . a tale of vain credit is reported of dunstable , that it was built to bridle the outragiousnesse of a thief named dun , by king henry the first : but certain it is , the place was formerly held by the romans . speed . yet sir john hayward in the life of king henry the first , pag 282. saith , dun was a famous thief amongst others , commander over the rest , and of him the place was called dunstable . there is a countrey in germany bearing beech-trees , named buchonia , and with us a town in norfolk called buckenham , fruitfull of beech . pontes in france and our tunbrige , and others are so called of bridges . cambridge and huntingtonshire have but one sheriff . * sedes est & cathedra episcopalis . ipsum solum fertilitate omnes alias angliae regiones adaequat , plerasque superat ; pascua succulento virent gramine , agri denso laetantur segete , prata aquis irrigua luxuriant . sed alia est ubertas nobilior , in qua mihitriumphare videtur , triginta concionatores simul floruerunt , qui ex oppido solo natales suos derivarent ; quod de nulla alia civitate , londino excepto , affirmari posse credo . willeti epistola dedicat. ad lib. 2. samuelis . vide plura ibid. it begins on the 8th of september , and lasts about a fortnight . it is called sturbridge-fair . cheshire chief of men ; lancashire fair women . king of cheshire . yet banchor is in flintshire . * it is chiefly one street , of very mean building . lel. itin. cestria episcopalis magnifica , & celeberrima angliae urbs , amplitudine , superbo aedificiorum nitore , & cultissimorum hortorum elegantia commendata , duo passuum millia , in circuitu colligit . ecclesias parochiales novem , & cathedralem elegantem exhibet praeter loca alia sacra , ut hospitalia , & nosocomia religioni nuncupata . georgius bruin . theat. . vrbium praecipuarum totius mundi . salinae anglicè , the wiches , videlicet nantovicum , nortovicum , & dirtovicum , in quibus locis sal purissimus conficitur . leland . cheshire excelleth for white salt , not only all other shires in england , but also all other countreys beyond the seas . king of cheshire . a rebus of a brier and a tun . adlington the chief seat of that race of leighs of adlington , which is one of the great names of gentry in this county , whereof these have had a very ancient continuance here from many knights and esquires , down to the present owner sir vrian leigh knight . king of cheshire . in richard the seconds reign , this was ancestor of sr peter leigh of lime in cheshire that now is . cornwallia , the farthest shire of england westwards , so called from cornu galliae , being cast out into the sea , with the shape of a horn . carews surveigh of cornwall . vide polyd. verg. camden in the close of cornwall commends that carew , and acknowledgeth he received much light from his description of this countrey . the cornish are a race of men , stout of stomack , mighty of body and limb , which live hardly in a barren countrey . sr francis bacon in his hist. of h. 7th . the places every where bear british names . black-lead is also found there . two other hils in that tract . in latine carleolum . it flourished in the time of the romans , as divers tokens of antiquity now and then digged up there , and the famous mention of it in those dayes do sufficiently prove . the foundation of it was laid by young men and maids , and part of it built by them , as appears in letters there on the steeple . in anglia est castrum quod dicitur pech , in quodam monte situm ; in cujus montis latere est foramen apertum , de qu● sicut de quad am fistula , ventus non modicus saepe spirat ; cujus dominus dictus gulielmus penerelli , cum in animalibus dives esset , & subulcus ejus unam gravidam suem in pascuis amisisset , pro ipsa quaerenda dictum foramen intravit , quod tamen nec dum aliquis perscrutatus fuerat . cum ergo per opaca foraminis percurrisset , tandem in locum lucidum devenit , scilicet in camporum planitiem spatiosam : ad quam ingressus ; messores colligentes maturas segetes reperit , inter quos suem perditam , quae suculas ediderat , adinvenit habito ergo verbo cum praeposito terrae illius , scropham recepit , & dimissus ab illis , ipsam nove grege per idem soramen ad domum domini sui reduxit . mira res ait gervasius ( qui apparet anglicus fuisse , vel multum in anglia commoratus ) de messibus subtèrraneis venerat , & in nostro hemispherio hyemalia frigora videt . pet. berchor . deduct . moral . de anglia . in latine devonia . devonia nobilium ingeniorum ferax . camd. the commodities of this shire cloath , kerfies , lead , silver , loadstone at the mouth of the river dert . the mouth is the place where any river finds a passage out , either into the sea , or into another greater river ; which in latine is termed ostium , or a gate , septem ostia nili , seven mouths , by which it fals into the mediterranean . this gave the name to many cities and towns in england , as dartmouth , plimmouth , portsmouth , yarmouth , weymouth , axmouth , with many others . carpenters geog. l. 2. ch. 9. in latine exonia : ptolomee calleth it isca . bartholomaeus , qui quod in lucem editus esset exoniae ( quae civitas antiquitus isca dicitur appellata ) iscanus est cognominatus , in exoniensem episcopum consecratus fuit ; in utraque philosophia , tam humana scilicet , quam divina , vir non mediocriter eruditus . godw. de praesul . ang. comment . berstable upon the taw navigable here for great vessels . see carpenters geog. l. 2. c. 15. the famous men of devonshire . durnovaria the river passage or ferry . camden . fons limpidus , or clarus . pure fountain or clear well . bishoprick of durham . durham dunelmensis civitatis & ecclesiae indita est appellatio à dun , quod montem , & holm , quod lingua saxonica insulam amnicam significat , quia coquedus fluvius per maeandrum in se quasi reductus , montem ab omni ferè parte circumluit ( quasi insulam molitus ) in quo dunelmum ( anglice durham ) situm est . godwin . de praesul . ang. comment . it is famous for the ministry , dike of epping , and rogers of dedham , whose picture is therein the church . an ancient colony of the romans , called camalodunum . the chiefest town of the shire . many have thought it was so called from a colony in the r●man time placed there , rather from coln the river whereon it stands , as lincolne from the river lune . burtons commentary on antoninus his itinerary through britain . it is famous for oisters and candied eringoroots , and cloth . * crocum ad cor exhilarandum , & sedandos dolores utile , cujus fortasse non est ubique terrarum quàm in agris essexio , suffulcio , & cantabrigienfi , tam uber proventus . twini de rebus britan. comment. lib. 2. pag. 138. it had this name of dean a little town adjoyning . a bishops see . either that the normans might have more secure arrival into england , or for the pleasure he took in hunting . antona australis , northampton antona borealis , so called for the south situation of it . * its situation is fruitfull and pleasant , in a valley under hils . wina wintoniensis primus extitit antistes , neque tamen civitati nomen dedit , quod stolide satis nonnulli augurantur , ab antiquis britannis caerguentia olim apellata , quasi civiras guenta ; à saxonibus ( quod idem sonat ) wentchester , wentancester & wintoncester nuncupata est , unde nostra wintonia . godw. de praesul . arg. comment . vrbs vini vel vinifera , quasi dicas munitio vel fortificatio ubi crevit optimum vinum in britannia , appellata est . celebris fuit haec civitas olim , arthurii procerum mensa rotunda , occidentalium saxonum regia & sepulchris , episcopali sede , lanarum custodia & mercatu , henrici tertii favore & frequenti praesentia , instructissimo wickami episcopi collegio . twini de rebus britannic . comment. lib. 2. pag. 116 , 117. vectis insula , forma ovo simillima à littore alibi septem alibi duobus passuum millibus distans neoportus unicum insulae emporium . est & castrwn caerbro , id est , cassium tractus , antiquitatem britannicam referens . lhyd. comment . britann . descript. fragmentum . nobilissima lisleiorum familia , d'or au chef d' azur , trois lyons rampans del premier . ex hac gente nonnulli olim ad comitia parliamentaria , cum reliquis regni bar●nibus evocati fuerunt . bissaei notae in uptonum . p. 48. this and monmouthshire have been now long reckoned among the counties of england . * there are sundry sweet and fresh rivers , the chiefest whereof are the wye , lug and manow . a bishops see . godwin . de praesulibus ang. saith , it is reported that bradwardine was here born . vide r. usseri . de britannic . eccles. primord . cap. 7. l. herberts henry the 8th . see ▪ monasticon anglicanum . howe 's chron. lamb . perambulat . of kent . see kilbourns surveigh of kent , p. 2. cantium , quod amaenissima & humanissima ▪ britanniae habita semper fuit provincia , ad austrum solemque orientem oceano germanico , ad aquilonem uberrimo thamesi fluvio , ad occidentem surra , ac sussexia provinciis , quas angli comitatus appellant , cingitur . haec & agrorum feracitate faecunda , populoque generoso ac potenti referta , plures urbes , villasqae in locis ob aquas & sylvas , vicinas humanae habitationi commodioribus condidit , & ob maritimos portus , quas multos habet , peregrinorum consuetudine , galliaeque vicinitate magis {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , quam reliquae hujus insulae regiones à scriptoribus perhibetur . quibus item rationibus , & moribus cultier , & opibus ditior jure existimatur . antiquitates britannieae , pag. 33. britannos caesar , maximè cantios , longè omnium humanissimos vocat , & eam humanitatem illis fraudi fuisse , & belli caesariani causam extitisse apparet , quod praesidia gallis caesaris hostibus submiserint , & eos adventantes subinde amico ac peropportunos profugio exceperint . humfredus de nobil. lib. 2. not that kent was conceived distinct from christendome . kilburns survey of kent . p. 5. it is agreed by all men , that there were never any bondmen ( or villains , as the law calleth them ) in kent . lamberts perambulat . of kent . the tenures of land here are as free tenures as any in england . the father to the bough , and the son to the plough . oppidum winchilseum olim vento , frigori , & ponto obnoxium , unde ei nomen obvenit . twini comment. de rebus brittanuicis . lib. 1. pag. 25. a bishops see . * durovernum olim , nunc cantuaria . cantuaria urbs est archiepiscopalis & metropolitica , quae ut antiquitate it a peramaena situs jucunditate multis angliae urbibus , sed & dignitate praefertur . nam cantuariensis archipraesul totius angliae primatum obtinet . georgius bruin . in tabulis urbium praecipuarum totius mundi . a bishops see . see mr somner of canterbury . * mr john ludd . haywards life of william the 2d . dubris . one of the cinque ports . a dovero ad caletum maritimum ex altera parte in gallia oppidum secundis ventis spirantibus , quatuor horis brevissimus fit trajectus . antiqu. britann . one of the cinque ports . it containeth 24000 acres . lamb . perambul . of kent . quis quaeso hodiè credat , magnam partem illius prati sivè planiciei nobis nunc rumnensis marshii , id est , romani maris , nomine dictae , fuisse quondam altum pelagus , & mare velivolum ? vbi tot ovium greges oberrant : tot pecorum armenta pascuntur tot juga bovum arant : tanti foeni copia qvotannis conficitur : tot templa in divinum cultum construuntur : tot familiae foventur : denique unde tot pingues pecudes in macellis veniunt , ut non modo universum cantium hujus locis commoda sentiat , verum etiam civitas londinum non nihil emolumenti inde percipiat . twini comment. de rebus britan. l. 1. p. 31. priests-town . or loncaster from the river lone . carlton-curlew they cannot prenounce the letter r. camd. brit. and burtons descript. of leicestershire . bishop latimer was also born at thurcaston in leicestershire . it was so called of the zouches , sometimes lords thereof . burtons descript. of leicestershire ▪ the largest next yorkshire . it is well stored with all kind of provision , it abounds with fish and fowl . the roof of the church is richly guilt . mr john fox the authour of the acts and monuments was born here . there are so many steps in the steeple from the bottom to the top as there are dayes in the years . at the george there is one of the fairest inns of england . lincolnia . the greatest bell of england . he was great with henry the 6th , he built a free-school at wainflet , his name was patten of the worshipfull family of which he was descended . * more than in yorkshire . the chiefest at this day of all the kings houses . a city rather in shew then the palace of a prince : and for stately port and gorgeous building not inferiour to any in europe . weavers monum. * it is most sweetly situate upon the thames , served with all kind of necessaries most commodiously . the air health full , it is populous , rich and beautifull . nordens speculum britanniae . it is convenient for situation , hath a noble bridge , navigable river . 2. strictly governed . 3. opulent , hath abundance of all kinds of provision . 4. ancient , and enjoyeth many immunities . of st pauls cathedral . see mr dugdales history , and of the bishops of pauls . londinum copia negotiatorum & commeatu valde celebre . tacitus . the inner-temple is the mother and most ancient of all the other houses of court , burtons descript. of leicestershire . dr reynolds sions praises . this work , viz. the arches , chappel , and stone-bridge over the thames was thirty three yeers in building . stow. speeds chron. stows and speeds chron. in edw. the 3d. thomas greshamus cives londinensis , mercator regius , & ex ordine equestri , qui patriae ornamento , & mercatorum usui perystillium pulcherrimum ( excambiam regium elizabetha nominavit ) londini extruxit , & aedes , quas in urbe habuit amplissimas bonarum literarum professioni dicavit , constitutis in iisdem sacrae theologiae , juris civilis , medicinae , astronomiae , geometriae & rhetoricae praelectionibus cum honestis salariis . camd. annal. rerum anglic. pars ●● . p. 286. vide etiam pag. 189. the new ex change . monasterium westmonasteriense regum angliae inauguratione , sepultura , & insignium regalium custodia celeberrimam . camd. annal. rerum anglic. par . 1o . p. 60. vide plura ibid. & monasticon anglicanum , p 55 , &c. l. herb. henry the 8th . neer hereunto are the two houses of parliament . ex infima plebe non pauci reperiuntur quin si nihil litium sit , lites tamen ex ipsis juris apicibus serere calleant . camdenus . there are three churches . vrbs nunc ampla est , nobilis florens , celebris , & civitatum omnium secundum londinum ( universi regni emporium ) multo maxima augustissimaque . nevilli norvicus . no one shire of england hath three such towns as norwich , linn and yarmouth . speed . there is the earliest park of england . the king was wont to have venison thence before he had it out of his own parks . * of that , and the other famous wayes in england , see burtons commen . on antoninus his itinerary through britain . * he was brought up in new-colledge in oxford , where he proceeded doctor of law . petriburgus , or petropolis . ab arborum proceritate , & in frequentia veprium , lympida sylva noto satis nomine dicitur . twini comment. the nobility and gentry of the north , are of great antiquity , and can produce more ancient families , then any other part of england , many of them gentry before the conquest ; the rest came in with william the conquerour . * axelodunum . * so called , because robert de curtois son of william the conquerour built there a new castle out of the ground against the neighbouring scots . alnevicum . in dunston a little village within the parish of emildon . berwicus . an hundred miles long . wedgenock park in warwickshire is one of the most ancient parks in england . nunc autem conficiendo caseo notissimum . so camden . dr holland englisheth that thus . now the fame of this town is for zeal , cheese and cakes . though that is but an unhandsome conjunction , and there is no ground for it in camden , yet in mr wheatlyes time ( to my knowledge ) it was famous for zeal , and i hope is so now . oxonia or oxonium . quodcunque habuit ab initio nomen , pulcherrimum & saluberrimum habet situm regionemque , omnia necessaria affatim ministrantem , bonarumque litterarum celeberrimam scholam , ut omnes , qui alias europae academias adierunt , facilè agnoscunt . lhyd. com. brit. descrip . fragment . rutlan-castle in wales is so named , being built on a shore of red earth . commitatus salopiensis . salop in latine salopia . it hath a fair library and school-house ▪ and brew-house . so called from oswald king of the northumbers : asserius , an ancient writer calleth this countrey alwayes somertunensis , that is , somertunshire . * used about cloath . glastonia monasterium viderint parentes nostri , amplitudine , ac magnitudine perpaucis in universa europa ( quantum autumo ) postponendum . godwinus de conversione britanniae ad christianam religionem . vide plura ibid. et monasticon anglicanum , p. 1 , 2 , &c. of ogo a british word which betokeneth den . fontanensis ecclesia , fountain church . bathonia . vrbs non mode antiqua verum etiam celebris romanorum monumentis multis , liquidò in muris comparet , qua itur à porta meridionali ad borealem . lelandi comment . in cygneam cantionem . vide johnsonum de urbe ; & thermis bathonicis . a bishops see , and famous port. in henry the 7th his time stephen gennings maior of london founded a free grammar-school there , where he was born . there is a corporation . so called from tame the river running beside it . cadaverum campus . the field of dead bodies , a number of christians was there martyred under the emperour dieclesian . a small countrey bare and cold , it keepeth snow lying upon it a good while . a market town . dr lightfoot was born there . southfolk or people in respect of norfolk . here bishop steven gardiner was born . godw. de praesul . ang. comment . stoke clare the dukes of clarence . * a large , sweet , well watered town , a town in orchards . here was born cardinal wolsey , of whom see a pithy description in herberts henry the 8th , pag. 314 , 315. see more in camdens britania there . the kings town . regio-dunum tamesinam sic dictum quod ad tamesini fluvii ripam situm sit . lel. kings kingston upon the thames , so called to distinguish it from kingston upon hull in yorkshire . quanta illic romanae antiquitaris aemulatio ? quantum speciosae picturae ? quantum auri ? quantum denique omnia genera ornamentorum . diceres coelum esse stellis interpolatum . lel. comment . in cygn. cant. battersega . nomen loco inditum ut ego conjicio ex cymbis . leland . comment. in cygn. cant. a low or clayish rode or hide . the southwork or building , because it standeth south ove against london , the suburbs whèreof it may seem in some sort to be . in latine cicestria . called seals . it is the shire town . ripa . baron buckhurst . sanders , glover and manyother martyrs suffered in warwickshire . it stands south of lichfield . coventria quasi coventus trium , a covent of three sorts of monks . or rather of an elephant , being not so little as a yard in length . speed . see mr dugdales antiq. of warwickshire illustrated . westmaria , westmorlandia . there were lords also of kendale . from the river lone . aballaba . the sessions and assizes are there kept wiltonia of wilton sometime the chief town , and of the river willy crecolada non insignis olim ut vulgus indoctum somniat , grecanicis scholis . lel. comment . in cygn. cant. vide burtoni graec. ling. hist. p. 52. et godwin . de praesul . ang. comment . de theodoro archiepisc . cant. p. 61. cyppanus in the saxon tongue is to buy , and cyppen a buyer , as with us cheapen and chapman . sarisburia . roger of salisbury built this stately church also . the cathedral was longer in building than the jews temple , for it was above fifty years in building , and do you not think the founders did intend , by proportioning the doors to the moneths , and the windows to the dayes , and the pillars to the hours of the year , that you should learn this instruction ? not a moneth , nay not a day , nay not an hour should be let passe without something of religion . mr annesley on 1 chron. 12. 32. it had also bishop abbot and davenant . our old historians termed it for the greatnesse chorea gigantum , the gyants dance . our country-men reckon this for one of our miracles . leporarium . of marga marle , which we use in stead of dung to manure our grounds . it lieth near a chaulkie-hill , which our ancestours before they borrowed this name chaulk of the latine word calx , named marle . wigorniensis comitatus . vnum est satis mirabile , quia aqua illa per medium annum est salsa , scilicet à nativitate domini usque ad festum sancti johannis baptistae , per aliud verò medium temporis est dulcis . sed quod mirabilius est pro illo tempore quo est sali necessaria , si non hauritur , superfluit , per aliud verò temporis vix semper excrescit . gervas . in lib. de ociis imperialibus citat●…r pet. bechor . reduct . moral . l. 13. c. 3. de anglia . vigornia and wignornia . some say , it is as big as the twelve counties in wales . the scots call it don-castle from the river don. holy-hair . the englishmen dwelling beyond trent , called the hair of the head fax . there is also a family in this countrey of gentlemen , named fairfax , of the fair bush of their hair . pontefract . a french name brought in by the lacies normans , for the english word of broken bridge . lelands itinerary . * eboracum , eburacum is derived from the river vré by vre , or a long the side of vre . see burtons comment . on anton. his itin. p. 60 , 61. why it is called eboracum ; the kings-town built by king edward the first . there are also high and low burton houses . or the north-part of this countrey . a discouerie of the true causes why ireland was neuer entirely subdued, nor brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england, vntill the beginning of his maiesties happie raigne discoverie of the true causes why ireland was never entirely subdued davies, john, sir, 1569-1626. 1612 approx. 295 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 146 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67920 stc 6348 estc s109372 99845022 99845022 9893 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67920) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9893) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 591:01, 1348:10) a discouerie of the true causes why ireland was neuer entirely subdued, nor brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england, vntill the beginning of his maiesties happie raigne discoverie of the true causes why ireland was never entirely subdued davies, john, sir, 1569-1626. [6], 186, 189-287, [1] p. printed [by w. jaggard] for iohn iaggard, dwelling within temple bar, at the signe of the hand and star, [london] : 1612. on a3r: "dedicated to the king, by his maiesties atturney generall, of ireland", i.e. sir john davies. printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a". the last page contains errata. variant: the last page is blank. identified as stc 6348a on umi microfilm 591. reproductions of the originals in the folger shakespeare library and the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. appears at reel 591 (folger shakespeare library copy) and at reel 1348 (henry e. huntington library and art gallery copy). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ireland -history -to 1603 -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 allison liefer sampled and proofread 2002-10 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-12 chris scherer sampled and proofread 2002-12 chris scherer text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discoverie of the trve cavses why ireland was neuer entirely subdued , nor brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england , vntill the beginning of his maiesties happie raigne . printed for iohn iaggard , dwelling within temple bar , at the signe of the hand and star. 1612. dedicated to the king , by his maiesties atturney generall , of ireland . principis est virtvs maxima , nôsse svos a discouery of the true causes , why ireland was neuer entirely subdued , and brought vnder obedience of the crowne of england , vntill the beginning of his maiesties happy raigne . dvring the time of my seruice in ireland ( which began in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne ) i haue visited all the prouinces of that kingdome , in sundry iournies and circuits . wherein i haue obserued the good temperature of the ayre ; the fruitt●iness of the soyle ; the pleasant and commodious seats for habitation ; the safe and large ports and hauens lying open for trafficke , into all the west parts of the world ; the long inlets of many nauigable riuers , and so many great lakes , and fresh ponds within the land ; ( as the like are not to be seene in any part of europe ) the rich fishings , and wilde fowle of all kinds ; and lastly , th bodies and minds of the people , endued with extraordinarie abilities of nature . the obseruation whereof , hath bred in me some curiositie , to consider , what were the true causes , why this kingdome , whereof our kings of england haue borne the title of soueraign lords for the space of foure hundred and odde yeares ( a period of time wherein diuers great monarchies haue risen from barbarisme to ciuillitie and fallen againe to ruine ) was not in all that space of time , thoroughly subdued and reduced to obedience of the crowne of england , although there hath been almost a continuall warre between the english and the irish ; and why the maners of the meere irish are so little altred since the dayes of king henry the second , as appeareth by the description made by giraldus cambrensis , who liued and wrote in that time ) albeit , there haue bin since that time , so many english colonies planted in ireland , as that , if the people were numbered at this day by the poll , such as are descended of english race , would bee found more in number , then the ancient natiues . and truly , vpon consideration of the conduct and passage of affaires in former times , i find , that the state of england ought to be cleared of an imputatiō , which a vulgar error hath cast vpon it , in one point ; namely , that ireland long since might haue beene subdued and reduced to ciuility , if some statesmen in policy , had not thoght it more fit to continue that realme in barbarisme . doubtlesse , this vulgar opinion ( or report ) hath no true ground , but did first arise either out of ignorance , or out of malice . for it will appeare by that which shal heereafter be laide downe in this discourse , that euer since our nation had any footing in this land , the state of england did earnestly desire , and did accordingly endeuour from time to time , to perfect the conquest of this kingdom , but that in euery age there were found such impediments & defects in both realmes , as caused almost an impossibility , that thinges should haue bin otherwise then they were . the defects which hindred the perfection of the conquest of ireland , were of two kinds , and consisted ; first , in the faint prosecution of the warre , and next , in the loosenesse of the ciuill gouernment . for , the husbandman must first breake the land , before it bee made capeable of good seede : and when it is thoroughly broken and manured , if he do not forth with cast good seed into it , it will grow wilde againe , and beare nothing but weeds . so a barbarous country must be first broken by a warre , before it will be capeable of good gouernment ; and when it is fully subdued and conquered , if it bee not well planted and gouerned after the conquest it wil est-soones return to the former barbarisme . touching the carriage of the martiall affaires , from the seuenteenth yeare of king henry the second , when the first ouerture was made for the conquest of ireland ( i meane the first after the norman conquest of england ) vntill the nine and thirtith yeare of queene elizabeth , when that royall army was sent ouer to suppresse tirones rebellion , which made in the end an vniuersall and absolute conquest of all the irishrie : it is most certaine , that the english forces sent hither , or raised heere from time to time , were euer too weake to subdue and master so many warlike nations ( or septs ) 〈◊〉 the irish , as did possesse this island ; and besides their weakenesse , they were ill paide , and worse gouerned . and if at any time there came ouer anarmy of competent strength and power , it did rather terrifie , then breake and subdue this people , being euer broken and dissolued by some one accident or other , before the perfection of the conquest . for , that i call a perfect conquest of a country , which doth reduce all the people thereof to the condition of subiects : and those i cal subiects , which are gouerned by the ordinary lawes and magistrates of the soueraigne for , though the prince doth beare the title of soueraign lord of an entire country ( as our kings did of all ireland ) yet if there bee two third parts of that countrey wherein he cannot punish treasons , murders , or thefts , vnlesse he send an army to do it ; if the iurisdiction of his ordinary courts of iustice doth not extend into those parts to protect the people from wrong & oppression ; if hee haue no certaine reuennew , no escheats or forfeytures out of the same , i cannot iustly say , that such a countrey is wholly conquered . first then , that wee may iudge and discerne whether the english forces in ireland were at any time of sufficient strength , to make a full and finall conquest of that land , let vs see what extraordinary armies haue bin transmitted out of england thither , and what ordinarie forces haue beene maintained there , and what seruice they haue performed from time to time , since the seauenteenth yeare of king henry the second . in that yeare , mac murugh lord of leinster , beeing oppressed by the lords of meth and conaght , and expelled out of ●…s territorie , mooued king henry the second to inuade ireland , and made an ouerture vnto him for the obtaining of the soueraigne lordship thereof . the king refused to vndertake the warre himselfe , to auoide the charge ( as king henrie the seuenth refused to vndertake the discouery of the indies for the same cause ) but he gaue license by his letters patents , that such of his subiects might passe ouer into ireland , as wold at their owne charge become aduenturers in that enterprize . so as the first attempt to conquer this kingdome , was but an aduenture of a few priuate gentlemen . fitz-stephen , & fitz-girald , first brake the yce , with a party of three hundred ninety men . the earle strongbow followed them with twelue hundered more , whose good successe vpon the sea-coasts of leinster and mounster , drew ouer the king in person the next year after , cum quingentis militihus , as giraldus cnmbrensis reporteth , who was present in ireland at that time . which if they were but fiue hundered souldiers , seemeth too smal a traine for so great a prince . but admit they wer fiue hundred knights , yet because in those dayes euery knight was not a commaunder of a regiment or company , but most of them serued as priuate men , ( sometimes a hundered knightes vnder a speare ) as appeareth by the lists of the ancient armies , we cannot coniecture his army to haue beene so great , as might suffice to conquer all ireland , being diuided into so many principalities , and hauing so manie hydraes heads , as it had at that time . for albeit , tacitus in the life of agricola doth report , that agricola hauing subdued the greatest part of great britaine , did signifie to the senat of rome , that he thought ireland might also be conquered with one legion , and a few ayds : i make no doubt , but that if he had attempted the conquest thereof with a farre greater army , he would haue found himselfe deceiued in his coniecture . for , a barbarous country is not so easily conquered , as a ciuill , where of caesar had experience in his warres against the gaules , germaines , and britaines , who were subdued to the roman empire , with farre greater difficulty , then the rich kingdoms of asia . and againe , a countrey possessed with many pettie lordes and states , is not so soone brought vnder entirely , as an entire kingdome gouerned by one prince or monarch . and therefore , the late king of spaine could sooner win the kingdome of portugall , then reduce the states of the low-countries . bvt let vs see the successe of king henrie the second , doubtlesse his expedition was such , as he might haue said with caesar : veni , vidi , vici , for , vpon his first arriuall , his very presence without drawing his sword , preuailed so much , as al the petty-kings , or great lords within leinster , conaght , and mounster , submitted themselues vnto him , promised to pay him tribute , & acknowledged him their chiefe and soueraigne lord. besides , the better to assure this inconstant sea-nimph ( who was so easily wonne ) the pope would needs giue her vnto him with a ring ; coniugio iungam stabili , propriamque dicabo . but as the conquest was but slight and superficiall , so the popes donation , and the irish submissions , were but weake and fickle assurances . for , as the pope had no more interrest in this kingdome , then he which offered to christ all the kingdomes of the earth ; so the irish pretend , that by their law , a tanist might do no act that might bind his successor . but this was the best assurance hee could get from so many strong nations of people , with so weake a power : and yet he was so well pleased with this title of the lordship of ireland , as he placed it in his royall stile , before the dutchies of normandy & aquitaine . and so , being aduertised of somestirs raised by his vnnatural sonnes in england , within fiue months after his first arriuall hee departed out of ireland , without striking one blow , or building one castle , or planting one garrison among the irish , neither left he behinde him one true subiect more then those he found there at his comming ouer , which were onely the english aduenturers spoken of before , who had gained the port townes in leinster and mounster , and possessed some scopes of land thereunto adioyning , partly by strongbowes alliaunce with the lord of leinster , and partly , by plaine inuasion and conquest . and this is that conquest of king henry the second , so much spoken of , by so many writers , which though it were in no other manner then is before expressed , yet is the entire conquest of all ireland , attributed vnto him . but the troth is , the conquest of ireland was made peece and peece , by slow steppes and degrees , and by seuerall attempts , in seuerall ages . there were sundry reuolutions , as well of the english fortunes , as of the irish ; some-whiles one preuailing , somewhiles the other , and it was neuer brought to a full period , till his maiesty that now is , came to the crowne . as for king henry the second , hee was farre from obtaining that monarchy royall , and true soueraignetie which his maiesty ( who nowe raigneth ) hath ouer the irish. for the irish lords did onely promise to become tributaries to king henry the second . and such as pay onely tribute , though they bee placed by bodin , in the first degree of subiection , are not properlie subiects but soueraignes . for , though they bee lesse and inferiour vnto the prince to whom they pay tribute , yet they hold all other pointes of soueraignty ; and hauing paide their tribute which they promised , to haue their peace , they are quit of all other duties , as the same bodin writeth . and therefore , though king henry the second had the title of soueraigne lorde ouer the irish , yet did he not put those thinges in execution , which are the true markes and differences of soueraignty . for , to giue lawes vnto a people , to institute magistrats and officers ouer them ; to punish and pardon malefactors ; to haue the sole authority of making warre and peace , and the like ; are the true markes of soueraignetie ; which king henry the second had not in the irish countreyes , but the irish lords did still retaine all these prerogatiues to themselues . for they gouerned their people by the brehon law ; they made their owne magistrates and officers ; they pardoned and punnished all malefactours within their seuerall countries ; they made warre and peace one with another , without controulment ; and this they did not onely during the raigne of king henry the second , but afterwardes in all times , euen vntill the raigne of queen elizabeth : and it appeareth what maner of subiects these irish lords were , by the concorde made betweene k. henrie the second , and rodericke ô connor the irish king of conaght , in the yeare 1175. which is recorded by houeden in this forme : hic est finis & concordia , inter dominū regem angliae henricū , filiū imperatricis , & rodoricum regem conactae , scilicet , quod rex &c. angliae concessit praedict roderico ligeo hominisuo , vt sit rex sub eo paratus ad seruitium suum , vt homo suus , &c. and the commission , whereby king henry the second made vvilliam fitz-adelme his lieutenant of ireland , hath this direction ; archiepiscopis , episcopis , regibus , comitibus , baronibus , & omnibus fidelibus suis in hibernia , salutem . whereby it is manifest , that hee gaue those irish lords the title and stile of kinges . king iohn likewise did grant diuers charters to the king of conaght , which remaine in the tower of london . and afterwards in the time of king henrie the third , wee finde in the tower , a graunt made to the king of thomond , in these words . rex regi tosmond salutem . concessimus vobis terram tosmond quam prius tenuistis , per firmam centum & triginta marcarum ; tenendum de nobis vsque ad aetatem nostram : and in the pipe rols remaining in bremighams tower , in the castle of dublin , vpon sundrie accompts of the seneshal of vlster ( when that earledome was in the kings handes , by reason of the minority of the earle ) the entry of all such charges as were made vppon oneale , for rentbeeues , or for aids towards the maintenance of the kinges warres , are in this forme . oneal regulus 400 vaccas pro arreragio reddit ; oneal regulus , 100 li de auxilio domini regis ad guerram suam in wasconia sustinendam . and in one rol the 36. of henry the third , oneale rex , 100 li. de auxilio domini regis ad guerram suam in vvallia sustinendam . which seemed strange to me , that the kings ciuill officer should giue him that stile vpon record , vnlesse he meant it in that sense as maximilian the emperour did , when speaking of his disobedient subiects ; the title ( saide he ) of rex regum , doth more properly belong to mee , then to any mortall prince , for all my subiects do liue as kings , they obey me in nothing , but do what they list . and truely , in that sence these irish lords might not vnfitly be tearmed kings . but to speake in proper termes , wee must say with the latine poet , quirexest , regem , maxime non habeat . but touching these irish kings , i will adde this note out of an ancient manuscript , the blacke booke of christ-church in dublin . isti reges non fuerunt ordinati solemnitate alicuius ordinis , nec vnctionis sacramento , nec iure baereditario , vel aliqua proprietatis successione , sed vi & armis quilib●t regnē suum obtinuit : and therefore , they had no iust cause to complaine , when a stronger king then themselues , became a king and lord ouer them . but let vs returne to our purpose , and see the proceeding of the martiall affaires . king henry the second , being returned into england , gaue the lordship of ireland vnto the lord iohn his youngest sonne , sur-named before that time , sans terre . and the pope confirming that guift , sent him a crowne of pea-cockes feathers ( as pope clement the eight , sent the feather of a phoenix ( as he called it ) to the traitor tirone . ) this young prince the kings sonne , being but twelue years of age , with a traine of yong noblemen and gentlemen , to the number of 300. but not with any maine army , came ouer to take possession of his new patrimony , and being arriued at vvaterford , diuers irish lords ( who had submitted themselues to his father ) came to performe the like duty to him . but that youthfull company vsing them with scorne , because their demeanors were but rude and barbarous , they went away much discontented , and raised a generall rebellion against him . whereby it was made manifest , that the submission of the irish lords , and the donation of the pope , were but slender and weake assurances for a kingdome . heereupon this young lord was reuoked , and sir iohn de courcy sent ouer , not with the kings armie , but with a company of voluntaries , in number foure hundered , or thereabout . with these he atempted the conquest of vlster , and in foure or fiue encounters , did so beate the irishry of that prouince , as that he gained the maritime coasts thereof , from the boyne to the bann ; and thereupon , was made earle of vlster . so as now the english had gotten good footing in all the prouinces of ireland . in the first three prouinces of leinster , mounster , and conaght , part by the sword , and part by submission and alliance . and lastly , in vlster , by the inuasion and victories of sir iohn de courcy . from this time forward , vntill the seuenteenth year of king iohn ( which was a space of more then 30. yeares ) there was no army transmitted out of england , to finish the conquest , howbeit in the meane time , the english aduenturers and colonies alreadie planted in ireland , did winne much ground vpon the irish ; namely , the earle strongbow , hauing married the daughter of mac murrogh , in leinster ; the lacies in meth ; the giraldines , and other aduenturers in mounster , the audeleyes , gernons , clintons , russels , and other voluntaries of sir iohn de courcies retinue , in vlster ; and the bourkes ( planted by william fitz-adelme ) in conaght . yet were the english reputed but part-owners of ireland at this time , as appeareth by the commission of the popes legate in the time of king richard the first , whereby he had power to exercise his iurisdiction , in anglia , wallia , ac illis hiberniae partibus , in quibus iohannes moretonii comes potestatem habet et dominium , as it is recorded by mat. paris . king iohn , in the twelfth year of his raigne , came ouer again into ireland : the stories of that time say , with a great army , but the certaine numbsrs are not recorded : yet it is credible , in regard of the troubles where-with this king was distressed in england , that this army was not of sufficient strength to make an entire conquest of ireland ; and if it had bin of sufficient strength , yet did not the king stay a sufficient time to performe so great an action , for he came ouer in iune , & returned in septem . the same yeare howbeit in that time , the irish lords for the most part , submitted thēselues to him , as they had done before to his father : which was but a meere mockery & imposture . for his backe was no sooner turned , but they returned to their former rebellion : & yet this was reputed a second conquest . and so this king giuing order for the building of some castles vpon the borders of the english colonies , left behinde him the bishop of norwich , for the ciuill gouernment of the lande ; but he left no standing army to prosecute the conquest : onely the english colonies which were alreadie planted , were left to themselues to maintaine what they had got , and to gaine more if they could . the personall presence of these two great princes , king henry the second , and king iohn , though they performed no great thing with their armies , gaue such countenaunce to the english colonies , which encreased dayly by the comming ouer of new voluntaries and aduenturers out of england , as that , they enlarged their territories verie much . howbeit after this time the kings of england , either because they presumed that the english colonies were strong enough to roote out the irish by degrees , or else because they were diuerted or disabled otherwise ( as shall bee declared heereafter ) neuer sent ouer any royall armie , or anie numbers of men worthy to be called an army into ireland , vntill the thirty six yeare of king edward the thirde , when lionell duke of clarence , the kings second sonne , hauing married the daughter and heyre of vlster , was sent ouer with an extraordinary power in respect of the time ( for the warres betwixt england and fraunce , were then in their heate ) aswell to recouer his earledome of vlster , which was then ouer-run & possest by the irish , as to reforme the english colonies , which were become strangely degenerate throughout the whole kingdome . for though king henry the thirde , gaue the whole land of ireland to edward the prince , his eldest son , and his heyres , ita quod non separetur a cona angliae . whereupon it was styled the land of the lorde edward , the kings eldest sonne : and all the officers of the land , were called the officers of edward lord of ireland ; and though this edward were one of the most actiue princes that euer liued in england , yet did he not either in the life time of his father , or during his own raign , come ouer in person , or transmit any armie into ireland , but on the other side , he drew sundry ayds & supplies of men out of ireland , to serue him in his warres in scotland , wales , and gascoigne . and again , though king edw : the second sent ouer piers gaueston with a great retinue , it was neuer intended he should perfect the conquest of ireland ; for the k. could not want his company so long a time , as must haue beene spent in the finishing of so tedious a worke . so then , in all that space of time , betweene the twelfth yeare of king iohn , and the 36. yeare of king edward the third , containing 150. years , or thereabouts , although there were a continuall bordering war between the english and the irish , there came no royall army out of england , to make an end of the warre . but the chiefe gouernors of the realme , who were at first called custodes hiberniae ; and afterwards lords iustices , and the english lordes , who had gotten so great possessions and royalties , as that they presumed to make warre and peace without direction from the state , did leuie all their forces within the land . but those forces were weakely supplied , and ill gouerned , as i said before . weakly supplyed with men and money ; and gouerned with the worst discipline that euer was seene among men of warre . and no maruell , for it is an infallible rule , that an army ill paide , is euer vnruly , and ill gouerned . the standing forces heere , were sildome or neuer re-enforced out of england , and such as were either sent from thence , or raised heer , did commonly do more hurt and damage to the english subiects , then to the irish enemies , by their continuall sesse and extortion . which mischiefe did arise , by reason that little or no treasure was sent out of england , to pay the soldiers wages : onely the kings reuennew in ireland was spent , and wholy spent in the publicke seruice ; and therefore , in al the ancient pipe-rols in the times of henry the third , edward the first , edward the second , & edward the third , betweene the receipts and allowances , there is this entrie ; in thesauro nihil . for the officers of the state and the army , spent all ; so , as there was no surplusage of treasure ; and yet that all was not sufficient . for in default of the kings pay , aswell the ordinary forces which stood continually , as the extraordinarie , which were leuied by the cheefe gouernor , vpon iourneyes , and generall hoastings , were for the most part laid vpon the poore subiect descended of english race ; howbeit this burden was in some measure tolerable in the time of king henry the third , and king edward the first ; but in the time of king edward the second , maurice fitz-thomas of desmond , beeing chiefe commander of the army against the scots , began that wicked extortion of coigne and liuery , and pay , that is ; he & his army tooke horse meate and manfmeate , and money , at their pleasure , without any ticket , or other fatisfaction . and this was after that time , the generall fault of all the gouernours and commanders of the army in this lande . onely the golden saying of sir thomas rookesby , who was iustice in the thirtieth yeare of king edward the 3. is recorded in all the annalles of this kingdome , that he would eate in wodden dishes , but would pay for his meat , gold & siluer . besides , the english colonies being dispersed in euerie prouince of this kingdome , were enforced to keepe continuall guards vpon the borders & marches round about them ; which guardes , consisting of idle souldiers , were likewise imposed as a continuall burthen vppon the poore english free-holders , whome they oppressed and impouerished in the same manner . and because the great english lords & captaines had power to impose this charge , when , and where they pleased , manie of the poore freeholders , were glad to giue vnto those lords , a great part of their lands , to hold the rest free from that extortion : and many others , not being able to endure that intollerable oppression , did vtterly quit their freeholds , and returned into england . by this meane , the english colonies grew poore and weake , though the english lords grew rich and mighty : for they placed irish tenants vppon the landes relinquished by the english ; vpon them they leuied all irish exactions ; with them they married , and fostered , and made gossips : so as within one age , the english , both lords and free-holders , became degenerate and meer irish in their language , in their apparrell , in their armes and maner of fight , & all other customes oflife whatsoeuer . by this it appeareth , why the extortion of coigne and liuory , is called in the old statutes of ireland , a damnable custome ; and the imposing & taking thereof , made high treason . and it is saide in an ancient discourse of the de●…y of ireland , that though it were first inuented in hell , yet if it had been vsed and practised there , as it hath been in ireland , it had long since destroyed the very kingdome of belzebub . in this manner was the warre of ireland carried , before the comming ouer of lionel duke of clarence . this young prince , being earle of vlster , and lord of conaght , in right of his wife ( who was daughter and heire of the lord vvilliam bourke , the last earle of vlster of that family , slaine by treachery at knockfergus ) was made the kings lieutenant of ireland , and sent ouer with an army , in the 36. year of king edward the third . the rol and list of which army , doth remaine of record in the kings remembrauncers office in england ( in the presse de rebust augentibus hiberniam ) & dooth not containe aboue fifteene hundred men by the poll ; which because it differs somewhat from the manner of this age , both in respect of the command and the entertainment , i thinke it not impertinent to take a briefe view thereof . the lord lionel was generall and vnder him raulf earle of staffora , iames earle of ormond , sir iohn carew banneret , sir william winsor , & other knights were commanders . the entertainment of the generall vpon his first arriuall , was but six shillings eight pence , per diem , for himselfe ; for fiue knights , two shillings a peece , per diem ; for 64. esquires , xij . d a peece , per diem ; for 70 archers , vj. d. a peece , per diem . but being shortly after created duke of clarence ( which honor was conferred vpon him beeing heere in ireland ) his entertainement was raised to xiij . s. iiij . d. per diem , for himselfe , & for 8. knights , ij s. a piece per diem , with an encrease of the number of his archers , viz : 360 archers on horsebacke , out of lancashire , at vjd . a peece per diem , and 23. archers out of wales , at ij d. a peece per diem . the earle of staffords entertainment , was for himselfe vi s. viij d. per diem , for a banneret , iiij s. per diem , for xvij . knights , ij s. a peece per diem , for 78. esquires , xij d. a peece per diem , for 100 archers on horsebacke , vj d. a peece per diem . besides , he had the command of 24. archers out of staffordshire , 40. archers out of worcestershire , & six archers out of shropshire , at iiij d. a peece per diem . the entertainment of iames earle of ormond , was for himselfe iiij s. per diem , for two knights , ij s. a peece per diem , for 27 esquires xij d. a piece per diem , for 20 hoblers armed ( the irish horsemen were so called , because they serued on hobbies ) vj d. a peece per diem , and for 20. hoblers not armed , iiij d. a peece per diem . the entertainment of sir iohn carew banneret , was for himselfe iiij s. perdiem , for one knight , ij s. per diem , for eight squires , xij d. a peece , per diem , for ten archers on horsebacke , vj d. a peece per diem . the entertainement of sir william winsore , was for himselfe ij s. per diem : for two knights , ij s. a peece per diem : for 49. squiers xij d. a peece per diem , for six archers on horseback , vj d. a piece per diem . the like entertainment rateably , were allowed to diuers knightes and gentlemen vpon that list , for themselues and their seuerall retinewes , whereof some were greater , and some lesse , as they themselues coulde raise them among their tenants and followers . for in ancient times , the king himselfe did not leuy his armies by his owne immediate authority or commission , but the lords and captaines did by indenture couenant with the king , to serue him in his wars with certaine numbers of men , for certain wages & entertainments , which they raised in greater or lesse numbers , as they had fauour or power with the people . this course hath been changed in later times vpon good reason of state : for the barons and chiefe gentlemen of the realme , hauing power to vse the kings prerogatiue in that point , became too popular ; whereby they were enabled to raise forces euen against the crown it self , which since the statutes made for leuying and mustering of souldiers by the kings speciall commission , they cannot so easily performe , if they should forget their duties . this lord lieutenant , with this small army , perfourmed no great seruice ; & yet vpon his comming ouer , all men who had land in ireland , were by proclamation re maunded backe out of england thither , and both the cleargy and laity of this land , gaue two yeares profits of all their landes and tithes , towards the maintenance of the war heere : only he suppressed some rebels in low leinster , and recouered the maritime parts of his erldome of vlster . but his best seruice did consist in the well-gouerning of his army , and in holding that famous parliament at kilkenny ; wherein the extortion of the souldier , and the degenerat maners of the english ( briefly spoken of before ) were discouered , and lawes made to reforme the same : which shall bee declared more at large heereafter . the next lieutenant , transmitted with any forces out of england , was sir vvilliam winsore ; who in the 47 yeare of king edward the third , vndertooke the custodie , not the conquest , of this land ( for now the english made rather a defensiue then an inuasiue war ) and withal , to defray the whol charge of the kingdome , for eleauen thousand two hundred thirteene pounds , six shillings and eight pence , as appeareth by the indenture betweene him and the king , remaining of record in the tower of london . but it appeareth by that which froissard reporteth , that sir william winsore was so farre from subduing the irish , as that himselfe reported : that he could neuer haue accesse to vnderstande and know their countries , albeit he had spent more time in the seruice of ireland , then any englishman then liuing . and heere i may well take occasion , to shewe the vanity of that which is reported in the story of walsingham , touching the reuennue of the crown in ireland , in the time of king edward the third . for he setting forth the state of things there , in the time of king richard the 2. writeth thus : cum rex angliae illustris , edwardus tertius illic posuisset bancum suum at● iudices , cum scaccario , percepit inde ad regalem fiscum annuatim triginta millia librarum ; modò propter absentiam ligeorum , & hostium potentiam , nihil inde venit : sed rex per annos singulos , de suo marsupio , terrae defensoribus soluit triginta millia marcarum , ad regni sui dedecus et fisci grauissimum detrimentū . if this writer had knowne , that the kings courts had beene established in ireland more then a hundred yeares before king edw. 3. was borne , or had seene eyther the parliament rols in england , or the records of the receits and yssues in ireland , he had not left this vaine report to posterity . for both the benches and the exchequer were erected in the twelfth year of king iohn . and it is recorded in the parliament rols of 21 , of edward the third , remaining in the tower , that the commons of england made petition that it might be enquired why the king receiued no benefit of his land of ireland , considering he possessed more there , then any of his ancestors had before him . now , if the king at that time , when there were no standing forces maintained there , had receiued 30000. pound yearely at his exchequer in ireland , he must needes haue made profit by that land , considering that the whole charge of the kingdome in the 47. yeare of edward the third ( when the king did pay an army there ) did amount to no more then eleuen thousand and two hundred pounds , per annum , as appeareth by the contract of sir vvilliam winsore . besides , it is manifest by the pipe-rolles of that time , wherof many are yet preserued in breminghams tower ; and are of better credite then any monkes story , that during the raigne of king edward the third , the reuenew of the crowne of ireland , both certaine and casuall , did not rise vnto 10000. li. per annum , though the medium be taken of the best seauen years that are to bee found in that kinges time . the like fable hath hollingshead touching the reuennue of the earledome of vlster ; which ( saith hee ) in the time of king richard the second was thirty thousand markes by the yeare ; whereas in truth , though the lordships of conaght and meth ( which were then parcell of the inheritaunce of the earle of vlster ) be added to the accompt , the reuennew of that earledome came not to the thirde part of that he writeth . for the accompt of the profits of vlster yet remayning in breminghams tower , made by william fitz-warren , seneshall and farmour of the landes in vlster , seized into the kings hands after the death of walter de burgo , earle of vlster , from the fifth yeare of edward the third , vntill the eight yeare , doe amount but to 900. and odde pounds , at what time the irishry had not made so great an inuasion vpon the earledome of vlster , as they had done in the time of king richard the second . as vaine a thing it is , that i haue seen written in an ancient . manuscript , touching the customes of this realme in the time of king edward the third , that those dutics in those daies should yearely amount to 10000. markes , which by mine owne search and view of the records heere , i can iustly controll . for vppon the late reducing of this ancient inheritance of the crown which had beene detained in most of the port-townes of this realme , for the space of a hundred yeares and vpwardes , i tooke some paines ( according to the duty of my place ) to vis● all the pipe-rolles , wherein the accompts of customes are contained , and found those duties aunswered in euery port , for 250. yeares together , but did not find that at any time they did exceed a thousand pound , per annum ; and no maruell , for the subsidie of pondage was not then known , and the greatest profite did arise by the cocquet of hides ; for wooll , and wooll-fels were euer of little value in this kingdome . but now againe let vs see how the martiall affayrs proceeded in ireland . sir william winsor continued his gouerment till the latter end of the raign of king edward the thirde , keeping , but not enlarging , the english borders . in the beginning of the raigne of king richard the second , the state of england began to thinke of the recouery of ireland : for then was the first statute made against absentees , commanding al such as had land in ireland , to returne & reside thereupon , vppon paine to forfeite two third parts of the profit thereof . againe , this king , before himselfe intended to passe ouer , committed the gouernment of this realme to such great lordes successiuely , as he did most loue and fauor : first to the earle of oxford his cheefe minion , whom he created marquesse of dublin , and duke of ireland : next to the duke of surrey his halfe brother : and lastly , to the lord mortimer , earle of march and vlster , his cosin and heyre apparant . among the patent rolles in the tower , the ninth yeare of rich. the 2. we finde fiue hundred men at armes at xij . d. a peece , per diem ; and a 1000. a chers at vi . pence a piece , per diem , appointed for the duke of ireland , super conquestu illius terrae per duos annos : for those are the wordes of that record ; but for the other two lieutenants , i do not find the certain numbers , wherof their armies did consist . but certaine it is , that they were scarse able to defend the english borders , much lesse to reduce the whol island . for one of them ; namely , the earle of march was himselfe slain vpon the borders of meth ; for reuenge of whose death , the king himselfe made his second voyage into ireland , in the last yeare of his raigne . for his first voyage in the eighteenth yeare of his raigne ( which was indeed a voyageroyall ) was made vpon another motiue and occasion , which was this ; vpon the vacancy of the empire , this king hauing married the king of bohemiaes daughter ( whereby hee had great alliance in germany ) did by his ambassadors solicit the princes electors to choose him emperour : but another being elected , and his ambas sadors returned , hee would needes know of them the cause of his repulse in that competition : they tolde him plainly , that the princes of germanie did not thinke him fit to commaund the empire , who was neither able to hold that which his ancestours had gained in france , nor to rule his inso lent subiects in england , nor to maister his rebellious people of ireland . this was enough to kindle in the heart of a young prince , a desire to performe some great enterprise . and therefore finding it no fit time to attempt france , he resolued to finish the conquest of ireland ; and to that end , he leuied a mightie armie , consisting of foure thousand men at armes , and 30000. archers , which was a sufficient power to haue reduced the whol island , if he had first broken the irish with a warre , and after established the english lawes among them , and not haue beene satisfied with their light submissions onely , wherewith , in all ages they haue mockt and abused the state of england . but the irish lords knowing this to be a sure pollicie to dissolue the forces which they were not able to resist ( for their ancestors had put the same trick and imposture vppon king iohn , and king henry the second ) assoone as the king was arriued with his army , which he brought ouer vnder s. edwards banner ( whose name was had in great veneration amongst the irish ) they all made offer to submit themselues . whereupon the lorde thomas mowbray , earle of nottingham , and marshall of england , was authorized by speciall commission , to receiue the homages & oaths of fidelity , of all the irishrie of leinster . and the king himselfe hauing receiued humble letters from oneale , ( wherein hee styleth himselfe prince of the irishry in vlster , and yet acknoledgeth the king to be his soueraign lorde , & perpetuus dominus hiberniae ) remoued to droghedab , to accept the like submissions from the irish of vlster . the men of leinster , namely , mac murrogh , o byrne , o moore , o murrogh , o nolan , and the cheefe of the kinshelaghes , in an humble and solemn manner did their homages , & made their oaths of fidelity to the earl marshall , laying aside their girdles , their skeins and their caps , and falling downe at his feet vpon their knees . which whe they had performed , the earle gaue vnto each of them , osculum pacis . besides , they were bound by feueral indentures , vpon great paines to bee paide to the apostolique chamber , not onely to continue loyall subiects , but that by a certaine day prefixed , they and all their sword men should clearely relinquish and giue vp vnto the king and his successors all their landes and possessions which they held in leinster , and ( taking with them onely their mooueable goods ) shold serue him in his warres against his other rebels . in consideration whereof , the king should giue them pay & pensions during their liues , and bestow the inheritance of all such lands vpon them , as they shoulde recouer from the rebels , in any other part of the realme . and thereupon , a pension of eighty markes , per annum , was graunted to art'mac murrogh , chiefe of the kauanaghes ; the enroulement whereof , i found in the white booke of the exchequer heere . and this was the effect of the seruice performed by the earle marshall , by vertue of his commission . the king in like maner receiued the submissions of the lords of vlster , namely ; o neal , o hanlon , mac donel , mac mahon , & others ; who with the like humility and ceremony , did homage and fealtie to the kings owne person ; the words of o neales homage as they are recorded are not vnfit to be remembered : ego nelanus oneal senior tam pro meipso , quā pro filijs mels , & tota natione mea & parentelis meis , & pro omnibus subdit is me is deuenio ' ligeus homo vester , &c. and in the indenture betweene him and the king , he is not onely bound to remaine faithfull to the crowne of england , but to restore the bonaght of vlster , to the earle of vlster , as of right belonging to that earledomc , & vsurped among other things by the oneales . these indentures and submissions , with many other of the same kinde ( for there was not a chieftaine or head of an irish sept , but submitted himselfe in one forme or other ) the king himselfe caused to bee enrolled and testified by a notary publique , & deliuered the enroulments with his owne hands to the byshop of salisbury , then lord treasurer of england , so as they haue beene preserued , and are now to be found in the office of the kings remembrancer there . with these humilities they satisfied the young king , and by their bowing and bending , auoyded the present storme , and so brake that army , which was prepared to breake them . for the king hauing accepted their submissions , receiued them in osculo pacis , feasted them , and giuen the honor of knight-hood to diuers of thē , did breake vp and dissolue his armie , and returned into england with much honor , & smal profit , ( saith froissard . ) for though he had spent a huge masse of treasure in transporting his army , by the countenance whereof , he drew on their submissions , yet did hee not encrease his reuennew thereby one sterling pound , nor enlarged the english borders the bredth of one acre of land ; neither did he extend the iurisdiction of his courtes of justice one foote further then the english colonies , wherein it was vsed and exercised before . besides , he was no sooner returned into england , but those irish lords laide aside their maskes of humility , and scorning the weake forces which the king had left behinde him , beganne to infest the borders ; in defence whereof , the lord roger mortimer being then the kings lieutenant , and heire apparent of the crowne of england , was slaine , as i saide before . whereupon the king being moued with a iust appetite of reuenge , came ouer againe in person , in the 22. yeare of his raigne , with as potent an armie , as he had done before , with a ful purpose to make a full conquest of ireland : he landed at waterford , and passing from thence to dublin , through the wast countries of the murroghes , kinshelaghes , cauanaghes , birnes , and tooles , his great armie was much distressed for want of victuals and carriages , so as he performed no memorable thing in that iourney ; onely in the cauanaghes countrey , hee cut and cleared the paces , and bestowed the honor of knighthood vpon the lord henry , the duke of lancasters son , who was afterwards king henrie the fifte , and so came to dublin , where entring into counsell how to proceede in the warre , he receiued newes out of england , of the arriuall of the bannished duke of lancaster at rauenspurgh , vsurping the regall authority , and arresting and putting to death his principall officers . this aduertisement suddainely brake off the kings purpose touching the prosecution of the warre in ireland , and transported him into england , where shortly after hee ended both his raigne and his life . since whose time , vntill the 39. yeare of q elizabeth , there was neuer any armie sent ouer of a competent strength or power to subdue the irish , but the warre was made by the english colonies , onely to defend their borders ; or if any forces were transmitted ouer , they were sent only to suppresse the rebellions of such as were descended of english race , and not to enlarge our dominion ouer the irish. dvring the raigne of king henrie the fourth , the lorde thomas of lancaster the kings second sonne , was lieutenant of ireland , who for the first eight yeares of that kings raign , made the lord scroope , and others his deputies , who only defended the marches with forces leuied within the land. in the eight yeare that prince came ouer in person with a small retinue . so as wanting a sufficient power to attempt or performe any great seruice , he returned within seuen moneths after into england . yet during his personall abode there , he was hurt in his owne person within one mile of dublin , vpon an incounter with the irish enemy . he tooke the submissions of o birne of the mountaines , mac mahon , and o rely , by seuerall indentures , wherin o birne doth couenant , that the king shall quietly enioy the mannor of new-castle ; mac mahon accepteth a state in the ferny for life , rendering ten pound a yeare ; and o reley doth promise to performe such duties to the earle of march and vlster , as were contained in an indenture dated the 18. of richard the second . in the time of k. henry the fift , there cam no forces out of england . howbeit the lord furniual being the kings lieutenant , made a martial circuit , or iourney , round about the marches & borders of the pale , and brought all the irish to the kinges peace , beginning with the birnes , tooles , and cauanaghes on the south , and so passing to the moores , o connors , and offerals in the west ; and ending with the o relies , mac mahons , o neales , and o haulons in the north. hee had power to make them seeke the kings peace , but not power to reduce them to the obedience of subiectes : yet this was then held so great and worthy a seruice , as that the lords & chiefe gentlemen of the pale , made certificate thereof in french vnto the king , being then in france : which i haue seen recorded in the white booke of the exchequer at dublin . howbeit his armie was so ill paid and gouerned , as the english suffered more dammage by the sesse of his souldiers ( for now that monster ( coigne , and liuerie ) which the statute of kilkenny had for a time abolished , was risen againe from hell ) then they gained profit or security , by abating the pride of their enemies for a time . dvring the minority of king henry the sixt , and for the space of seuen or eight yeares after , the lientenants and deputies made only a bordering warre vpon the irish , with small and scattered forces ; howbeit , because there came no treasure out of england to pay the soldier , the poore english fubiect , did beare the burthen of the men of warre in euery place , & were thereby so weakned and impouerished , as the state of thinges in ireland , stood very desperate . whereupon , the cardinall of winchester ( who after the death of humfrey duke of glocester , did wholly sway the state of england ) beeing desirous to place the duke of somerset in the regencie of fraunce , tooke occasion to remooue richard duke of yorke from that gouernment , and to send him into ireland , pretending that hee was a most able and willing person , to performe seruice there , because he had a great inheritance of his owne in ireland ; namely , the earledom of vlster , and the lordships of conaght & meth , by discent from lionell duke of clarence . we do not finde that this great lord came ouer with any numbers of waged souldiers , but it appeareth vpon what good termes hee tooke that gouernment , by the couenants betweene the king and him , which are recorded and confirmed by acte of parliament in ireland , and were to this effect : 1. that he should be the kings lieutenant of ireland , for ten yeares . 2. that to support the charge of that countrey , he should receiue al the kings reuennewes there , both certaine and casual , without accompt . 3. that he should bee supplyed also with treasure out of england , in this maner ; he should haue four thousand markes for the first yeare , whereof he should bee imprested 2000. li. before hand ; and for the other nine yeares , hee should receiue 2000. li. per annum . 4. that hee might let to ferme the kings landes , and place and displace all officers at his pleasure . 5. that he might leuy and wage what numbers of men , he thought fit . 6. that he might make a deputy , and returne at his pleasure . we cannot presume that this prince kept any great army on foote , aswell because his means out of england were so meane , and those ill paide , as appeareth by his passionate letter written to the earl of salisbury his brother in law ; the coppy whereof , is registred in the story of this time : as also because the whole lande , except the english pale , and some part of the earledome of vlster , vppon the sea coasts , were possest by the irish. so as the reuennew of the kingdome , which he was to receiue , did amount to little . he kept the borders & marches of the pale with much adoo ; he held many parliaments , wherein sundry lawes were made , for erecting of castles in louth , meth , and kildare , to stop the incursions of the irishrie . and because the souldiers for want of pay were sessed and laide vppon the subiects against their willes ; vpon the prayer and importunitie of the commons , this extortion was declared to be high-treason . but to the end , that some meanes might be raised to norish some forces for defence of the pale , by another acte of parliament , euery twenty pound land was charged with the furnishing and maintenance of one archer on horsebacke . besides , the natiue subiects of ireland seeing the kingdome vtterly ruined , did passe in such numbers into england , as one law was made in england , to transmit them backe againe ; and another law made heere to stop their passage in euery port & creeke . yet afterwards , the greatest partes of the nobility and gentry of meth , past ouer into england , and were slaine with him at wakefield in yorkshire . lastly , the state of england was so farre from sending an army to subdue the irish at this time , as among the articles of greeuances exhibited by the duke of yorke against k. henry the sixte , this was one ; that diuers lords about the king , had caused his highnesse to write letters vnto some of his irish enemies ; whereby they were encouraged to attempt the conquest of the said land. which letters , the same irish enemies had sent vnto the duke ; maruailing greatlie , that such letters should be sent vnto them , & speaking therein great shame of the realme of england . after this , when this great lorde was returned into england , and making claime to the crowne , beganne the warre betwixt the two houses ; it cannot bee conceiued , but that the kingdome fell into a worse and weaker estate . when edward the fourth was setled in the kingdome of england , he made his brother george du. of clarence , lieutenant of ireland . this prince was born in the castle of dublin , during the gouernment of his father the duke of yorke ; yet did hee neuer passe ouer into this kingdome , to gouerne it in person , though hee held the lieutenancie many yeares . but it is manifest , that king edward the fourth did not pay any army in ireland during his raigne ; but the men of war did pay themselues by taking coigne and liuery vppon the countrey : which extortion grew so excessiue and intollerable , as the lord tiptoft being deputy to the duke of clarence , was enforced to execute the law vppon the greatest earle in the kingdome ; namely , desmond ; who lost his head at drogheda for this offence . howbeit , that the state might not seeme vtterly to neglect the defence of the pale , there was a fraternity of men at armes , called the brother-hood of s. george , erected by parlament , the 14. of edward the fourth , consisting of thirteene the most noble and woorthy persons within the foure shires . of the first foundation , were thomas earle of kildare , sir rowland eustace , lord of port-lester , and sir robert eustace for the county of kildare ; robert lord of howth , the maior of dublin , and sir robert dowdall , for the county of dublin ; the vicount of gormauston , edward plunket , seneshall of meth ; alexander plunket , and barna be barnewale , for the county of meth ; the maior of drogheda , sir lawraunce taaffe , and riehard bellewe , for the countie of lowtb . these and their successors , were to meet yearely vpon s. georges day ; and to choose one of themselues to be captaine of that brother-hood , for the next yeare to come . which captaine , shold haue at his commaund , 120. archers on horsebacke , 40. horsemen , and forty pages , to suppresse out-lawes and rebels . the wages of euery archer , should be vj. pence , per diem ; & euery horseman , v. d. per diem ; and foure markes , per annum . and to pay these entertainments , and to maintain this new fraternity , there was granted vnto them by the same act of parlament a subsidie of pondage , out of all marchandizes exported or imported thoroughout the realme ( hydes , and the goods of free-men of dublin & drogheda onely excepted . ) these 200. men were al the standing forces that were then maintained in ireland . and as they were natiues of the kingdom , so the kingdom it selfe did pay their wages without expecting any treasure out of england . bvt now the warres of lancaster and yorke being ended , and henrie the seuenth being in the actuall & peaceable possession of the kingdome of england , let vs see if this king did send ouer a competent armie to make a perfect conquest of ireland . assuredly , if those two i dolles or counterfets which were set vp against him in the beginning of his raign , had not found footing and followers in this lande , king henrie the seuenth had sent neither horse nor foote hither , but let the pale to the guard and defence of the fraternitie of saint george , which stood till the tenth year of his raigne . and therefore , vpon the erection of the first i doll , which was lambert the priests boy , he transmitted no forces , but sent ouer sir richard edgecomb , with commission to take an oath of allegiance of al the nobility , gentry , and cittizens of this kingdom ; which sernice he performed fully , and made an exact returne of his commission to the king. and immediately after that , the king sent for all the lordes of parliament in this realme ; who repayring to his presence , were first in a kingly manner reprooued by him ; for among other things he told them , that if their king were still absent frō them , they would at length crowne apes ; but at last entertained them , and dismissed them graciously . this course of clemency hee held at first . but after , when perkin warbecke , who was set vp , and followed chiefely by the giraldines in leinster , and the cittizens of corke in mounster ; to suppresse this counterfaite , the king sent ouer sir edward poynings , with an army ( as the histories call it ) which did not consist of a thousand men by the pol ; and yet it brought such terrour with it , as all the adherents of perkin warbecke were scattered , and retyred for succour into the irish countries : to the marches whereof , hee marched with his weake forces , but eft-soones returned & held a parliament . wherin among many good lawes , one act was made ; that no subiect shold make any warre or peace within the land , without the speciall license of the kings lieutenant or deputie . a manifest argument , that at that time the bordering warres in this kingdome , were made altogether by voluntaries , vpon their own head , without any pay or entertainement , and without any order or commission from the state. and though the lords and gentlemen of the pale , in the 19. yeare of this kings raigne , ioyned the famous battel of knocktow in conaght ; wherein mac william , with 4000. of the irish , and degenerat english were slaine ; yet was not this iourny made by warrant from the king , or vppon his charge ( as it is expressed in the booke of howth ) but only vpon a pri●… quarrell of the earle of kildare : so loosely were the martiall affaires of ireland carried , during the raigne of king henry the seuenth . in the time of king henry the eight , the earle of surrey , lorde admirall , was made lieutenant ; and though he were the greatest captain of the english nation the liuing ; yet broght he with him rather an honorable guard for his person , then a competent armie to recouer ireland . for he had in his retinue , 200. tall yeomen of the kings guard : but because hee wanted meanes to performe any great action , hee made meanes to returne the sooner : yet in the meane time he was not ydle , but passed the short time he spent heere , in holding a parliament , and diuers iournies against the rebels of leinster ; insomuch as he was hurt in his own person , vpon the borders of leix . after the reuocation of this honourable personage , king henry the eight , sent no forces into ireland , till the rebellion of the giraldines , which hapned in the 27. year of his raigne . then sent he ouer sir william skeuington , with fiue hundred men onely to quench that fire , and not to enlarge the border , or to rectifie the gouernment . this deputy dyed in the midst of the seruice , so as the lord leonard gray was sent to finish it : who arriuing with a supply of 200. men , or thereabouts , did so prosecute the rebels , as the lord garret their chiefetaine , and his fiue vnckles , submitted them-selues vnto him , and were by him transmitted into england . but this seruice being ended , that actiue nobleman with his litle army , and some ayds of the pale , did oftentimes repell o neale , and o donel , attempting the inuasion of the ciuill shires , and at last made that prosperous sight at belahoo , on the confines of meth ; the memory whereof , is yet famous , as that he defeated ( well-nie ) all the power of the north ; & so quieted the border for many yeares . hitherto then it is manifest , that since the last transfretation of king richard the second , the crowne of england neuer sent ouer , either numbers of men , or quantities of treasure , sufficient to defend the small territory of the pale , much lesse to reduce that which was lost , or to finish the conquest of the whole island . after this , sir anthony s. leger , was made chiefe gouernor , who performed great seruice in a ciuill course , as shall be expressed heereafter . but sir edward bellingham , who succeeded him , proceeded in a martiall course against the irishry , and was the first deputy , from the time of k. edward the third , till the raign of king edward the sixt , that extended the border beyond the limits of the english pale , by beating and breaking the moores and connors , and building the forts of leix and offaly . this seruice he performed with sixe hundered horse ; the monthly charge whereof , did arise to 770. li. and 400. foote , whose pay did amount to 446. li. per mensem : as apeareth vpon the treasurers accompt , remaining in the office of the kinges remembrauncer in england . yet were not these countries so fully recouered by this deputy , but that thomas earl of sussex did put the last hand to this worke ; and rooting out these two rebellious septs , planted english colonies in their roomes , which in all the tumultuous times since , haue kept their habitations , their loyalty , and religion . and now are we come to the time of queene elizabeth , who sent ouer more men , and spent more treasure to saue and reduce the lande of ireland , then all her progenitors since the conquest . dvring her raign , there arose three notorious and maine rebellions , which drewe seuerall armies out of england . the first of shane o neale ; the second , of desmond ; the last of tyrone ; ( for the particular insurrections of the vicount baltinglasse , and sir edmund butler ; the moores ; the cauanaghes ; the birnes , and the bourkes of conaght , were all suppressed by the standing forces heere . ) to subdue shane o neal , in the hight of his rebellion , in the yeare , 1566. captaine randal transported a regiment of 1000. men into vlster , & planted a garrison at loughfoile . before the comming of which supply ( viz : ) in the yeare , 1565. the list of the standing army of horse and foot , english and irish , did not exceed the number of 1200. men , as appeareth by the treasurers accompt of ireland , now remaining in the exchequer of eng land . with these forces did sir henry sidney ( then lord deputy ) march into the farthest parts of tirone , and ioyning with captaine randal , did much distresse ( but not fully defeate ) o neale , who was afterwards slain vpon a meere accident by the scottes , and not by the queenes army . to proseeute the warres in munster , against desmond and his adherents , there were transmitted out of england at seuerall times , three or four thousand men , which together , with the standing carrisons , and some other supplies raised heere , made at one time , an army of six thousand & vpwards : which with the vertue and lour of arthur lorde gray , and others the commanders , did proue a sufficient power to extinguish that rebellion . but that being doone , it was neuer intended that these forces should stand , till the rest of the kingdome were setled and reduced : onely , that army which was brought ouer by the earle of essex , lorde lieutenant and gouernor generall of this kingdom , in the 39. yeare of queen elizabeth , to suppresse the rebellion of tirone , which was spred vniuersally ouer the whole realme ; that armie , i say ( the command whereof , with the gouernment of the realme , was shortly after transferred to the commaund of the lord montioy , afterwards earl of deuonshire , who with singular wisedom , valour , and industry , did prosecute & finish the warre ) did consist of such good men of warre , and of such numbers , being wel-ny 20000. by the pol , and was so royally supplied and paid , and continued in ful strength so long a time , as that it brake , and absolutely subdued all the lordes and chiefetaines of the irishry , and degenerate or rebellious english. whereupon , the multitude , who euer loued to bee followers of such as could master and defend them , admyring the power of the crownc of england , being brai'd ( as it were ) in a morter , with the sword , famine , & pestilence altogither , submitted themselues to the english gouernment , receiued the lawes and magistrates , and most gladly embraced the kings pardon and peace in all parts of the realme , with demonstration of ioy and comfort ; which made indeede , an entire , perfect , and finall conquest of ireland . and thogh vpon the finishing of the warre , this great armie was reduced to lesse numbers , yet hath his maiestie in his wisedome , thought it fit , stil to maintaine such competent forces heere , as the law may make her progresse & circuit about the realme , vnder the protection of the sword ( as virgo , the figure of iustice , is by leo in the zodiack ) vntill the people haue perfectly learned the lesson of obedience , & the conquest bee established in the hearts of all men . thus farre haue i endeuoured to make it manifest , that from the first aduenture and attempt of the english ( to subdue and conquer ireland ) vntill the last warre with tyrone , ( which as it was royally vndertaken , so it was really prosecuted to the end ) there hath bin foure maine defects in the carriage of the martiall affayres heere . first , the armies for the most part , were too weake for a conquest : secondly , when they were of a competent strength ( as in both the iournies of richard the second ) they were too soone broken vp and dissolued : thirdly , they were ill paide : and fourthly , they were ill gouerned , which is alwayes a consequent of ill payment . bvt why was not this great worke perfourmed , before the latter end of queene elizabeths raigne , considering that many of the kings her progenitors , were as great captaines as any in the world , and had else-where larger dominions and territories ? first , who can tell whither the diuine wisedom , to abate the glory of those kings , did not reserue this worke to be done by a queen , that it might rather appeare to be his owne imediate worke ? and yet for her greater honor , made it the last of her great actions , as it were , to crowne al the rest ? and to the end ●hat a secure peace might settle the conquest , and make it firme and perpetuall to posteritie ; caused it to bee made in that fulnesse of time , when england and scotland became to be vnited vnder one imperiall crowne ; and when the monarchy of great britainy was in league & amity with all the worlde . besides , the conquest at this time , doth perhaps fulfill that prophesie , wherin the four great prophets of ireland do concur , as it is recorded by giraldus cambrēsis ; to this effect : that after the first inuasion of the english , they shold spend many ages , in crebris conflictibus , longoque certanime & multis coedibus . and that , omnes fere anglici ab hibernia turbabuntur : nihilominus orientalia maritima semper obtinebunt ; sed vix paulo anté diem iuditij ; plenam anglorum populo victoriam compromittunt ; insula hibernica de mari vsque ad mare de toto subacta & incastellata . if s. patrick and th●… did not vtter this prophesy ; certainly giraldus is a prophet , who hath reported it . to this , we may adde the prophesy of merlin , spoken of also by giraldus . sextus moenia hiberniae subuertet , & regiones in regnum redigentur . which is performed in the time of king iames the sixt ; in that all the paces are cleared , and places of fastnesse laid open , which are the proper wals & castles of the irish , as they were of the british in the time of agricola ; and withal , the irish countries beeing reduced into counties , make but one entire and vndeuided kingdome . but to leaue these high & obscure causes , the plaine and manifest trueth is ; that the kings of england in al ages , had bin powerfull enough , to make an absolute conquest of ireland , if their whole power had been employed in that enterprize : but still there arose sundry occasions , which diuided and di●…ted their power som other way . let vs therefore take a briefe view of the seuerall impediments which arose in euery kinges time , since the first ouerture of the conquest , whereby they were so employed and busied , as they could not intend the finall conquest of ireland . king henrie the second , was no sooner returned out of ireland , but all his foure sonnes conspired with his enemies , rose in arrnes , and moued warre against him , both in france and in england . this vnnaturall treason of his sons , did the king expresse in an embleme painted in his chamber at winchester , wherein was an eagle , with three eglets tyring on her brest ; & the fourth pecking at one of her eyes . and the troth is , these vngracious practises of his sonnes , did impeach his iourney to the holy-land , which he had once vowed , vexed him all the dayes of his life , and brought his gray haires with sorrow to the graue . besides , this king hauing giuen the lordship of ireland to iohn his youngest sonne ; his ingratitude afterwards made the king carelesse to settle him in the quiet and absolute possession of that kingdome . richard the first , which succeeded henrie the second in the kingdom of england , had lesse reason to bend his power towardes the conquest of this land , which was giuen in perpetuity to the lord iohn his brother . and therefore , went hee in person to the holy warre ; by which iourney , & his captiuity in austria , and the heauy ransome that he paid for his libertie , hee was hindred , and vtterly disabled to pursue any so great an action as the conquest of ireland ; and after his deliuery and returne , hardly was he able to maintaine a frontier warre in normandy , where by hard fortune he lost his life . king iohn his brother , had greatest reason to prosecute the warre of ireland , because the lordship thereof was the portion of his inheritance , giuen vnto him , when hee was called , iohn sans-terre . therefore , hee made two iournies thither ; one , when he was earle of morton , and very yong , about twelue years of age ; the other , when he was king , in the 12. yeare of his raigne . in the first , his own youth , and his youthfull company , roboams c●…sellours made him hazard the losse of al that his father had won . but in the later , he shewed a resolution to recouer the entire kingdome , in taking the submissions of al the irishry , and setling the estates of the english , and giuing order for the building of many castles and forts , wherof some remaine vntill this day . but hee came to the crowne of england , by a defeasible title , so as he was neuer well setled in the hearts of the people , which drew him the sooner back out of ireland into england : where shortlie after , he fell into such trouble and distresse ; the clergy cursing him on the one side ; and the barons rebelling against him on the other , as hee became so farre vnable to returne to the conquest of ireland , as besides the forfeiture of the territories in fraunce , hee did in a manner loose both the kingdomes . for hee surrendred both to the pope , and tooke them backe againe to hold in fee-farme ; which brought him into such hatered at home , and such contempt abroad , as all his life time after , hee was possest rather with feare of loosing his head , then with hope of reducing the kingdome of ireland . dvring the infancy of henry the 3. the barons were troubled in expelling the french , whome they had drawne in against king iohn . but this prince was no sooner come to his maiority , but the barons raised a long and cruell war against him . into these troubled waters , the bishops of rome did cast their nets , and drew away all the wealth of the realm by their prouisions , and infinite exactions , whereby the kingdom was so impouerished , as the king was scarse able to feed his owne housholde and traine , much lesse to nourish armies for the conquest of forren kingdoms . and albeit he had giuen this land to the lord edward his eldest sonne , yet could not that woorthy prince euer finde meanes or opportunity to visit this kingdome in person . for , from the time he was able to beare armes , he serued continually against the barons , by whom hee was taken prisoner at the battell of lewes . and when that rebellion was appeased , he made a iourney to the holy land ( an employment which in those daies diuerted all christian princes from performing any great actions in europe ) frō whence hee was returned , when the crowne of england descended vpon him . this king edward the first , who was a prince adorned with all vertues , did in the mannaging of his affayres , shew himselfe a right good husband , who being owner of a lordship ill husbanded , doth first enclose & mannure his demeasnes neere his principall house , before he doth improue his wasts a sarre off . therefore , he beganne first to establish the common-wealth of england , by making many excellent lawes , and instituting the forme of publique iustice , which remaineth to this day . next , hee fullie subdued and reduced the dominion of wales ; then by his power and authoritie hee setled the kingdome of scotland ; and lastly , he sent a royall armie into gascoigne , to recouer the dutchy of aquita●… these foure great actions , did take vp all the raign of this prince . and therefore , we find not in any record , that this king transmitted any forces into ireland ; but on the other side , wee finde it recorded both in the annalles , and in the pipe-rolles of this kingdom , that three seuerall armies were raised of the kings subiectes in ireland , and transported one into scotland ; another into wales ; and the third into gascoigne ; and that seuerall aydes were leuied heere , for the setting forth of those armies . the sonne and successor of this excellent prince , was edward the second , who much against his will sent one smal armie into ireland ; not with a purpose to finish the conquest , but to guarde the person of his minion , piers gaueston , who being banished out of england , was made lieutenant of ireland , that so his exile might seem more honourable . he was no sooner ariued heere , but he made a iourny into the mountaines of dublin ; brake and subdued the rebels there ; built new-castle in the ●irnes country , and repaired castle keuin ; & after passed vp into mounster and thomond , performing euerie where great seruice , with much vertue and valour . but the king , who could not liue without him , reuokt him within lesse then a yeare . after which time , the inuasion of the scots , and rebellion of the barons , did not onely disable this king to bee a conqueror , but depriued him both of his kingdome and life . and when the scottish nation had ouer-run all this land vnder the conduct of edward le bruce ( who stiled himselfe king of ireland ) england was not then able to send either men or mony to saue this kingdome . onely roger de mortimer then iustice of ireland , arriued at youghall , cum 38. milite , saith friar cliuu in his annalles . but bremingham , verdon , stapleton , & some other priuat gentlemen , rose out with the commons of meth and vriell , and at fagher neere dondalke , a fatall place to the enemies of the crowne of england , ouerthrew a potent army of them . et sic ( saith the red booke of the exchequer , wherein the victory was briefely recorded ) per manus communis populi , & dextram dei deliberatur populus dei a seruitute machinata & praecogitata . in the time of king edward the third , the impediments of the conquest of ireland , are so notorious , as i shal not neede to expresse them ; to wit , the warre which the king had with the realmes of scotland , and of fraunce ; but especially the warres of fraunce , which were almost continuall for the space of fortie yeares . and indeede , france was a fairer marke to shoot at , then ireland , & could better reward the conqueror . besides , it was an inheritance newly discended vpon the king ; and therfore , he had great reason to bend all his power , and spend all his time and treasure in the recouery thereof . and this is the true cause why edward the third sent no armie into ireland , till the 36. yeare of his raigne , when the lorde lionell brought ouer a regiment of 1500. men , as is before expressed : which that wise and warlicke prince did not transmit as a competent power , to make a full conquest , but as an honorable retinue for his sonne ; and withall , to enable him to recouer some part of his earledome of vlster , which was then ouer-run with the irish. but on the other part , though the english colonies were much degenerate in this kings time , and had lost a great part of their possessions , yet lying at the siedge of callis , hee sent for a supply of men out of ireland , which wer transported vnder the conduct of the earle of kildar , and fulco de la freyn , in the yeare , 1347. and now are we come again to the time of king richard the second ; who for the first tenne yeares of his raigne , was a minor , and much disquieted with popular commotions ; and after that , was more trobled with the factions that arose betweene his minions , & the princes of the bloud . but at last , he tooke a resolution to finish the conquest of this realm . and to that end he made two royall voyages hither . vpon the first , he was deluded by the faigned submissions of the irish ; but vpon the later , when he was fully bent to prosecute the warre with effect , he was diuerted & drawn from hence by the return of the duke of lancaster into england , and the generall defection of the whole realme . as for henrie the fourth , he beeing an intruder vpon the crowne of england , was hindered from all forraigne actions , by sundry conspiracies and rebellions at home , moued by the house of northumberland in the north ; by the dukes of surrey & exceter in the south ; and by oxen glendour in wales ; so as he spent his short raigne in establishing and setling him selfe in the quiet possession of england , and had neyther leisure nor opportunity to vndertake the final conquest of ireland . much lesse could king henry the fift perfourme that worke : for in the second yeare of his raigne , he transported an armie into france , for the recouery of that kingdome , and drewe ouer to the siedge of harflew , the priour of kilmaincham , with 1500. irish. in which great action this victorious prince , spent the rest of his life . and after his death , the two noble princes his brothers , the duke of bedford and glocester , who during the minority of king henry the sixte , had the gouernment of the kingdomes of england and france , did employ all their counsels and endeuors to perfect the conquest of france , the greater part whereof beeing gained by henry the fift , & retained by the duke of bedford , was againe lost by k. henrie the sixt ; a manifest argument of his disability to finish the conquest of this land. but when the ciuill warre betweene the two houses was kindled , the kings of england were so farre from reducing al the irish vnder their obedience , as they drew out of ireland to strengthen their parties , al the nobility and gentry descended of english race , which gaue opportunitie to the irishry , to inuade the lands of the english colonies , and did hazard the losse of the whole kingdom . for , though the duke of yorke did , while he liued in ireland , carrie himselfe respectiuely towards all the nobility , to win the generall loue of all , bearing equall fauour to the giraldines and the butlers ( as appeared at the christning of george duke of clarence , who was borne in the castle of dublin , where he made both the earle of kildare , and the earle of ormond his gossips : ) and hauing occasion diuers times to passe into england ; hee left the sworde with kildare at one time , and with ormond at another : & when he lost his life at wakefield , there were slaine with him diuers of both those families . yet afterwards , those two noble houses of ireland , did seuerally follow the two royall houses of england ; the giraldines adhering to the house of yorke , and the butlers to the house of lancaster . whereby it came to passe , that not onely the principall gentlemen of both those sur-names , but all their friendes and dependants did passe into england , leauing their lands and possessions to be ouer-run by the irish. these impediments , or rather impossibilities of finishing the conquest of ireland , did continue till the warres of lancaster & yorke were ended : which was about the 12. yeare of king edward the fourth . thus hitherto the kings of england were hindred from finishing this conquest by great and apparant impediments : henrie the second , by the rebellion of his sonnes : king iohn , henry the third , & edward the second , by the barons warres : edward the first by his warres in wales and scotland : edward the third , and henry the fift , by the warres of france : richard the second , henry the fourth , henrie the sixt , and edward the fourth , by domestick contention for the crowne of england it selfe . bvt the fire of the ciuil warre being vtterly quenched , and k. edward the fourth setled in the peaceable possession of the crowne of england , what did then hinder that warlicke prince from reducing of ireland also ? first , the whole realme of england was miserably wasted , depopulated & impouerished by the late ciuil dissentions ; yet assoon as it had recouered it selfe with a little peace and rest , this king raised an army , and reuiued the title of france againe : howbeit , this army was no sooner transmitted and brought into the fielde , but the two kings also were brought to an interview . whereupon , partly by the faire and white promises of lewes the 11. and partly by the corruption of some of king edwards minions , the english forces were broken and dismissed , & king edward returned into england , where shortly after finding himselfe deluded and abused by the french , he dyed with melancholy , and vexation of spirit . i omit to speake of richard the vsurper , who neuer got the quiet possession of england , but was cast out by henry the seauenth , within two yeares and a halfe , after his vsurpation . and for king henry the seauenth himselfe , thogh he made that happy vnion of the two houses , yet for more then half the space of his raign , there were walking spirites of the house of yorke , aswell in ireland as in england , which he could not coniure downe , without expence of some bloud and treasure . but in his later times , hee did wholly studye to improue the reuennues of the crowne in both kingdomes , with an intent to prouide meanes for some great action which he intēded : which doubtlesse , if hee had liued , woulde rather haue improued a iourny into fraunce , then into ireland , because in the eyes of all men , it was a fayrer enterprize . therefore king henry the eight , in the beginning of his raigne , made a voyage royall into france ; wherein he spent the greatest part of that treasure , which his father had frugally reserued ; perhaps for the like purpose . in the latter end of his raign , he made the like iourney , being enricht with the reuennewes of the abbey lands . but in the middle time between these two attemptes , the great alteration which hee made in the state ecclesiasticall , caused him to stand vpon his guard at home ; the pope hauing sollicited al the princes of christendom to reuenge his quarrell in that behalf . and thus was king henry the eight , tained and diuerted from the absolute reducing of the kingdom of ireland . lastly , the infancie of king edward the sixt , and the couerture of qu. mary ( which are both non abilities in the lawe ) did in fact disable them to accomplish the conquest of ireland . so as now this great worke did remaine to be performed by queene elizabeth ; who though shee were diuerted by suppressing the open rebellion in the north ; by preuenting diuers secret conspiracies against her person ; by giuing ayds to the french , and states of the low-countries ; by maintaining a nauall war with spaine for many years together : yet the sundry rebellions , ioyned with forraign inuasions vpon this island , whereby it was in danger to be vtterly lost , & to bee possessed by the enemies of the crowne of england , did quicken her maiesties care for the preseruation thereof ; and to that end , from time to time during her raigne , she sent ouer such supplies of men and treasure , as did suppresse the rebels , and repell the inuaders . howbeit , before the transmitting of the last great army , the forces sent ouer by queene elizabeth , were not of sufficient power to break and subdue all the irishry , and to reduce and reforme the whole kingdome ; but when the generall defection came , which came not without a special prouidence for the final good of that kingdome ( though the second causes thereof , were the faint prosecution of the warre against tyrone ; the practises of priests and iesuites , & the expectation of the ayds frō spaine ) then the extreame perill of loosing the kingdome ; the dishonor & danger that might thereby growe to the crowne of england ; together with a iust disdaine conceiued by that great-minded queene , that so wicked and vngratefull a rebell should preuayle against her , who had euer been victorious against all her enemies , did moue , and almost enforce her to send ouer that mighty army : and did withall enflame the hearts of the subiects of england , chearefully to contribute to wardes the maintaining thereof , a million of sterling poundes at least : which was done with a purpose only to saue , and not to gaine a kingdom ; to keep and retaine that soueraignetie , which the crowne of england had in ireland ( such as it was ) and not to recouer a more absolute dominion . but , as it falleth out many times , that when a house is on fire , the owner to saue it from burning , pulleth it downe to the ground ; but that pulling downe , doeth giue occasion of building it vp againe in a better forme : so , these last warres , which to saue the kingdome did vtterly breake & distroy this people , produced a better effect then was at first expected . for , euery rebellion , when it is supprest , dooth make the subiect weaker , and the prince stronger . so , this general reuolt when it was ouercom , did produce a generall obedience & reformation of al the irishrie , which euer before had beene disobedient & vnreformed ; & thereupon ensued the finall and full conquest of ireland . and thus much may suffice to bee spoken , touching the defectes in the martiall affayres , and the weake & faint prosecution of the warre ; and of the seuerall impediments or imployments , which did hinder or diuert euery king of england successiuely , from reducing ireland to their absolute subiection . it now remaineth , that wee shew the defects of the ciuil pollicy & gouernment , which gaueno lesse impediment to the perfection of this conquest . the first of that kinde , doeth consist in this : that the crown of england did not from the beginning giue lawes to the irishry ; whereas to giue lawes to a conquered people , is the principall marke and effect of a perfect conquest . for , albeit king henrie the second , before his returne out of ireland , held a counsell or parliament at lissemore ; vbi leges angliae ab omnibus sunt gratanter receptae , & iuratoria cautione prastita confirmatae , as marth . paris writeth ; and though king iohn in the 12. yeare of his raigne , did establish the english lawes and customes heere , and placed sheriffes and other ministers to rule and gouerne the people , according to the law of england : and to that end , ipse duxit secum viros discretos & legis peritos , quorum communi consilio statuit & praecepit , leges anglicanas teneri in hibernia , &c. as wee finde it recorded among the patent rolles in the tower. 11. hen. 3. m. 3. though likewise , king henrie the third did graunt & transmit the like charter of liberties to his subiects of ireland , as himselfe and his father had graunted to the subiects of england , as appeareth by another recorde in the tower , 1. hen , 3. pat. m. 13. and afterwards , by a speciall writ , did commaund the lord iustice of ireland , quod conuocatis archiepiscopis , episcopis , comitibus , baronibus , &c. coram eis legi faceret chartam regis iohannis ; quam ipse fecit & iurari à magnatibus hiberniae , de legibus & constitutionibus angliae obseruandis , & quod leges illas tencant & obseruent . 12. hen. 3. claus. m. 8. and after that againe , the same king by letters patents vnder the great seale of england , did confrime the establishment of the english lawes made by king iohn , in this forme : quia pro communi vtilitate terrae hiberniae , ac vnitate terrarum , de communi consilio prouisum sit , quod omnes leges & consuetudines quae in regno angliae tenentur , in hiberniâ teneantur , & eadem terra eiusdem legibus subiaceat , ac per easdem regatur , sicut i●hanes rex , cumiliuc esset , statuit & firmiter mandauit ; ideo volumus quod omnia breuia de communi iure , quae currunt in anglia , similiter currant in hibernia , sub nouo sigillo nostro , &c. teste meipso apud woodstocke , &c. which confirmation is found among the patentrolles in the tower , anno 30. hen. 3. notwithstanding , it is euident by all the records of this kingdome , that onely the english colonies , and some few septs of the irishry , which were enfranchised by special charters , wer admitted to the benefit and protection of the lawes of england ; and that the irish generally , were held and reputed aliens , or rather enemies to the crowne of england ; insomuch , as they were not only disabled to bring anie actions , but they were so farre out of the protection of the lawe , as it was often adiudged no fellony to kill a meere irish-man in the time of peace . that the meere irish were reputed aliens , appeareth by sundrie records ; wherein iudgement is demanded , if they shall be answered in actions brought by them : and likewise , by the charters of denization , which in all ages were purchased by them . in the common plea-rolles of 28. edward the third ( which are yet perserued in breminghams tower ) this case is adiudged . simon neal brought an action of trespasse against william newlagh for breaking his close in claudalkin , in the county of dublin ; the defendant doth plead , that the plaintiffe is hibernicus , & non de quinque sanguinibus ; and demandeth iudgement , if he shall be answered . the plaintiffe replieth ; quod ipse est de quinque sanguinibus ( viz ) de les oneiles de vlton , qui per concessionem progenitorū domini regis ; libertatibus anglicis gaudere debent & vtuntur , & proliberis hominibus reputantur . the defendant reioyneth ; that the plaintiffe is not of the oneales of vlster , nec de quinque sanguinibus . and thereupon they are at yssue . which being found for the plaintiffe , he had iudgement to recouer his dammages against the defendant . by this record it apeareth that fiue principal blouds , or septs , of the irishry , were by speciall grace enfranchised and enabled to take benefit of the lawes of england ; and that the nation of o neales in vlster , was one of the fiue . and in the like case , 3. of edward the second , among the plea-rolles in breminghams tower : all the 5. septs or blouds , qui gaudeant lege anglicana quoad breuia protāda , are expressed , namely ; oneil de vltonia ; o molaghlin de midia ; o connoghor de connacia ; o brien de thotmonia ; & mac murrogh de lagenia : and yet i finde , that o neale himselfe long after , ( viz. ) in 20. ed. 4. vpon his mariage with a daughter of the house of kildare ( to satisfie the friends of the lady , ) was made denizen by a special act of parliament . 20. ed. 4. c. 8. againe , in the 29. of ed. 1. before the iustices in eire at drogheda , thomas le botteler broght an action of detinuc against robert de almain for certaine goods . the defendant pleadeth , quod non tenetur ei inde respondere , eo quod est hibernicus , & non de libero sanguine . et praedictus thomas dicit , quod anglicus est , & hoc petit quod inquiratur per patriam , ideo fiat inde iurat . &c. iurat ' dicunt super sacrament ' suum , quod praedict ' thomas anglicus est , ideo consideratum est quod recuperet , &c. these two records among many other , do sufficiently shewe , that the irish were disabled to bring any actions at the common lawe . touching their denizations , they were common in euerie kinges raigne , since henrie the second , and were neucr out of vse , till his maiesty that now is , came to the crowne . among the pleas of the crown , 4. of edw. 2. we finde a confirmation made by edw. 1. of a charter of denization granted by henrie the second , to certain oostmen , or easterlings , who were inhabitantes of waterford long before hen. 2. attempted the conquest of ireland . edwardus dei gratia , &c. iustitiario suo hiberniae salutem : quia per inspectionem chartae dam. hen reg. filij imperatricis quondam dom. hiberniae proaui nostri nobis constat , quod ostmanni de waterford legem anglicorum in hibernia habere , & secundam ipsam legem iudicari & deduci debent : vobis mandamus quod gillicrist mac gilmurrij , willielmum & iohannem mac gilmurrij & alios ostmannos de ciuitate & comitatu waterford , qui de predictis ostmannis praedict . dom. henr. proauinostri originem duxerunt , legem anglicorum in partibus illis iuxta tenorem chartae praedict . habere , & eos secundum ipsam legem ( quantū in nobis est , deduci faciatis ) donec aliud de consilio nostro inde duxerimus ordinand . in c●ius rei , &c. teste meipso apud acton burnell . 5. octobris anno regni nostri vndecimo . againe , among the patent rolles of 1. ed. the fourth , remaining in the chancery heere , we finde a patent of denization , graunted the 13. of edward the first , in these wordes ; edwardus dei gratia , rex angliae , dom. hiberniae , dur aquitaniae , &c. omnibus balliuis et fidelibus suis in hibernia , salutem : volentes christophero filio donaldi hibernico gratiam facere specialem , concedimus pronobis et haeredibus nostris , quod idem christopherus hanc habeat libertatem , ( viz. ) quod ipse de caetero in hibernia vtatur legibus anglicanis , et prohibemus ne quisquam contra hanc concessionē nostram dictum christopherū vexet in aliquo vel perturbet . in c●ius rei testimonium , &c. teste meipso apud westm. 27. die iunij . annoregni nostri . 13. in the same roll , wee finde another charter of denization , graunted in the first of edw. 4. in a more larger and beneficiall forme . edw. die gratia , &c. omnibus balliuis , &c. salutem . sciatis quodnes volentes willielmum o bolgir capellanum de hibernica natione existentem , fauore prosequi gratioso , de gratia nostra speciali , &c. concessimus eidem willielmo , quod ipse liberi sit status . et liberae conditionis , et ab omni seruitute hibernicâ liber et quietus , et quod ipse legibus anglicanis in omnibus et per omnia vti possit et gaudere , eodem modo , quo homines anglici infra dictam terram eas habent , et ijs gaudent et vtuntur ; quodque ipse respondeat , et respondeatur , in quibuscumque curijs nostris : ac omminod . terras , tenementa , redditus , et seruitia perquirere possit sibi et haeredibus suis imperpetuum , &c. if i should collect out of the records , all the charters of this kind , i should make a volume thereof ; but these may suffice to shew , that the meere irish were not reputed free subiects ; nor admitted to the benefit of the lawes of england , vntill they had purchased charters of denization . lastly , the meere irish were not onely accompted aliens , but enemies ; and altogither out of the protection of the law ; so as it was no capitall offence to kill them ; and this is manifest by many records . at a gaol-deliuery at waterford , before iohn wogan lord iustice of ireland , the 4. of edw. the second , wee finde it recorded among the pleas of the crown of that yeare , quod robertus le vvayleys rectatus de morte iohannis filij iuor mac gillemory felonice per ipsum interfecti , &c. venit et bene cognouit quod praedictum iohannem interfecit : dicit tamen quod per eius interfectionem feloniam committere non potuit , quia dicit , quod praedictus iohannes fuit purus hibernicus , et non de libero sanguine , &c. et cum dominus dicti iohannis ( cuius hibernicus idem iohannes fuit ) die quo interfectus fuit , solutionem pro ipso iohanne hibernico suo sic interfecto petere voluerit , ipse robertus paratus erit ad respondend'de solutione praedict prout iustitia suadebit . et super hoc venit quidam iohannes le poer , et dicit pro domino rege , quod praedict . iohannes filius iuor mac gillemory , et antecessores sui de cognonime praedict . a tempore quo dominus henrions filius imperatricis , quondam dominus hiberniae , tritavus domini regis nune , fuit in hibernia , legem anglicorum in hibernia vsque ad hunc diem habere , et secundum ipsam legem iudicari et deduci debent . and so pleaded the charter of denization graunted to the oostmen recited before ; all which appeareth at large in the saide record : wherein we may note , that the killing of an irish man , was not punnished by our lawe , as man-slaughter , which is fellony and capitall , ( for our law did neither protect his life , nor reuenge his death ) but by a fine or pecuniary punishment , which is called an ericke , according to the brehon , or irish law. againe , at a gaol-deliuery before the same lord iustice at limericke , in the roll of the same year , we find , that willielmus filius rogeri rectatus de morte rogeri de cauteton felonice per ipsum interfecti , venit et dicit , quod feloniam per interfectionem praedict ā cōmittere non potuit , quia dicit & praedict . rogerus hibernic . est , et nō de libero sanguine ; dicit etiā qd . praedict . rogerus fuit de cognomine de ohederiscal et non de cognonime de cautetons , et de hoc ponit se super patriam , &c. et iurati dicunt super sacram. suum quod praedictus rogerus hibernicus fuit et de cognonime de ohederiscall & pro hibernico habebatur tota vita sua ideo praedict . willielmus quoad feloniam praedict . quietus . sed quia praedictus rogerus ottederiscall suit hibernicus domini regis , praedict . willielmus recommittatur gaolae , quovsque plegios inuenerit de quinque marcis soluendis domino regi pro solutione praedicti hiberntci . but on the otherside , if the iurie had found , that the party slaine had beene of english race and nation , it had bin adiudged fellony ; as appeareth by a record of 29. of edward the first , in the crowne-office heere . coram waltero lenfant et socijs suis iustitiarijs itinerantibus apud drogheda in comitatu louth . iohannes laurens indictat . de morte galfridi douedal venit & non dedicit mortem praedictam : sed dicit quod praedict . galfridus fuit hibernicus , et non de libero sanguine , et de bono et malo ponit se super patriam , &c. et iurat . dicunt super sacram. suum quod praedict . galfridus anglicus fuit , et ideo praedict . iohannes culpabilis est de morte galfridi praedict . ideo suspend . catalla 13. s. vnde hugo de clinton vicecom . respondet . hence it is , that in all the parliament rolles which are extant from the fortith yeare of edward the thirde , when the statutes of kilkenny were enacted , till the raigne of king henry the eight , we finde the degenerat and disobedient english , called rebelles ; but the irish which were not in the kings peace , are called enemies . statute kilkenny , c. 1. 10. and 11. 11. hen. 4. c. 24. 10. hen. 6. c. 1. 18. 18. hen. 6. c. 4. 5. edw. 4. c. 6. 10. hen. ● . c. 17. all these statutes , speak of english rebels , and irish enemies ; as if the irish had neuer bin in condition of subiectes , but alwaies out of the protection of the law ; and were indeede in worse cafe then aliens of any forren realme that was in amity with the crowne of england . for , by diuers heauie paenall lawes , the english were forbidden to marry , to foster , to make gossippes with the irish ; or to haue anie trade , or commerce in their markets or fayres ; nay , there was a law made no longer since , then the 28. yeare of henrie the eight , that the english should not marry with any person of irish blood , though he had gotten a charter os denization , vnlesse he had done both homage and fealty to the king in the chancery , and were also bound by recognisaunce with sureties , to continue a loyall subiect . whereby it is manifest , that such as had the gouernment of ireland vnder the crowne of england , did intend to make a perpetuall separation and enmity betweene the english and the irish ; pretending ( no doubt ) that the english should in the end roote out the irish ; which the english not being able to do , did cause a perpetuall warre betweene the nations : which continued foure hundered and odde yeares , and would haue lasted to the worlds end ; if in the end of queene elizabeths raigne , the irishry had not beene broken and conquered by the sword , and since the beginning of his maiesties raigne , had not bin protected and gouerned by the law. bvt perhaps , the irishry in former times did wilfully refuse to be subiect to the lawes of england , and would not be partakers of the benefit thereof , though the crowne of england did desire it ; and therefore , they were reputed aliens , out-lawes , and enemies . assuredly , the contrarie doth appeare , aswel by the charters of denization purchased by the irish in all ages , as by a petition preferred by them to the king , anno 2. edward the third : desiring , that an act might passe in ireland , whereby all the irishrie might be inabled to vse and inioy the lawes of england , without purchasing of particular denizations . vppon which petition , the king directed a speciall writ to the lorde iustice ; which is found amongst the closerolles in the tower of london , in this forme ; rex dilecto & fideli suo iohannis darcile nepieu iustic . suo hiberniae , salutem . exparte quorundam hominum de hibernia nobis extitit supplicatum , vt per statutum inde faciendum concedere velimus , quod omnes hibernici qui voluerint , legibus vtatur anglicanis : ita quod necesse non habeant super hoc chartas alienas à nobis impetrare : nos igitur certiorari volentes si sine alieno praeiudicio praemissis annuere valeamus , vobis mandamus quod voluntatem magnatum terr . illius in proximo parliamento nostro ibidem tenendo super hoc cum diligentia perscrutari facias : et de eo quod inde inueneritis vna cum consilio et aduisamento nobis certificetis , &c. whereby i collect , that the great lordes of ireland had informed the king that the irishry might not be naturalized , without damage and preiudice either to them selues , or to the crowne . but i am well assured , that the irishrie did desire to bee admitted to the benefit of the law , not onely in this petition exhibited to king edward the third ; but by all their submissions made to king richard the second , and to the lord thomas of lancaster before the warres of the two houses ; and afterwards to the lord leonard gray , & sir anthony saint-leger , when k. henry the eight began to reforme this kingdome . in particular , the birnes of the mountaines , in the 34. of henrie the 8 desire that their countrey might bee made shire-ground , and called the county of wicklow : and in the 23. of henry the eight , o donnel doth couenant with sir vvilliam skeffington , quod si dominus rex velit reformare hiberniam , ( whereof it should seeme hee made some doubt ) that hee and his people would gladly bee gouerned by the lawes of england . onely that vngratefull traitour tirone , though hee had no colour or shadowe of title to that great lordship , but only by grant from the crowne , and by the law of england ( for by the irish law he had beene ranked with the meanest of his sept ) yet in one of his capitulations with the state , hee required that no sheriffe might haue iurisdiction within tirone ; and consequently , that the lawes of england might not be executed there : which request , was neuer before made by o neale , or any other lorde of the irishry , when they submitted themselues : but contrariewise they were humble sutors to haue the benefit and protection of the english lawes . this then i note as a great defect in the ciuill policy of this kingdom , in that for the space of 350. yeares at least after the conquest first attempted , the english lawes were not communicated to the irish , nor the benefit and protection therof allowed vnto them , though they earnestly desired and sought the same . for , as long as they were out of the protection of the lawe ; so as euery english-man might oppresse , spoyle , and kill them without controulment , howe was it possible they shoulde bee other then out-lawes & enemies to the crown of england ? if the king woulde not admit them to the condition of subiects , how could they learn to acknoledge and obey him as their soueraigne ? when they might not conuerse or commerce with any ciuill men , nor enter into any towne or citty without perrill of their liues ; whither should they flye but into the woods and mountaines , and there liue in a wilde and barbarous maner ? if the english magistrates would not rule them by the law which doth punish treason , and murder , & thest with death ; but leaue them to be ruled by their owne lords and lawes , why shoulde they not embrace their owne brebon lawe , which punnisheth no offence , but with a fine or ericke ? if the irish bee not permitted to purchase estates of free-holds or inheritance , which might discend to their children , according to the course of our common lawe , must they not continue their custome of tanistrie ? which makes all their possessions vncertaine , and brings confusion , barbarisme , and inciuility ? in a word , if the english woulde neither in peace gouerne them by the law , nor could in war root them out by the sword ; must they not needes bee prickes in their eyes , and thornes in their sides , till the worlds end ? and so the conquest neuer bee brought to perfection . bvton the other side ; if from the beginning , the lawes of england had beene established , and the brehon or irish law vtterly abolished , aswell in the irish countries , as the english colonies ; if there had been no difference made betweene the nations in point of iustice and protection , but al had beene gouerned by one equall , iust , and honourable lawe , as dido speaketh in virgill ; tros , tyriusuè mihi nullo discrimine habetur . if vpon the first submission made by the irish lordes to king henry the second ; quem in regem & dominum receperunt , saith matth. paris ; or vpon the second submission made to king iohn , when , plusquam viginti reguli maximo timore perterriti homagium ei & fidelitatem fecerunt , as the same author writeth ; or vppon the third general submission made to king richard the second ; when they did not only do homage & fealty , but bound themselues by indentures and oaths ( as is before expressed ) to becom and continue loyall subiects to the crown of england ; if any of these three kings , who came each of them twice in person into this kingdome , had vppon these submissions of the irishry , receiued them all , both lords & tenants , into their mediate protection , deuided their seuerall countries into counties ; made sheriffes , coroners , and wardens of the peace therein : sent iustices itinerants halfe yearely into euerie part of the kingdome , aswell to punish malefactors , as to heare and determine causes betweene party and party , according to the course of the lawes of england ; taken surrenders of their lands and territories , & graunted estates vnto them , to holde by english tenures ; graunted them markets , fayres , and other franchises , and erected corporate townes among them ; all which , hath bin performed since his maiesty came to the crowne , ) assuredly , the irish countries had long since beene reformed and reduced to peace , plenty , and ciuility , which are the effects of lawes and good gouernment : they hadde builded houses , planted orchards & gardens : erected towne-shippes , and made prouision for their posterities ; there had beene a perfect vnion betwixt the nations , and consequently , a perfect conquest of ireland . for the conquest is neuer perfect , till the war be at an end ; and the war is not at an end till there be peace and vnity ; and there can neuer be vnity & concord in any one kingdom , but where there is but one king , one allegiance , and one law. true it is , that king iohn made xii . shires in leinster & mounster : namely , dublin , kildare , meth , vriel , catherlogh , kilkenny , vvexford , waterford , corke , limeric , kerrie , and tipperary . yet these counties did stretch no farther then the landes of the english colonies did extend . in them only , were the english lawes published and put in execution ; and in them only did the itinerant iudges make their circuits and yisitations of iustice , and not in the countries possessed by the irishry which contained two third partes of the kingdome at least . and th●…●…re king edward the first , before the court of parliament was established in ireland , did transmit the statures of england in this forme : dominus rex mandauit breue suum in haec verba : edwardus dei gratia , rex angliae , dominus hiberniae , &c. cancellario suo hiberniae , salutem . quaedam statutaper nos de assensil praelatorum , comitū , baronū & communitat . regni nostri nuper apud lincolne , & quaedam alia statuta postmodum apud eborum facta , quae in dicta terrae nostra hiberniae ad communem vtilitatē populi nostri eiusdem terrae obseruari volumus , vobis mittimus sub sigillo nostro , mandantes quod statuta illa in dict a cancellaria nostra custodiri , ac in rotulis eiusdem cancellariae irrotulari , & adsingulas place as nostras in terra nostra hiberniae , & sing ulos commitatus eiusdem terrae mittifaciatis ministris nostris placearum illa . rum , et vicecomitibus dictorum comitatuū : mandantes , quod statuta illa coram ipsis publicari & ea in omnibus et singulis articulis suis obseruari firmiter faciatis . teste meipso apud nottingham , &c by which writt , and by all the pipe-rolles of that time it is manifest , that the lawes of england were published and put in execution onely in the counties , which were then made and limited , & not in the irish countries , which were neglected and left wilde ; and haue but of late yeares bin deuided in one and twenty counties more . againe , true it is , that by the statute of kilkenny , enacted in this kingdome , in the fortith yeare of king edward the thirde , the brehon law was condemned and abolished , and the vse and practise thereof made high-treason . but this lawe extended to the english onely , and not to the irish : for the lawe is penned in this forme : item , forasmuch as the diuersitie of gouernment by diuers lawes in one land , doth make diuersity of ligeance and dehates between the people , it is accorded and established , that heereafter no englishman haue debate with another englishman , but according to the course of the common law ; and that no englishman be ruled in the definition of their debates , by the march-law , or the brehon law , which by reason ought not to bee named a law , but an euill custome ; but that they be ruled as right is , by the common lawe of the land , as the lieges of our soueraigne lord the king ; and if any do to the contrary , & thereof be attainted , that he be taken and imprisoned & iudged as a traitor : and that heerafter there be no diuersity of ligeance betweene the english borne in ireland , and the english borne in england , but that all bee called and reputed , english , and the lieges of our soueraigne lord the king , &c. this law , was made only to reforme the degenerat english , but there was no care taken for the reformation of the meer irish ; no ordinance , no prouision made for the abolishing of their barbarous customes and manners . insomuch as the law then made for apparrell , and riding in saddles , after the english fashion , is penal only to english men , & not to the irish. but the romaine state , which conquered so many nations both barbarous and ciuill ; and therefore knewe by experience , the best and readiest way of making a perfect & absolute conquest , refused not to communicate their lawes to the rude & barbarous people , whom they had conquered ; neither did they put them out of their protection , after they had once submitted themselues . but contrarywise , it is said of iulius caesar : qua , vicit , victos protegit ille , manu . and againe , of another emperor : fecisti patriam diuersis gentibus vnam , profuit invitis te dominante capi ; dumque offers victis proprij consortia iuris , vrbem fecisti , quod priùs orbis erat . and of rome it selfe ; haec est , in gremium victos quae sola recepit , humanumque genus communinomine fouit , matris , non dominae , ritu ; ciuesque vocavit , quos domuit , nexuque pio longinqua reuinxit . therefore ( as tacitus writeth ) iulius agricola the romaine generall in brittany , vsed this pollicy to make a perfect conquest of our ancestours , the ancient brittaines ; they were ( sayth he ) rude , and dispersed ; and therfore prone vpon euery occasion to make warre , but to induce them by pleasure to quietnesse and rest , he exhorted them in priuate , and gaue them helpes in common , to builde temples , houses , and places of publique resort . the noblemens sonnes , hee tooke and instructed in the liberall sciences , &c. preferring the wits of the brittaines , before the students of france ; as beeing now curious to attaine the eloquence of the romaine language , whereas they lately reiected that speech . after that , the roman attire grew to be in account , and the gowne to be in vse among them ; and so by little and little they proceeded to curiosity & delicacies in buildings , and furniture of houshold ; in bathes , and exquisit banquets ; and so beeing come to the heighth of ciuility , they were thereby brought to an absolute subiection . likewise , our norman conqueror , though he oppressed the english nobility very sore , and gaue away to his seruitors , the lands and possessions of such , as did oppose his first inuasion , though he caused all his actes of counsel to be published in french ; and some legall proceedings & pleadings to bee framed and vsed in the same tongue , as a marke and badge of a conquest ; yet he gouerned al , both english and normans , by one & the same law ; which was the auncient common law of england , long before the conquest . neither did he denie any english-man ( that submitted himselfe vnto him : ) the benefit of that law thogh it were againsta norman of the best ranke , and in greatest fauour ( as appeared in the notable controuersie betweene vvarren the norman , and sherburne of sherburne castle in norfolke ; for the conquerour had giuen that castle to warren ; yet when the inheritors thereof , had alledged before the king , that he neuer bore armes against him ; that hee was his subiect , aswell as the other , & that he did inherit and hold his landes , by the rules of that law , which the king had established among all his subiects ; the king gaue iudgement against vvarren , and commanded that sherborn shold hold his land in peace . by this meane , him-selfe obtained a peaceable possession of the kingdom within few yeares ; whereas , if he had cast all the english out of his protection , and held them as aliens and enemies to the crowne , the normans ( perhaps ) might haue spent as much time in the conquest of england , as the english haue spent in the conquest of ireland . the like prudent course hath bin obserued in reducing of wales ; which was performed partly by king edward the first , and altogether finished by king henry the eight . for , we finde by the statute of rutland , made the 12. of edward the first , when the welshmen had submitted themselus , de alto & basso , to that king , he did not reiect and cast them off , as out-lawes and enemies , but caused their lawes and customes to be examined , which were in many points agreeable to the irish or brehon lawe . quibus diligenter audit is & plenius intellectis , quasdam illarū ( saieth the king in that ordinance ) consilio procerum dileuimus ; quasdam permissimus ; quasdam correximus ; ac etiā quasdam alias adijciendas et faciend . de creuimus ; and so established a commonwealth among them , according to the forme of the english gouernement . after this , by reason of the sundry insurrections of the barons ; the warres in france ; and the dissention betweene the houses of yorke and lancaster , the state of england , neglected or omitted the execution of this statute of rutland ; so as a great part of wales grew wilde and barbarous again . and therefore king henrie the eight , by the statutes of the 27. and 32. of his raign , did reuiue and recontinue that noble worke begun by king edward the first ; and brought it indeed to ful perfection ; for he vnited the dominion of wales , to the crown of england , and deuided it into shires , and erected in euery shire , one borough , as in england ; and enabled them to send knights & burgesses to the parliament ; established a court of presidency ; and ordained that iustices of assise , and gaol-deliuerie , should make their halfe yearly circuits there , as in england ; made all the lawes & statutes of england , in force there ; and among other welsh customes , abolished that of gauel-kinde : wherby the heyres-females were vtterlie excluded , and the bastards did inherit , aswel as the legimate , which is the very irish gauelkinde . by means whereof ; that entire country in a short time was securely setled in peace and obedience , and hath attained to that ciuility of manners , and plentie of all things . as now we finde it not inferiour to the best parts of england . i will therefore knit vp this point with these conclusions ; first , that the kings of england , which in former ages attempted the conquest of ireland , being ill aduised and counselled by the great men heere , did not vpon the submissions of the irish , communicate their lawes vnto them , nor admit them to the state and condition of free-subiectes : secondly , that for the space of 200 , yeares at least , after the first arriual of henry the secound in ireland , the irish would gladly haue embraced the lawes of england , and did earnestly desire the benefite and protection thereof ; which being denied them , did of necessitie cause a continuall bordering warre between the english and the irish. and lastly , if according to the examples before recited , they had reduced as well the irish countries , as the english colonies , vnder one forme of ciuil gouernment ( as now they are , ) the meres & bounds of the marches and borders , had beene long since worne out and forgotten , ( for it is not fit , as cambrensis writeth ) that a king of an islande should haue any marches or borders , but the foure seas ) both nations had beene in corporated and vnited ; ireland had beene entirely conquered , planted , and improoued ; and returned a rich reuennew to the crowne of england . the next error in the ciuill pollicy which hindered the perfection of the conquest of ireland , did consist in the distribution of the landes and possessions which were woonne and conquered from the irish. for , the scopes of land which were graunted to the first aduenturers , were too large ; and the liberties and royalties , which they obtained therein , were too great for subiects : though it stood with reason that they should be rewarded liberally out of the fruites of their owne labours , since they did militare proprijs stipendijs , and receiued no pay from the crowne of england . notwithstanding there ensued diuers inconuiences , that gaue great impediment to the conquest . first , the earle strongbow was entituled to the whole kingdom of leinster ; partly by inuasion , and partly by marriage ; albeit , hee surrendred the same entirely to king henrie the second his soueraigne ; for that with his license hee came ouer ; and with the ayde of his subiects , hee had gayned that great inheritance ; yet did the k. re-grant backe againe to him and his heyres all that prouince , reseruing onely the citty of dublin , & the cantreds next adioyning , with the maritime townes , and principall forts & castles . next , the same king granted to robert fitz-stephen , and miles cogan , the whole kingdome of corke , from lismore to the sea. to phillip le bruce , he gaue the whole kingdome of limericke , with the donation and byshopprickes and abbeyes ( except the citie , and one cantred of land adioyning . ) to sir hugh de lacy , all meth. to sir iohn de courcy , all vlster : to william burke fitz-adelm , the greatest part of conaght . in like manner , sir thomas de clare , obtained a graunt of all thomond ; and otho de grandison of all tipperary ; and robert le poer , of the territory of vvaterford , ( the citty it selfe , and the cantred of the oastmen only excepted . ) and thus was all ireland cantonized among tenne persons of the english nation ; and thogh they had not gained the possession of one third part of the whole kingdom , yet in title they were owners and lords of all , so as nothing was left to bee graunted to the natiues . and therefore we do not find in any record or storie for the space of three hundred yeares , after these aduenturers first ariued in ireland , that any irish lorde obtained a grant of his country from the crowne , but onely the king of thomond , who had a grant but during king henry the third his minority : and rotherick o connor , king of conaght , to whom king henrie the second , before this distribution made , did graunt ( as is before declared . ) vt sit rex sub eo ; & moreouer , vt teneat terram suam conactiae it a bene & inpace , sicut tenuit antequam dominus rex intravet hiberniam and whose successour , in the 24. of henrie the third , when the bourkes had made a strong plantation there , & had welny expelled him out of his territory , he came ouer into england , ( as matth. paris writeth ) and made complaint to king henrie the third of this inuasion made by the bourkes vppon his land , insisting vppon the g●auntes of king henrie the second , and king iohn ; and affirming , that he had duely paide an yearely tribute of fiue thousand marks for his kingdome . whereupon , the king called vnto him the lord maurice fitz-girald , who was then lorde iustice of ireland , and president in the court ; and commanded him that he should roote out that vniust plantation , which hubert earle of kent had in the time of his greatnesse , planted in those parts ; and wrote withall to the greatmen of ireland to remooue the bourkes , and to establish the king of conaght in the quiet possession of his kingdome . howbeit i doe not read that the king of englands commandement or direction in this behalfe , was euer put in execution . for , the troth is ; richard de burgo had obtained a graunt of all conaght , after the death of the king of conaght , then liuing . for which he gaue a thousand pounde , as the record in the tower reciteth , the third of henry 3. claus . 2. and besides , our great english lords coulde not endure that any kings should raigne in ireland , but themselues ; nay , they could hardly endure that the crown of england it selfe , should haue any iurisdiction or power ouer them . for many of these lordes , to whome our kings had granted these petty kingdomes , did by vertue and colour of these grants , claime and exercise iura regalia within their territories ; insomuch , as there were no lesse thē eight counties palatines in ireland , at one time . for vvilliam marshall , earle of pembroke , who married the daughter and heyre of strongbow , being lord of all leynster , had royall iurisdiction thoroughout al that prouince . this great lord had fiue sonnes , and fiue daughters ; euery of his sonnes enioyed that seigniory successiuely , and yet al died without issue . then this great lordship was broken and diuided , & pertition made betweene the fiue daughters , who were married into the noblest houses of england . the countie of catherlogh was allotted to the eldest ; vvexford to the second ; kilkenny to the third ; kildare to the fourth ; the greatest part of leix , nowe called the queenes county , to the fift : in euery of these portions , the coparceners seuerally exercised the same iurisdiction royall , which the earle marshall and his sonnes had vsed in the whole prouince . whereby it came to passe , that there were fiue county palatines erected in leinster . then had the lord of meth the same royall libertie in all that territory ; the earle of vlster in all that prouince ; and the lorde of desmond and kerry within that county . all these appeare vppon record , and were all as ancient as the time of king iohn ; onely the liberty of tipperarie , which is the onely liberty that remaineth at this day , was granted to iames butler the first earle of ormond , in the third yeare of king edward the third . these absolute palatines made barons & knights , did exercise high iustice in all points within their territories , erected courts for criminall and ciuill causes , and for their owne reuennews ; in the same forme , as the kings courts wer established at dub lin ; made their own iudges , seneshals , sheriffes , corroners , and escheators ; so as the kinges writt did not run in those counties ( which took vp more then two partes of the english colonies ) but onely in the church lands lying within the same , which were called the crosse , wherein the k. made a sheriffe : and so , in each of these counties palatines , there were two sheriffes ; one , of the libertie ; & another of the crosse : as in meth we find a sheriffe of the liberty , and a sheriffe of the crosse : and so in vlster , & so in wexford : and so at this day , the earle of ormond maketh a sheriffe of the liberty , and the king a sheriffe of the crosse of tipperary . heereby it is manifest , how much the kinges iurisdiction was restrained , and the power of these lords enlarged by these high priuiledges . and it doth further appear , by one article among others , preferred to king edward the thirde , touching the reformation of the state of ireland , which we finde in the tower , in these words ; item les francheses grantes in irelād , que sont roialles , telles come duresme & cestre , vous oustont cybien de les profits , come de graunde partie de obeisance des persons enfrancheses ; & en quescū franchese est chancellerie , chequer & conusans de pleas , cybien de la coronne , come autres communes , & grantont auxi charters de pardon ; et sont souent per ley et reasonable cause seisses envostre main , a grand profit de vous ; et leigerment restitues per maundemēt hors de englettere , a damage , &c. vnto which article , the k. made answer ; le roy voet que les francheses que sont et serront per iuste cause prises en sa main , ne soent my restitues , auant que le roy soit certifie de la cause de la prise de icelles . 26. ed. 3. claus. m. 1. again , these great vndertakers , were not tied to any forme of plantation , but all was left to their discretion and pleasure . and although they builded castles , and made free-holders , yet were there no tenures or seruices reserued to the crowne ; but the lords drew all the respect and dependancie of the common people , vnto themselues . nowe let vs see what inconueniences did arise by these large and ample grants of landes and liberties , to the first aduenturers in the conquest . assuredly by these grants of whole prouinces and pettie kingdomes , those few english lordes pretended to be proprieters of all the land , so as there was no possibility left of setling the natiues in their possessions , and by consequence the conquest becam impossible , without the vtter extirpation of all the irish ; which these english lords were not able to doe , nor perhaps willing , if they had bin able . notwithstanding , because they did still hope to become lordes of those lands which were possessed by the irish , whereunto they pretended title by their large grants ; and because they did feare , that if the irish were receiued into the kings protection , and made liege-men and free-subiectes , the state of england woulde establish them in their possessions by graunts from the crowne ; reduce their countries into counties , ennoble some of them ; and enfranchise all , and make them amesueable to the lawe , which woulde haue abridged and cut off a great part of that greatnesse which they had promised vnto themselues : they perswaded the king of england , that it was vnfit to communicate the lawes of england vnto them ; that it was the best pollicie to holde them as aliens and enemies , and to prosecute them with a continuall warre . heereby they obtained another royal prerogatiue and power : which was , to make warre and peace at their pleasure , in euery part of the kingdome . which gaue them an absolute commaund ouer the bodies , landes , and goods of the english subiectes heere . and besides , the irish inhabiting the lands fully conquered and reduced , being in condition of slaues and villaines , did render a greater profit and reuennew , then if they had bin made the kings free-subiects . and for these two causes last expressed , they were not willing to root out all the irishry . we may not therfore meruaile , that when king edward the third , vpon the petition of the irish ( as is before remembred ) was desirous to be certified , de voluntate magnatum suorum in proximo parliamento in hibernia tenend si sine alieno praeiudicio cōcederepossit , quod per statut . inde fact . hibernici vtantur legibus anglicanis , siue chartis regijs inde impetrandis , that there was neuer any statute made to that effect . for the troth is , that those great english lords did to the vttermost of their power , crosse and withstand the enfranchisement of the irish , for the causes before expressed ; wherein i must stil cleare and acquit the crown and state of england , of negligence or ill pollicy , and lay the fault vppon the pride , couetousnesse , & ill counsell of the english planted heer , which in all former ages haue bin the chiefe impediments of the final conquest of ireland . againe , those large scopes of land , and great liberties , with the absolute power to make warre and peace , did raise the english lordes to that height of pride and ambition , as that they could not endure one another , but grew to a mortall warre and dissention among themselues : as appeareth by all the records and stories of this kingdome . first , in the yeare , 1204. the lacies of meth , made warre vpon sir iohn courcy ; who hauing taken him by treachery , sent him prisoner into england . in the yeare , 1210. king iohn comming ouer in person , expelled the lacies out of the kingdome , for their tiranny and oppression of the english : howbeit , vppon payment of great fines , they were afterward restored . in the yeare , 1228. that family beeing risen to a greater heighth ( for hugh de lacy the yonger , was created earle of vlster , after the death of courcy without yssue ) there arose dissention and warre betweene that house , and william marshall lorde os leinster ; whereby all meth was destroyed and layd wast . in the yeare , 1264. sir walter bourke hauing married the daughter & heire of lacy , whereby he was earl of vlster in right of his wife , had mortall debate with maurice fitz-morice the geraldine , for certaine lands in conaght . so as all ireland was full of wars between the bourkes and the geraldines ( say our annalles . ) wherein maurice fitz-morice grew so insolent , as that vppon a meeting at thistledermot , he took the lord iustice himselfe , sir richard capell , prisoner , with diuers lords of mounster beeing then in his company . in the yeare , 1288. richard bourke , earle of vlster , ( commonly called the red earle ) pretending title to the lordship of meth , made warre vpon sir theobald de verdun , and besiedged him in the castle of athloue . againe , in the yeare , 1292. iohn fitz-thomas the geraldine , hauing by contention with the lorde vesci , gotten a goodly inheritance in kildare , grew to that heighth of immagination ( saith the story ) as he fell into difference with diuers great noblemen ; and among many others , with richard the red earle , whom he took prisoner , and detained him in castle ley ; and by that dissention , the english on the one side , and the irish on the other , did wast and destroy all the countrey . after , in the yeare , 1311. the same red earle ( comming to besiege bonratty in thomond , which was then held by sir richard de clare as his inheritance ) was againe taken prisoner : & all his army ( consisting for the most part of english ) ouerthrown and cut in pieces , by sir richard de clare . and after this againe , in the yeare , 1327. most of the great houses were banded one against another , ( viz : ) the giraldines , butlers , and breminghams , on the one side , and the bourkes & poers on the other . the ground of the quarrell beeing none other , but that the lord arnold poer , had called the earle of kildare , rimer : but this quarrell was prosecuted with such malice and violence , as the counties of waterford and kilkenny were destroied with fire and sword , till a parliament was called of purpose ; to quiet this dissention . shortly after , the lord iohn bremingham , who was not long before made earle of louth , for that notable seruice which he performed vpon the scots , betweene dundalke and the faher , was so extreamly enuied by the gernons , verdons , and others of the ancient colony , planted in the county of louth , as that in the year , 1329. they did most wickedly betray & murder that earl , with diuers principall gentlemen of his name and family ; vsing the same speech that the rebellious iewes are saide to vse in the gospell : nolumus hunc regnare super nos . after this , the geraldines and the butlers being becom the most potent families in the kingdome ( for the great lordshippe of leinster was diuided among coparceners , whose heires for the most part liued in england ; and the earledom of vlster , with the lordship of meth , by the match of lionell duke of clarence , at last discended vpon the crowne ) had almost a continuall warre one with another . in the time of king henry the sixt ( saith baron finglas in his discourse of the decay of ireland , ) in a fight betweene the earles of ormond and desmond , almost all the townes-men of kilkenny were slaine . and as they followed contrary parties during the warres of yorke and lancaster , so after that ciuil dissention ended in england , these houses in ireland continued their opposition and feud still , euen till the time of k. henry the eight ; when by the marriage of margaret fitz-girald to the earl of ossory , the houses of kildare and ormond were reconciled , and haue continued in amity euer since . thus these great estates & royalties graunted to the english lords in ireland , begate pride ; and pride , begat contention among themselus , which broght forth diuers mischiefs , that did not only disable the english to finish the conquest of all ireland , but did endaunger the losse of what was already gained ; and of conquerors ; made them slaues to that nation which they did intend to conquer . for , whensoeuer one english lorde had vanquished another , the irish waited and tooke the opportunity , & fell vpon that country which had receiued the blow ; and so daily recouered some part of the lands , which wer possessed by the english colonies . besides , the english lords to strengthen their parties , did ally themselues with the irish , and drewe them in , to dwell among them , gaue their children to be fostered by them ; and hauing no other meanes to pay or reward thē , suffred them to take coigne and liuery vppon the english freeholders ; which oppression was so intollerable , as that the better sort were enforced to quit their freeholds and fly into england ; & neuer returned , though many lawes were made in both realmes , to remaunde them backe againe : and the rest which remained , became degenerat and meer irish , as is before declared . and the english lords finding the irish exactions to be more profitable then the english rents and seruices ; & louing the irish tyranny , which was tyed to no rules of law or honor , better then a iust and lawfull seigniory , did reiect and cast off the english law and gouernment , receiued the irish lawes and customes , tooke irish surnames , as mac william , mac pheris , mac yoris , refused to come to the parliamentes which were summoned by the king of englands authority , and scorned to obey those english knights which were sent to commaund and gouerne this kingdome ; namely , sir richard capel , sir iohn morris , sir iohn darcie , and sir raphe vsford . and when sir anthony lucie , a man of great authoritie in the time of king edward the thirde , was sent ouer to reforme the notorious abuses of this kingdom , the king doubting that he shold not be obeyed , directed a speciall writt or mandate to the earle of vlster , and the rest of the nobility to assist him . and afterwards , the same king ( vpon good aduise and counsell ) resumed those excessiue grants of lands and liberties in ireland , by a special ordinance made in england , which remaineth of record in the tower , in this form : quia plures excessi● & donationes terrarum et libertatum in hibernia ad subdolam machinationem petentium factae sunt , &c. rex deluserias huiusmodo machinationes volens elidere , de consilio peritorum sibi assistentium , omnes donationes terrarum et libertatum praedict . duxit reuocandas quovsque de merit is donatariorū et causis ac qualitatibus donationū melius fuerit informat et ideo mandatum est iusticiario hiberniae qd . seisirifaciat , &c howbeit , ther followed vpon this resumptiō , such a diuision & faction between the english of birth , & the english of bloud and race , as they summoned & held seuerall parliaments apart one from the other . whereuppon , there had risen a general war betwixt them , to the vtter extinguishing of the english name and nation in ireland , if the earle of desmond , who was head of the faction against the english of birth , had not beene sent into england , and detained there for a time : yet afterwardes , these liberties beeing restored by direction out of england , the 26. of edw. 3. complaint was made to the king of the easie restitution ; whereunto the king made answere , as is before expressed : so as we may conclude this point with that which we finde in the annalles , published by maister camden : hibernici debellati & consumpti fuissent , nisiseditio anglicorum impedivisset . wherunto i may adde this note , that though some are of opinion , that grants of extraordinary honours and liberties made by a king to his subiects , do no more diminish his greatnesse , then when one torch lighteth another ; for it hath no lesse light , then it had before , quis vetat apposito lumen de lumine sumi ? yet many times , inconueniences doe arise thereuppon : and those princes haue held vp their soueraignty best , which haue beene sparing in those graunts . and truely , as these graunts of little kingdomes , and great royalties , to a few priuate persons , did produce the mischiefes spoken of before : so the true cause of the making of these grants , did proceede from this ; that the kings of england beeing otherwise employed and diuerted , did not make the conquest of ireland , their own worke , and vndertake it not royally at their owne charge ; but as it was first begun by perticular aduenturers , so they left the prosecution thereof , to them , & other voluntaries , who came to seeke their fortunes in ireland ; wherein if they could preuayle , they thought that in reason & honor they could doe no lesse , then make them proprieters of such scopes of land as they could conquer , people , & plant at their owne charge , reseruing only the soueraigne lordshippe to the crowne of england . but if the lyon had gone to hunt himselfe , the shares of the inferiour beastes had not beene so great : if the inuasion had been made by an army transmitted , furnished , & supplyed only at the kings charges , & wholy paid with the kings treasure , as the armies of queene elizabeth , and king iames haue been ; as the conquest had beene sooner atchiued , so the seruitors had beene contented with lesser proportions . for , when scipio , pompey , caesar , and other generals of the roman armies , as subiectes and seruants of that state , and with the publicke charge had conquered many kingdomes & commonweales , wee finde them rewarded with honorable offices and triumphes at their returne ; and not made lords and proprieters of whol prouinces and kingdoms which they had subdued to the empire of rome . likewise , when the duke of normandy had conquered england , which he made his owne work , and performed it in his owne person , hee distributed sundry lordships and mannors vnto his followers , but gaue not away whole shires and countreyes in demesne to any of his seruitors , whom he most desired to aduance . only , he made hugh lupus county palatine of chester , and gaue that earledome to him and his heyres , to hold the same , it a liberè ad gladium , sicut rex tenebat angliam ad coronam . whereby that earledome indeed had a royal iurisdiction and seigniory , though the landes of that countie in demesne , were possessed for the most part by the auncient inheritors . again , from the time of the norman conquest , till the raigne of king edward the first , many of our english lords , made warre vpon the welshmen at their owne charge ; the lands which they gained they held to their owne vse , were called lords marchers , and had royal liberties within their lordshippes . howbeit , these particular aduenturers , could neuer make a perfect conquest of wales . but when king edward the first , came in person with his army thither , kept his residence and court there ; made the reducing of wales , an enterprize of his owne ; hee finished that worke in a yeare or two , whereof the lords marchers had not performed a third part , with their continuall bordering warre , for two hundred years before . and withall we may obserue , that though this king had nowe the dominion of wales in iure propriet atis , as the statute of rutland affirmeth ; which before was subiect vnto him , but in iure feodali : and though he had lost diuers principall knights & noblemen in that warre , yet did he not reward his seruitors with whol countries or counties , but with particular mannors and lordships : as to henrie lacy earle of lincolne , hee gaue the lordship of denbigh ; and to reignold gray , the lordship of ruthen , and so to others . and if the like course had beene vsed in the winning and distributing of the landes of ireland , that island had beene fully conquered before the continent of wales had beene reduced . but the troth is , when priuate men attempt the conquest of countries at their own charge , commonly their enterprizes doe perrish without successe : as when , in the time of queene elizabeth , sir thomas smith vndertooke to recouer the ardes : and chatterton , to reconquer then fues and orier . the one lost his sonne ; and the other , himselfe ; and both their aduentures came to nothing . and as for the crowne of england , it hath had the like fortune in the conquest of this land , as some purchasers haue ; who desire to buy land at too easie a rate : they finde those cheap purchases so full of trouble , as they spende twice as much as the land is woorth , before they get the quiet possession thereof . and as the best pollicy was not obserued in the distribution of the conquered lands ; so as i conceyue , that the first aduenturers intending to make a full conquest of the irish , were deceiued in the choyse of the fittest places for their plantation . for they sate downe , and erected their castles and habitations in the plaines & open countries ; wher they found most fruitfull and profitable lands , and turned the irish into the vvoods & mountains : which , as they were proper places for out-lawes and theeues , so were they their naturall castles and fortifications ; thither they draue their preyes and stealths ; there they lurkt , and lay in waite to doe mischiefe . these fast-places they kept vnknowne , by making the wayes and entries thereunto impassable ; there they kept their creaghts or heardes of cattle , liuing by the milke of the cowe , without husbandry or tillage ; there they encreased and multiplied vnto infinite numbers by promiscuous generation among themselues ; there they made their assemblies and conspiracies without discouery : but they discouered the weaknes of the english dwelling in the open plaines ; and thereupon made their sallies and retraites with great aduantage . whereas , on the other side , if the english had builded their castles and towns in those places of fastnesse , and had driuen the irish into the plaines and open countries , where they might haue had an eye and obseruation vpon thē , the irish had beene easily kept in order , and in short time reclaimed from their wildnesse ; there they woulde haue vsed tillage , dwelt together in towne-ships , learned mechanicall arts & sciences . the woods had bin wasted with the english habitations , as they are about the forts of mariborough and phillipston , which were built in the fastest places in leinster , and the wayes and passages throughout ireland , would haue boene as cleare and open , as they are in england at this day . a gaine , if king henry the second , who is said to be the k. that conquered this land , had made forrests in ireland , as he did enlarge the forrests in england ( for it appeareth by charta de foresta , that hee afforrested many woods and wasts , to the greeuance of the subiect , which by that lawe were disaforrested , ) or if those english lordes , amongst whom the whole kingdome was deuided , had beene good hunters , and had reduced the mountaines , bogges , and woods within the limits of forrests , chases , and parkes ; assuredly , the very forrest law , and the law de malefactoribus in parcis , would in time haue driuen them into the plains & countries inhabited and mannured , and haue made them yeeld vppe their fast places to those wilde beastes which were indeede lesse hurtfull and wilde , then they . but it seemeth straunge to mee , that in all the recordes of this kingdome , i seldome find any mention made of a forrest ; & neuer of anie parke or free-warren ; considering the great plenty both of vert and venison within this land ; and that the cheefe of the nobility and gentry are discended of english race ; and yet at this day , there is but one parke stored with deere in al this kingdom : which is a parke of the earle of ormonds , neer kilkenny . it is then manifest , by that which is before expressed ; that the not communicating of the english lawes to the irish ; the ouer-large grants of lands and liberties to the english ; the plantation made by the english in the plaines and open countreyes , leauing the woods and mountaines to the irish , were great defects in the ciuill pollicy , and hindered the perfection of the conquest verie much . howbeit , notwithstanding these defects and errours , the english colonies stood and maintained themselus in a reasonable good estate , as long as they retained their owne auncient lawes and customes , according to that of ennius : moribus antiquis res stat . romana virisque . but when the ciuil gouernment grew so weake & so loose , as that the english lords , would not suffer the english lawes to be put in execution within their territories & seigniories , but in place therof , both they and their people , embraced the irish customes : then the estate of things , like a game at irish , was so turned about , as the english , which hoped to make a perfect conquest of the irish , were by them perfectly and absolutely conquered ; because victi victoribus leges dedere . a iust punnishment to our nation , that wold not giue lawes to the irish when they might : and therefore nowe the irish gaue lawes to them . therefore , this defect and failing of the english iustice , in the english colonies ; and the inducing of the irish customes in lieu thereof , was the maine impediment that did arrest and stoppe the course of the conquest ; and was the only meane that enabled the irishrie to recouer their strength againe . for , if wee consider the nature of the irish customes , wee shall finde that the people which doth vse them , must of necessitie bee rebelles to all good gouernment , destroy the commonwealth wherein they liue , and bring barbarisme and desolation vpon the richest and most fruitfull land of the world . for , whereas by the iust and honourable law of england , & by the lawes of all other well-gouerned kingdomes and commonweals , murder , man-slaughter , rape , robbery , and theft , are punnished with death ; by the irish custome , or brehon law , the highest of these offences was punished onely by fine , which they called an ericke . therfore , when sir vvilliam fitz-williams , ( being lord deputy ) told maguyre that hee was to send a sheriffe into fermaunagh , being lately before made a county ; your sheriffe ( saide maguyre ) shall be welcome to me , but let me knowe his ericke , or the price of his head afore hand ; that if my people cut it off , i may cut the ericke vpon the countrey . as for oppression , extortion , & other trespasses , the weaker had neuer anie remedy against the stronger : whereby it came to passe , that no man coulde enioy his life , his wife , his lands or goodes in safety , if a mightier man then himselfe had an appetite to take the same from him . wherein they were little better then canniballes , who doe hunt one another ; and hee that hath most strength and swiftnes , doth eate and deuoure all his fellowes . againe , in england , and all well ordered common-weales , men haue certaine estates in their lands & possessions , and their inheritances discend from father to son , which doth giue them encouragement to builde , and to plant , and to improoue their landes , and to make them better for their posterities . but by the irish custome of tanistry , the cheefetanes of euery countrey , and the chiefe of euery sept , had no longer estate then for life in their cheeferies , the inheritance whereof , did rest in no man. and these cheeferies , though they had some portions of lande allotted vnto them , did consist chiefely in cuttings and cosheries , and other irish exactions , whereby they did spoyle and impouerish the people at their pleasure . and when their chieftanes were dead , their sonnes or next heires did not succeede them , but their tanistes , who were electiue , and purchased their elections by strong hande ; and by the irish custome of gauell-kinde , the inferiour tennanties were partible amongst all the males of the sept , both bastards and legittimate : and after partition made , if any one of the sept had died , his portion was not diuided among his sonnes , but the cheefe of the sept , made a new partition of all the lands belonging to that sept , and gaue euerie one his part according to his antiquity . these two irish customes made all their possessions vncertain , being shuffled , and changed , and remoued so often from one to another , by new elections and partitions ; which vncertainty of estates , hath bin the true cause of such desolation & barbarism in this land , as the like was neuer seen in any countrey , that professed the name of christ. for , though the irishry be a nation of great antiquity , and wanted neither wit nor valour ; and though they had receiued the christian faith , aboue 1200. yeares since ; and were louers of musicke , poetry , and all kinde of learning ; and possessed a land abounding with all thinges necessary for the ciuill life of man ; yet ( which is strange to bee related ) they did neuer builde any houses of bricke or stone ( some few poor religious houses excepted ) before the raigne of king henrie the second , though they wer lords of this island for many hundred yeares before , and since the conquest attempted by the english : albeit , when they sawe vs builde castles vppon their borders , they haue only in imitation of vs , erected some few piles for the captaines of the country : yet i dare boldly say , that neuer any perticuler person , eyther before or since , did builde anie stone or bricke house for his priuate habitation ; but such as haue latelie obtained estates , according to the course of the law of england . neither did any of them in all this time , plant any gardens or orchards , inclose or improue their lands , liue together in setled villages or townes , nor made any prouision for posterity ; which being against all common sense and reason , must needes bee imputed to those vnreasonable customes , which made their estates so vncertaine and transitory in their possessions . for , who would plant or improoue , or build vppon that land , which a stranger whom he knew not , should possesse after his death ? for that ( as salomon noteth ) is one of the strangest vanities vnder the sunne . and this is the true reason why vlster , and all the irish countries are found so wast and desolate at this day ; and so wold they continue till the worlds end , if these customes were not abolished by the law of england . againe , that irish custom of gauel-kinde , did breede another mischiefe ; for thereby , euery man being borne to land , aswell bastard , as legitimate , they al held thēselues to be gentlemen . and though their portions were neuer so small , and them-selues neuer so poor ( for gauelkind must needs in the end make a poore gentility , ) yet did they scorne to discend to husbandry or marchandize , or to learn any mechanicall art or science . and this is the true cause why there were neuer any corporate towns erected in the irish countries . as for the maritime citties and townes , most certaine it is , that they were built and peopled by the ostmen or easterlings : for the natiues of ireland neuer perfourmed so good a worke , as to build a city . besides , these poore gentlemen were so affected vnto their small portions of land , as they rather chose to liue at home by theft , extortion , and coshering , then to seeke any better fortunes abroad : which encreased their septs or syrnames into such numbers , as there are not to bee found in anie kingdome of europe , so many gentlemen of one blood , familie , and syrname , as there are of the o neales in vlster ; of the bourkes , in conaght ; of the geraldines , and butlers , in munster & leinster . and the like may be saide of the inferiour bloodes and families ; whereby it came to passe in times of trouble & dissention , that they made great parties and factions adhering one to another , with much constancie ; because they were tyed together , vinculo sanguinis ; whereas rebels and malefactors which are tyed to their leaders by no band , either of dutie or blood , do more easily breake and fall off one from another . and besides , their coe-habitation in one countrey or teritory , gaue them opportunity suddenly to assemble , and conspire , and rise in multitudes against the crowne . and euen now , in the time of peace , we finde this inconuenience , that ther can hardly be an indifferenttriall had betweene the king & the subiect , or between partie and partie , by reason of this generall kindred and consanguinity . bvt the most wicked and mischeeuous custome of all others , was that of coigne and liuery , often before mentioned ; which consisted in taking of mansmeate , horsemeat , & money , of all the inhabitants of the country , at the will and pleasure of the soldier , who as the phrase of scripture is , did eate vp the people as it were bread ; for that he had no other entertainment . this extortion was originally irish , for they vsed to lay bonaght vppon their people , and neuer gaue their soldier any other pay . but when the english had learned it , they vsed it with more insolency , and made it more intollerable ; for this oppression was not temporary , or limited either to place or time ; but because there was euery where a continuall warre , either offensiue , or defensiue ; and euery lord of a countrey , and euery marcher made warre and peace at his pleasure ; it became vniuersall and perpetuall ; and was indeede the most heauy oppression , that euer was vsed in any christian or heathen kingdom . and therefore , vox oppressorum , this crying sinne , did drawe downe as great , or greater plagues vppon ireland , then the oppression of the isralites , did draw vpon the land of egypt . for the plagues of egypt , though they were grieuous , were but of a short continuance . but the plagues of ireland , lasted 400. yeares together . this extortion of coigne and liuery , did produce two notorious effects . first , it made the land wast ; next , it made the people , ydle . for , when the husbandman had laboured all the yeare , the soldier in one night , did consume the fruites of all his labour , long●… perit labor irritus anni . had hee reason then to mannure the land for the next yeare ? or rather might he not complaine as the shepherd in virgil : impius haec tam culta noualia miles habebit ? barbarus has segetes ? en quo discordia ciues perduxit miseros ? en queis cōsevimus agros ? and heereupon of necessity came depopulation , banishment , & extirpation of the better sort of subiects ; and such as remained became ydle , and lookers on , expecting the euent of those miseries and euill times : so as this extreame extortion and oppression , hath beene the true cause of the idlenesse of this irish nation ; and that rather the vulgar sort haue chosen to be beggers in forraigne countries , then to manure their own fruitfull land at home . lastly , this oppression did of force and necessity make the irish a craftie people : for such as are oppressed and liue in slauery , are euer put to their shifts ; ingenium mala saepe mouent ; and therefore , in the olde comedies of plantus & terence , the bondslaue doth alwayes act the cunning and crastie part . besides , all the common people haue a whyning tune or accent in their speech , as if they did still smart or suffer some oppression . and this idlenesse , together with feare of iminent mischiefes , which did continually hang ouer their heads , haue bin the cause , that the irish wer euer the most inquisitiue people after newes , of any nation in the world . as s. paule himselfe made obseruation vpon the people of athens ; that they were an ydle people , and did nothing but learne and tell newes . and because these newes-carriers , did by their false intelligence , many times raise troubles and rebellions in this realm , the statute of kilkenny , doth punish newes-tellers ( by the name of skelaghes ) with fine and ransome . this extortion of coigne and liuery , was taken for the maintenaunce of their men of warre ; but their irish exactions extorted by the chieftanes and tanists , by colour of their barbarous seigniory , were almost as grieuous a burthen as the other ; namely , cosherings , which were visitations and progresses made by the lord and his followers , among his tenants : wherin he did eate them ( as the english prouerbe is ) out of house and home . sessings of the kerne , of his family , called kernety , of his horses & hors-boyes ; of his dogges and dog-boyes , and the like : and lastly , cuttings , tallages , or spendings , high or low , at his pleasure ; all which , made the lorde an absolute tyrant , and the tennant a verie slaue and villain ; and in one respect more miserable then bondeslaues . for commonly the bondslaue is fed by his lord , but heere the lord was fedde by his bondslaue . lastly , there were two other customes proper and peculiar to the irishry , which being the cause of many strong combinations and factions do tend to the vtter ruine of a commonwealth : the one , was fosteriug ; the other , gossipred ; both which haue euer bin of greater estimation among this people , then with any other nation in the christian world . for fostering , i did neuer heare or read , that it was in that vse or reputation in anie other countrey , barbarous or ciuill , as it hath beene , and yet is , in ireland : where they put away al their children to fosterers : the potent & rich men selling ; the meaner sort buying , the alterage of their children ; and the reason is , because in the opinion of this people , fostering hath alwayes beene a stronger alliance then bloud ; and the foster-children doe loue and are beloued of their foster-fathers and their sept , more then of their owne naturall parents and kindred ; and do participate of their meanes more frankely , and doe adhere vnto them in all fortunes , with more affection & constancy . and though tully in his book of friendship doth obserue , that childrē of princes being somtimes in cases of necessity for sauing of their liues deliuered to shepheards to be nourished and bred vp , when they haue bin restored to their great fortunes , haue still retained their loue and affection to their fosterers , whom for manie yeares they tooke to be their parents : yet this was a rare case , and few examples are to be found thereof . but such a generall custome in a kingdome , in giuing and taking children to foster , making such a firme alliance as it doth in ireland , was neuer seene or heard of , in any other countrey of the world besides . the like may be said of gossipred or or compaternitie , which though by the canon law , it be a spirituall affinity , and a iuror that was gossip to either of the parties , might in former times haue bin challenged , as not indifferent by our law , yet there was no nation vnder the sun , that euer made so religious accompt thereof , as the irish. now these two customs , which of themselues are indifferent in other kingdomes , became exceeding euill and full of mischiefe in this realm , by reason of the inconueniences which followed thereupon . for , they made ( as i saide before ) strong parties and factions , wherby the great men were enabled to oppresse their inferiours , and to oppose their equals : and their followers were borne out and countenanced in all their lewde and wicked actions : for fosterers & gossips by the common custome of ireland , were to maintaine one another in all causes lawful , and vnlawfull ; which as it is a combination and confederacy punishable in all well-gouerned common-weales , so was it not one of the least causes of the common misery of this kingdome . i omit their common repudiation of their wiues ; their promiscuous generation of children ; their neglect of lawfull matrimony ; their vncleannesse in apparrell , diet , & lodging ; and their contempt and scorne of all thinges necessary for the ciuill life of man. these were the irish customes , which the english colonies did embrace and vse , after they had reiected the ciuill and honorable lawes and customes of england , whereby they became degenerate and metamorphosed like nabuchadnezzar : who although he had the face of a man , had the heart of a beast ; or like those who had drunke of circes cuppe , and were turned into very beasts ; and yet tooke such pleasure in their beastly manner of life , as they would not returne to their shape of men againe : insomuch as within lesse time then the age of a man , they had no markes or differences left amongst them of that noble nation , from which they were discended . for , as they did not only forget the english language , & scorne the vse thereof , but grew to bee ashamed of their very english names , though they were noble and of great antiquity ; and tooke irish surnames and nicke-names . namely , the two most potent families of the bourks in conaght ( after the house of the red earle failed of heyres-males ) called their cheefes , mac william eighter , and mac william oughter . in the same prouince , bremingham , baron of athenrie , called himselfe mac yoris . dexecester , or de'exon , was cald mac iordan . mangle or de angulo , took the name of mac costelo . of the inferior families of the bourkes , one was called mac hubbard , another mac dauid . in munster , of the great families of the geraldines planted there ; one was called mac morice chiefe of the house of lixnaw ; and another , mac gibbon , who was also called the white knight . the chiefe of the baron of dunhoynes house , who is a branch of the house of ormond , tooke the surnames of mac pheris . condon of the countie of waterford , was called mac maioge : and the arch-deacon of the county of kilkenny , mac odo . and this they did in contempt and hatred of the english name and nation ; of these degenerate families became more mortal enemies , then the meere irish. and whereas the state and gouernment beeing growne weake by their defection , did to reduce them to obedience , grant them many protections and pardons ( the cheapenesse whereof , in all ages , hath brought great dishonor and damage to this commonweal ) they grew so vngratefull and vnnatural , as in the end they scorned that grace & fauour , because the acceptance thereof , did argue them to be subiects , and they desired rather to bee accounted enemies , then rebels to the crowne of england . heereupon was that olde verse made , which i finde written in the white booke of the exchequer , in a hand as auncient as the time of king edward the third . by graunting charters of peas , to false english withouten les , this land shall be mich vndoo . but gossipred , and alterage , and leesing of our language , haue mickely holp theretoo . and therefore , in a close roll in the tower , bearing this title ; articuli in hibernia obseruandi : we finde these two articles among others . 1. iusticiarius hiberniae non concedat perdonationes de morte hominis , nec de roberijs , seu incendijs , & quod de caetero certificet dominum regem de nominibus petentium . 2. item , quod nec iusticiarius nec aliquis magnas hiberniae concedat protectiones alicui contra pacem regis existent . &c. but now it is fit to looke backe and consider when the old english colonies became so degenerate ; and in what age they fell away into that irish barbarisme , reiecting the english lawes and customes . assuredly , by comparing the ancient annalles of lrelaud with the records remaining heere , & in the tower of london , i do find that this generall defection , fell out in the latter end of the raign of king edward the second , and in the beginning of the raigne of king edward the thirde . and all this great innovation , grewe within the space of thirty years : within the compasse of which time , there fell out diuers mischieuous accidents , whereby the whole kingdome was in a maner lost . for first , edward de bruce inuaded ireland with the scottish army , and preuailed so farre , as that he possessed the maritime parts of vlster , marched vp to the walles of dublin , spoiled the english pale , passed thorough leinster and munster , as farre as limericke , and was maister of the field in euery part of the kingdom . this hapned in the tenth yeare of king edward the second , at what time the crowne of england was weaker , & suffred more dishonor in both kingdomes , then it did at any time since the norman conquest . then did the state of england send ouer iohn de hotham to be treasurer heere , with commission to call the great lords of ireland to gether ; and to take of them an oath of assoacition , that they should loyally ioyne together in life & death to preserue the right of the king of england , and to expell the commonenemy . but this treasurer brought neither men , nor money , to performe this seruice . at that time , though richard bourk earle of vlster ( commonly called the redde-earle ) were of greater power then any other subiect in ireland , yet was he so farre stricken in yeares , as that hee was vnable to mannage the martiall affaires , as he had done during all the raigne of king edward the first : hauing bin generall of the irish forces , not only in this kingdom , but in the wars of scotland , wales , and gascoigne . and therefore , maurice fitz-thomas of desmond , beeing then the most actiue nobleman in this realm , tooke vpon him the chiefe command in this warre : for the support whereof , the reuennue of this lande , was farre too short , and yet no supply of treasure was sent out of england . then was there no mean to maintain the army , but by sessing the soldiers vppon the subiect , as the irish were wont to impose their bonaught . whereupon , grewe that wicked extortion of coigne and liuerie spoken of before , which in short time banished the greatest part of the free-holders out of the county of kerrie , limerick , corke , and waterford ; into whose possessions , desmond and his kinsmen , alies , and followers , which were then more irish then english , did enter and appropriate these lands vnto themselues , desmond himselfe taking what scopes hee best liked for his demesnes in euery countrey , and reseruing an irish seigniory out of the rest . and heere , that i may verifie & maintaine by matter of record , that which is before deliuered touching the nature of this wicked extortion , called coigne and liuery ; and the manifolde mischiefes it did produce , i thinke it fit and pertinent to insert the preamble of the statute of the 10. of henry 7. c. 4. not printed , but recorded in parlament rols of dublin , in these words : at the request & supplication of the commons of this land of ireland , that where of long time there hath bin vsed and exacted by the lords and gentlemen of this land , many and diuers damnable customes & vsages , which bin called coigne , and liuery , and pay ; that is , horsemeat , and mansmeat , for the finding of their horsemen and footmen ; and ouer that , 4. d. or 6. d. daily to euery of them to be had and paide of the poore earth-tillers , and tenants , inhabitants of the saide land , without any thing doing or paying therefore . besides , manie murders , robberies , rapes , & other manifold extortions & oppressions by the saide horsemen and footmen , dayly and mightily committed & done ; which bin the principall causes of the desolation & destruction of the said land , & hath brought the same into ruine and decay , so as the most part of the english free-holders and tenants of this land bin departed out thereof , some into the realme of england , and other some to other strange landes ; whereupon the foresaide lordes and gentlemen of this land , haue intruded into the saide free-holders and tenants inheritances ; and the same keepeth and occupieth as their owne inheritances ; and setten under them in the same land the kings irish enemies , to the diminishing of holie churches rites , the disherison of the king , & his obedient subiects , and the vtter ruine and desolation of the land. for reformation whereof , be it enacted , that the king shall receiue a subsidie of 26. s. 8. d. out of euerie 120. acres of arrable land manured , &c. but to return to tho : fitz-maurice of desmond ; by this extortion of coigne and liuery , he suddenly grewe from a meane , to a mighty estate ; insomuch as the baron finglas in his discourse of the decay of ireland , affirmeth ; that his ancient inheritance beeing not one thousand markes yearely , he became able to dispend euery way , ten thousand pounds , per annum . these possessions being thus vnlawfully gotten , could not bee maintained by the iust and honorable law of england , which would haue restored the true owners to their land againe . and therefore , this greatman found no meanes to continue & vphold his ill-purchased greatnesse , but by reiecting the english law & gouernment , and assuming in lieu therof , the barbarous customs of the irish. and heereupon , followed the defection of those foure shires , containing the greatest part of munster , from the obedience of the law. in like manner ( saith baron finglas ) the lord of tipperary ) perceiuing how well the house of desmond hadde thriued by coigne and liuerie , and other irish exactions ) began to holde the like course in the counties of tipperary and kilkenny ; whereby he got great scopes of land , specially in ormond ; and raised many irish exactions vpon the english free-holders there ; which made him so potent & absolut among thē , as at that time they knew no other lawe , then the will of their lord. besides , finding , that the earle of desmond excluded the ordinary ministers of iustice , vnder colour of a royall liberty , which he claimed in the counties of kerry , corke , and waterford , by a graunt of king edward the first ( as appeareth in a quo warranto , brought against him , anno 1. edw. 1. ) the record wherof , remaineth in breminghams tower , among the common plea-rolles there . this lord also , in the third of edward the thirde , obtained a graunt of the like liberty in the county of tipperary ; whereby he got the lawe into his owne hands , & shut out the common law and iustice of the realme . and thus we see , that all munster fell away from the english lawe and gouernment , in the end of king edward 2. his raigne ; and in the beginning of the raigne of king edward the third . againe , about the same time , ( viz : ) in the 20. yeare of king edward the second , when the state of england was well-ny ruined by the rebellion of the barons , and the gouernment of ireland vtterly neglected , there arose in leinster , one of the cauanaghes , named donald mac art , who named himselfe mac murrogh , king of leinster , and possessed himselfe of the countie of catherlogh , and of the greatest part of the county of wexford . and shortly after , lisagh o moore , called himselfe o moore , tooke 8. castles in one euening , destroyed dunamase the principall house of the l. mortimer in leix , recouered that whole countrey , de seruo dominus , de subiecto princeps effectus , saith friar clynne in his annalles . besides , the earle of kildare , imitating his cosin of desmond , did not omit to make the like vse of coigne & liuery in kildare , and the west part of meth , which brought the like barbarisme into those parts . and thus a great part of leinster was lost , and fell away from the obedience of the crowne , neere about the time before expressed . againe , in the seauenth yeare of king edward the third , the lord vvilliam bourke , earle of vlster , and lorde of conaght , was treacherously murdered by his owne squires at knockefergus , leauing behinde him , vnicam & vnius annifiliam ( saith friar clynne . ) immediately vpon the murder committed , the countesse with her yong daughter , fledde into england ; so as the gouernment of that countrey , was wholly neglected , vntil , that young ladie beeing married to lionell duke of clarence , that prince cam ouer with an army , to recouer his wiues inheritance , and to reforme this kingdom , anno 36. of edward the third . but in the meane time , what became of that great inheritance both in vlster , & conaght ? assuredly , in vlster , the sept of hugh boy o neal , then possessing glaucoukeyn and killeightra in tyrone , tooke the opportunity ; and passing ouer the banne , did first expell the english out of the barony of tuscard , which is nowe called the rout ; and likewise , out of the glynnes and other lands vp as farre as knockfergus , which countrey or extent of lande , is at this day called , the lower clan hugh-boy . and shortly after that , they came vp into the great ardes , which the latine writers call , altitudines vltoniae , and was then the inheritaunce of the sauages ; by whom , they were valiantly resisted for diuers yeares : but at last , for want of castles and fortifications ( for the saying of henrie sauage mentioned in euery story , is very memorable ; that a castle of bones , was better then a castle of stones ) the english were ouer-run by the multitude of the irishry : so as about the thirtith of k. edw. 3. some few yeares before the arriuall of the duke of clarence , the sauages were vtterly driuen out of the great ardes , into a little nooke of land neer the riuer of strangford ; where they now possesse a little territory , called the little ards ; and their greater patrimony tooke the name of the vpper clan hugh-boy , from the sept of hugh-boy o neale , who became inuaders thereof . for conaght , some yonger branches of the family of the bourkes , being planted there by the red-earle & his ancestors , seeing their chiefe to bee cut off , and dead without heire-male , and no man left to gouern or protect that prouince , intruded presently into all the earles lands , which ought to haue bin seized into the kings handes , by reason of the minoritie of the heire . and within a short space , two of the most potent among them , diuided that great seigniory betwixt thē : the one taking the name of mac william oughter ; and the other of mac william fighter ; as if the lord william bourk the last earle of vlster , had lefte two sonnes of one name behinde him to inherit that lordship in course of gauelkinde . but they well knewe , that they were but intruders vppon the kings possession during the minority of the heire ; they knew those lands were the rightfull inheritance of that young lady ; and consequently , that the law of england woulde speedily euict them out of their possession ; & therefore , they held it the best policy to cast off the yoake of english law , and to become meere irish : and according to their example , drew al the rest of the english in that prouince , to do the like ; so as from thenceforth they suffered their possessions to run in course of tanistry and gauel-kinde . they changed their names , language , and apparrell , and all their ciuil manners and customes of liuing . lastly , about the 25. yeare of king edward the third , sir richard de clarè was slaine in thomond , and al the english colonies there , vtterly supplanted . thus in that space of time , which was betweene the tenth yeare of king edward the second , and the 30. yeare of king edward the third ( i speak within compasse ) by the concurrence of the mischieses before recited , all the old english colonies in munster , conaght , and vlster ; & more then a third part of leinster , became degenerat , & fell away from the crowne of england ; so as onely the foure shyres of the english pale , remained vnder the obedience of the lawe ; and yet the borders and marches thereof , were growne vnruly , and out of order too , being subiect to blacke-rents and tribute of the irish ; which was a greater defection , then when tenne of twelue tribes departed , and fell away from the kings of iuda . but was not the state of england sensible of this losse and dishonour ? did they not endeuor to recouer the land that was lost , and to reduce the subiects to their obedience ? truely king edward the second , by the incursions of the scottish nation , and by the insurrection of his barons , who raised his wife and his sonne against him , and in the end deposed him , was diuerted and vtterly disabled to reforme the disorders of ireland . but assoone as the crown of england was transferred to k. edw. 3. though hee were yet in his minority , the state there beganne to looke into the desperate estate of thinges heere . and finding such a general defection , letters were sent from the king , to the great men and prelates , requiring them particularly to swear fealty to the crowne of england . shortly after , sir anthony lucie , a person of great authority in england in those daies , was sent ouer to work a reformation in this kingdome , by a seuere course ; and to that ende , the king wrote expresly to the earle of vlster , and others of the nobilitie to assist him , as is before remembered ; presently vpon his arriual , he arrested maurice fitz-thomas earle of desmond ; and sir william bremingham , and committed them prisoners to the castle of dublin : where sir william bremingham was executed for treason , though the earle of desmond were left to mainprize , vpon condition , hee should appeare before the king by a certain day , and in the meane time to continue loyall . after this , the king being aduertised , that the ouer-large graunts of lands and liberties , made to the lords of english bloude in ireland , made them so insolent , as they scorned to obey the law , and the magistrate , did absolutely resume all such crants , as is before declared . but the earle of desmond aboue al men , found himselfe grieued with this resumption , or repeale of liberties ; and declared his dislike & discontentment : insomuch , as he did not only refuse to come to a parliament at dublin , summoned by sir william morris , deputie to the l. iohn darcy the kings lieutenant : but ( as we haue said before ) he raised such dissention betweene the english of bloud , and the english of birth , as the like was neuer seen , from the time of the first planting of our nation in ireland . and in this factious and seditious humour , hee drewe the earle of kildare , and the rest of the nobility , with the cittizens and burgesses of the principall townes , to hold a seuerall parliament by themselues , at kilkenny ; where they framed certaine articles against the deputy , & transmitted the same into england to the king. heereupon , sir raphe vfford , who had lately before married the countesse of vlster ; a man of courage and seuerity , was made lord iustice : who forth with calling a parliament , sent a speciall commandement to the earle of desmond , to appeare in that great councel ; but the earle wilfully refused to come . whereupon , the lord iustice raised the kings standard , and marching with an army into munster , seized into the kings handes , all the possessions of the earle , took and executed his principall followers , sir eustace le poer , sir william graunt , & sir iohn cotterell ; enforced the earle himselfe to flye and lurke , till 26. noblemen and knights , became mainpernors for his appearance at a certaine day prefixed : but he making default the second time , the vttermost aduantage was taken against his sureties . besides , at the same time , this lord iustice caused the earle of kildare to bee arrested and committed to the castle of dublin , indited & imprisoned manie other disobedient subiects , called in , and cancelled such charters as wer lately before resumed ; and proceeded euery way so roundly and seuerely , as the nobility which were wont to suffer no controulment , did much distast him ; and the commons who in this land haue euer bin more deuoted to their immediate lords heer whom they saw euery day , then vnto their soueraigne lord & king , whom they neuer sawe ; spake ill of this gouernor , as of a rigorous & cruel man , though in troth hee were a singular good iusticer ; and , if he had not dyed in the second yeare of his gouernment , was the likeliest person of that age , to haue reformed and reduced the degenerate english colonies , to their natural obedience of the crown of england . thus much then wee may obserue by the way , that maurice fitz-thomas , the first earle of desmond , was the first english lord that imposed coign and liuery vpon the kings subiectes ; and the first that raised his estate to immoderate greatnesse , by that wicked extortion and oppression ; that he was the first that reiected the english lawes and gouernement , and drew others by his example to do the like ; that he was the first peere of ireland that refused to come to the parlament summoned by the kinges authority ; that he was the first that made a diuision and distinction betweene the english of bloud , and the english of birth . and as this earle was the onelie authour , and first actour , of these mischiefes , which gaue the greatest impediment to the full conquest of ireland ; so it is to bee noted , that albeit others of his ranke afterwardes offended in the same kinde ; whereby their houses were many times in danger of ruin , yet was there not euer any noble house of english race in ireland , vtterly destroyed and finally rooted out by the hand of iustice , but the house of desmond onely ; nor any peere of this realme euer put to death ( though diuers haue bin attainted ) but tho : fitz-iames the earle of desmond only , and onely for those wicked customes brought in by the first earle , and practised by his posterity , though by seuerall lawes they were made high-treason . and therfore , though in the 7. of edward the 4. during the gouernment of the lord tiptoft , earle of worcester , both the earles of desmond and kildare were attainted by parlament at drogheda , for alliance and fostering with the irish ; and for taking coign and liuery of the kings subiects , yet was desmond only put to death ; for the earle of kildare receiued his pardon . and albeit the sonne of this earl of desmond , who lost his head at drogheda , were restored to the earldom ; yet could not the kings grace regenerate obedience in that degenerate house , but it grew rather more wilde and barbarous , then before . for from thencefoorth they reclaimed a strange priuiledge : that the earles of desmond should neuer come to any parliament or graund-counsell , or vvithin any walled towne , but at their will and pleasure . which pretended priuiledge , iames earle of desmond , the father of girald the last earle , renounced and surrendred by his deed , in the chancery of ireland , in the 32. of henry the eight . at what time , among the meer irishry , hee submitted himselfe to sir anthony saint-leger , then lord deputy ; tooke an oath of allegiance ; couenanted that he would suffer the law of england to bee executed in his countrey ; and assist the kinges iudges in their circuits : and if any subsidies should be granted by parlament , he would permit the same to be leuied vppon his tenants and followers . which couenants , are as straunge as the priuiledge it selfe , spoken of before . but that which i conceiue most worthy of obseruation , vpon the fortunes of the house of desmond , is this ; that as maurice fitz-thomas , the first earl , did first raise the greatnes of that house , by irish exactions and oppressions ; so girald the last earle , did at last ruine and reduce it to nothing , by vsing the like extortions . for certain it is , that the first occasion of his rebellion , grew from hence ; that when he attempted to charge the decies in the county of waterford , with coigne and liuerie , blacke rents and cosheries , after the irish maner , hee was resisted by the earle of ormond , and vppon an encounter , ouerthrowne and taken prisoner ; which made his heart so vnquiet , as it easily conceiued treason against the crowne , and broght forth actuall and open rebellion , wherein he perished himselfe , and made a final extinguishment of his house and honour . oppression and extortion did maintain the greatnesse : and oppression and extortion , did extinguish the greatnesse of that house . which may well be exprest , by the old embleme of a torch turned downewards , with this word ; quod me alit , extinguit . now let vs returne to the course of reformation , helde and pursued heere , after the death of sir raphe vfford , which hapned in the twentieth yeare of k. edward 3. after which time , albeit all the power and counsell of england was conuerted towards the conquest of fraunce , yet was not the worke of reformation altogether discontinued . for , in the 25. yeare of k. edward the third , sir thomas rookeby , another worthy gouernor ( whome i haue once before named ) held a parlament at kilkenny , wherein many excellent lawes were propounded and enacted for the reducing of the english colonies to their obedience ; which lawes we find enrolled in the remembrauncers office heere ; and differ not much in substaunce , from those other statutes of kilkenny , which not long after ( during the gouernement of lionell duke of clarence ) were not only enacted , but put in execution . this noble prince hauing married the daughter and heire of vlster ; and beeing likewise a coparcener of the county of kilkenny , in the 36. year of king edward the thirde , came ouer the kings lieutenant , attended with a good retinue of martiall men , as is before remembred , and a graue and honorable counsell , aswel for peace , as for warre . but because this armie was not of a competent strength to breake and subdue all the irishry , although he quieted the borders of the english pale , and helde all ireland in awe with his name and presence . the principall seruice that hee intended , was to reforme the degenerate english colonies , and to reduce them to obedience of the english lawe , and magistrate . to that end , in the fortith yeare of king edward the third , he held that famous parlament at kilkenny ; wherein many notable lawes wer enacted , which doo shew and lay open ( for the law doth best discouer enormities ) how much the english colonies were corrupted at that time , and doe infallibly prooue that which is laide down before ; that they were wholy degenerate , and faln away from their obedience . for first , it appeareth by the preamble of these lawes , that the english of this realme , before the comming ouer of lionel duke of clarence , were at that time becom meere irish in their language , names , apparrell , and all their maner of liuing , and had reiected the english lawes , and submitted themselus to the irish , with whom they had many mariages and alliances , which tended to the vtter ruine & destruction of the commonwealth . therefore alliaunce by marriage , nurture of infants , and gossipred with the irish , are by this statute made high-treason . againe , if anie man of english race , should vse an irish name , irish language , or irish apparrell , or any other guise or fashion of the irish ; if he had lands or tenements , the same should be seized , til he had giuen security to the chancery , to conform himself in al points to the english maner of liuing . and if he had no lands , his bodie was to be taken and imprisoned , til he found sureties , as aforesaide . againe , it was established and commanded , that the english in all their controuersies , should bee ruled and gouerned by the common lawe of england : and if any did submit himselfe to the brehon law , or march law , he should be adiudged a traitor . againe , because the english at that time , made warre and peace with the bordering enemy at their pleasure ; they were expresly prohibited to leauie warre vpon the irish , without speciall warrant and direction from the state. againe , it was made paenall to the english , to permit the irish to creaght or graze vpon their landes : to present them to ecclesiasticall benefices ; to receiue them into any monasteries , or religious houses , or to entertaine any of their minstrels , rimers , or newes-tellers : to impose or sesse any horse or footvppon the english subiects against their willes , was made felony . and because the great liberties or franchises spoken of before , were become sanctuaries for all malefactours , expresse power was giuen to the kinges sheriffes , to enter into all franchises , and there to apprehend all fellons and traitours . and lastly , because the great lordes , when they leuied forces for the publick seruice , did lay vnequall burdens vpon the gentlemen and free-holders , it was ordained , that foure wardens of the peace in euery countie , should set downe and appoint what men and armour euery man should beare , according to his free-hold , or other ability of estate . these , and other lawes , tending to a generall reformation , were enacted in that parliament . and the execution of these lawes , together with the presence of the kings son , made a notable alteration in the state and manners of this people , within the space of seauen yeares , which was the tearme of this princes lieutenancy . for , all the discourses that i haue seene of the decay of ireland , doe agree in this ; that the presence of the lord lionel , and these statutes of kilkenny , did restore the english gouern ment , in the degenerate colonies , for diuers yeares . and the statute of the tenth of henry the seuenth , which reuiueth and confirmeth the statutes of kilkenny , doth confirme as much . for it declareth , that as long as these lawes were put in vve and execution , this lande continued in prosperity and honor : and since they were not executed , the subiectes rebelled and digressed from their allegeance , and the land fell to ruine and desolation . and withall , wee finde the effect of these lawes in the pipe-rolles , and plea-rolles of this kingdome : for , from the 36. of edward 3. when this prince entred into his gouernment , till the beginning of richard the second his raigne , we find the reuennue of the crowne both certaine and casuall in vlster , munster , and conaght , accounted for ; and that the kings writ did run , and the common-law was executed in euery of these prouinces . i ioyne with these lawes , the personall presence of the kinges son , as a concurrent cause of this reformation : because the people of this land both english & irish , out of a naturall pride , did euer loue & desire to be gouerned by great persons . and therefore , i may heere iustly take occasion to note , that first the absence of the kings of england ; and nexte , the absence of those great lords , who were inheritors of those mighty seigniories of leinster , vlster , conaght , and meth , haue bin maine causes why this kingdome was not reduced in so many ages . touching the absence of our kinges , three of them onely since the norman conquest , haue made royall iournies into this land ; namely , k. henrie the second , king iobn , and king richard the second . and yet they no sooner arriued heere , but that all the irishry , ( as if they had bin but one man ) submitted them-selues ; tooke oaths of fidelity , and gaue pledges & hostages to continue loyall . and , if any of those kings hadde continued heere in person a competent time , till they had setled both english & irish in their seuerall possessions , and had set the law in a due course throughout the kingdom ; these times wherein we liue , had not gained the honor of the finall conquest and reducing of ireland . for the king ( saith salomon ) dissipat omne malum intuitu suo . but when moses was absent in the mount , the people committed idolatry : & when there was no king in israel , euery man did what seemed best in his own eies . and therfore , when alexander had conquered the east part of the world , and demaunded of one what was the fitest place for the seat of his empire , he brought and laid a dry hide before him , and desired him to set his foote on the one side thereof ; which being done , all the other parts of the hide did rise vp : but when he did set his foot in the middle of the hide , all the other parts lay flat and euen : which was a liuely demonstration , that if a prince keep his residence in the border of his dominions , the remoate parts will eafily rise and rebell against him : but if he make the center therof , his seat , he shall easily keepe them in peace and obedience . touching the absence of the great lords : all writers doe impute the decay and losse of leinster , to the absence of these english lords , who maried the fiue daughters of william marshall earle of pembroke ( to whom that great seigniory discended ) when his fiue sonnes , who inherited the same successiuely ; and during their times , held the same in peace & obedience to the law of england , were all dead without issue : which hapned about the fortith yeare of king henrie the third : for the eldest beeing married to hugh bigot earle of norfolke , who in right of his wife , had the marshalship of england ; the second , to vvarren de mountchensey , whose sole daughter and heire , was matcht to william de valentia halfe brother to k. henrie 3. who by that match , was made earle of pembroke ; the third , to gilbert de clare , earl of glocester ; the fourth , to william ferrers , earle of darby ; the fift , to william de bruce , lord of brecknocke : these great lordes , hauing greater inheritances in their owne right in england , then they hadde in ireland in right of their wiues ( and yet each of the coparceners , had an entire countie allotted for her purparty , as is before declared ) could not bee drawne to make their personal residence in this kingdom ; but managed their estates heere , by their seneschals and seruants . and to defend their teritories against the bordering irish , they entertained some of the natiues , who pretended a perpetuall title to those great lordships . for the irish after a thousande conquests & attainders by our law , would in those daies pretend title stil , because by the irish lawe no man could forfeit his land. these natiues taking the opportunity in weake and desperate times , vsurped those seigniories ; and so donald mac art cauanagh , being entertained by the earl of norfolke , made himselfe lorde of the county of catherlogh ; and lisagh o moore , being trusted by the l. mortimer , who married the daughter and heire of the lord bruce , made himselfe lord of the lands in leix , in the latter end of king edward the seconds raigne , as is before declared . againe , the decay and losse of vlster & conaght , is attributed to this ; that the lorde william bourke , the last earle of that name , died without issue male ; whose ancestors , namely , the red-earle , and sir hugh de lacy , before him , being personally resident , helde vp their greatnesse there ; & kept the english in peace , and the irish in aw : but when those prouinces discended vppon an heire female , and an infant , the irish ouer-ran vlster , and the yonger branches of the bourkes , vsurped conaght . and therfore , the ordinance made in england , the 3. of richard 2. against such as were absent from their lands in ireland ; and gaue two third parts of the profites thereof vnto the king , vntill they returned , or placed a sufficient number of men to defend the same , was grounded vppon good reason of state : which ordinaunce was put in execution for many yeares after , as appeareth by sundry seizures made thereupon , in the time of king richard 2. henry 4. henry 5. and henry 6. whereof there remaine recordes in the remembrancers office heere . among the rest , the duke of norffolke himselfe was not spared , but was impleaded vpon this ordinance , for two parts of the profits of dorburies iland , and other landes in the countie of wexford , in the time of k. heury 6. and afterwards , vpon the same reason of state , all the landes of the house of norfolke , of the earle of shrewesburie , the lord barkley , and others ( who hauing lands in ireland , kept their cōtinuall residence in england ) were entirely resumed by the act of absentees , made in the 28. yeare of king henry the eight . but now againe , let vs look back and see , howe long the effect of that reformation did continue , which was begun by lionel duke of clarence , in the fortith yeare of k. edw 3. and what courses haue bin held , to reduce and reforme this people by other lieutenants and gouernors since that time the english colonies beeing in some good measure reformed by the statutes of kilkenny , did not vtterly fal away into barbarisme againe , till the warres of the two houses had almost destroyed both these kingdoms ; for in that miserable time , the irish found opportunity , without opposition , to banish the english law and gouernment , out of all the prouinces , and to confine it onely to the english pale : howbeit , in the mean time , between the gouernment of the duke of clarence , and the beginning of those ciuill warres of yorke and lancaster , we finde that the state of england did sundry times resolue to proceede in this worke of reformation . for first , king richard 2. sent ouer sir nicholas dagworth , to suruey the possessions of the crowne ; & to call to accompt the officers of the reuennue ; next ( to draw his english subiects to manure & defend their lands in ireland ) he made that ordinance against absentees , spoken of before . again , he shewed an excellent example of iustice , vppon sir phillip courtney , being his lieutenant of that kingdome , when he caused him to bee arrested by special commissioners , vpon complaint made of sundry greeuous oppressions and wrongs , which during his gouernment , he had done vnto that people . after this , the parliament of england did resolue , that thomas duke of glocester the kings vnkle , should bee employed in the reformation and reducing of that kingdome : the fame wherof , was no sooner bruted in ireland , but all the irishry were readie to submit them-selues before his comming : so much the very name of a great personage , specially of a prince of the blood , did euer preuayle with this people . but the king and his minions , who were euer iealous of this duke of glocester , wold not suffer him to haue the honor of that seruice . but the king himselfe thought it a worke worthy of his own presence & pains : and thereuppon , himselfe in person , made those two royall iournies mentioned before : at what time , he receiued the submissions of all the irish lordes and captaines , who bounde themselues both by indenture & oath to become and continue his loyall subiects . and withall , laid a perticular proiect , for a ciuill plantation of the mountains and maritime counties , betweene dublin and wexford ; by remoouing all the irish septes from thence , as apeareth by the couenants betweene the earle marshall of england , and those irish septs : which are before remembred , and are yet preserued , and remaine of record in the kings remembrancers office at westminster . lastly , this king being present in ireland , tooke speciall care to supply and furnish the courtes of iustice with able and sufficient iudges ; and to that end , hee made that graue and learned iudge , sir william hankeford , chiefe iustice of the kings bench heere ( who afterwards for his seruice in this realme , was made chiefe iustice of the kings bench in england , by k. henry 4. ) and did withall , associate vnto him , william sturmy , a well learned man in the law ; who likewise came out of england with the k. that the legal proceedings ( which wer out of order too , as all other things in that realme were ) might be amended , and made formall , according to the course and presidents of england . but all the good purposes & proiects of this king , were interrupted and vtterly defeated , by his sodaine departure out of ireland , and vnhappy deposition from the crowne of england . howbeit , king henrie the fourth , intending likewise to prosecute this noble worke in the third yeare of his raigne , made the lord thomas of lancaster , his second sonne , lieutenant of ireland : who came ouer in person , and accepted againe the submissions of diuers irish lords & captaines , as is before remembred ; and held also a parliament , wherein hee gaue newe life to the statutes of kilkenny , and made other good lawes tending to the reformation of the kingdome . but the troubles raysed against the king his father in england , drew him home again so soon , as that seed of reformation , tooke no roote at all ; neither had his seruice in that kinde , any good effect or successe . after this , the state of england had no leisure to thinke of a generall reformation in this realme , till the ciuill dissentions of england were apeased , and the peace of that kingdom setled , by k. henry 7. for , albeit in the time of king henry 6. richard duke of york , a prince of the blood ; of great wisedome and valour , and heir to a third part of the kingdome at least , being earle of vlster , and lord of conaght and meth , was sent the kinges lieutenant into ireland , to recouer and reforme that realme where he was resident in person for the greatest part of 10. yeares , yet the troth is , he aymed at another marke , which was the crown of england . and therefore , he thought it no pollicy to distast either the english or irish , by a course of reformation , but sought by all meanes to please them , and by popular courses to steale away their hearts , to the end , hee might strengthen his party , when he should set on foot his title ( as is before declared . ) which policy of his tooke such effect , as that he drew ouer with him into england , the flower of all the english colonies , specially of vlster and meth , whereof many noblemen and gentlemen were slain with him at wakefield ( as is likewise before remembred . ) and after his death , when the warres between the houses were in their heat , almost al the good english bloud which was left in ireland , was spent in those ciuill dissentions : so as the irish became victorious ouer all , without bloud , or sweat. only , that little canton of lande , called the english pale , containing 4. small shires , did maintain a bordering war with the irish , and retaine the forme of english gouernment . but out of that little precinct , there were no lordes , knights , or burgesses , summoned to the parliament ; neither did the kings writt run in anie other part of the kingdome : and yet vpon the marches & borders , which at that time were growne so large , as they tooke vp halfe dublin , half meth , and a third part of kildare and lowth ; there was no law in vse , but the marchlawe , which in the statutes of kilkenny , is said to be no law , but a leud custome . so , as vpon the end of these ciuill warres in england , the english law & gouernment was well banisht out of ireland , so as no foot-steppe or print was left , of any former reformation . then did king henry 7. send ouer sir edward poynings to be his depuputy , a right worthy seruitor both in war and peace . the principall end of his employment , was to expel perkin warbecke out of this kingdome ; but that seruice beeing perfourmed , that worthy deputy finding nothing but a common misery , tooke the best course he possibly could , to establish a common-wealth in ireland : and to that end , he held a parliament no lesse famous , then that of kilkenny ; and more auaileable for the reformation of the whole kingdome . for whereas all wise men did euer concur in opinion , that the readiest way to reform ireland , is to settle a forme of ciuill gouernment there , conformable to that of england : to bring this to passe , sir edward poynings did passe an acte , whereby all the statutes made in england before that time , were enacted , established , and made of force in ireland . neither did he only respect the time past , but prouided also for the time to come . for , he caused another law to be made , that no act should be propounded in any parliament of ireland , but such as should bee first transmitted into england , and approued by the king and counsell there , as good and expedient for that land , and so returned backe againe , vnder the great seale of england . this act , though it seeme prima facie to restrain the liberty of the subiects of ireland ; yet was it made at the prayer of the commons , vpon iust and important cause . for the gouernors of that realm , specially such as were of that contry birth , had layd many oppressions vpon the commons : and amongst the rest , they had imposed lawes vppon them , not tending to the generall good , but to serue priuate turnes , and to strengthen their particular factions . this moued them to referre all lawes , that were to be passed in ireland , to be considered , corrected , and allowed , first by the state of england , which had alwaies bin tender & carefull of the good of this people , and had long since made them a ciuill , rich , and happy nation , if their own lords and gouernors there , had not sent bad intelligence into england . besides this , he took special order , that the summons of parliament should go into all the shires of ireland , and not to the foure shires only ; and for that cause specially , hee caused all the acts of a parliament , lately before holden by the viscount of gormanston to be repealed and made voide . moreouer , that the parliamentes of ireland , might want no desent or honorable forme that was vsed in england , he caused a particular act to passe , that the lords of ireland should appeare in the like parliament robes , as the english lords are wont to weare in the parliaments of england . hauing thus established all the statutes of england in ireland , and set in order the great counsell of that realme , he did not omit to passe other lawes , aswell for the encrease of the kings reuennue , as the preseruation of the publick peace . to aduaunce the profites of the crown ; first he obtained a subsidy of 26. s. 8. d. out of euery sixe score acres manured , payable yearely for 5. years . next , he resumed al the crown land , which had been aliened ( for the most part ) by richard duke of yorke : & lastly , he procured a subsidy of pondage , out of all merchandizes imported & exported , to be granted to the crown in perpetuity . to preserue the publicke peace , he reuiued the statutes of kilkenny . he made wilfull murther high-treason ; he caused the marchers to book their men for whom they should answere ; and restrained the making warre or peace , without speciall commission from the state. these lawes , and others as important as these , for the making of a commonwealth in ireland , wer made in the gouernment of sir edward poynings . but these lawes did not spread their vertue beyonde the english pale , though they were made generally for the whole kingdome . for the prouinces without the pale , which during the warre of yorke and lancaster , had wholly cast off the english gouernement , were not apt to receyue this seed of reformation , because they were not first broken and maistered againe with the sword . besides , the irish countreyes , which contained two third parts of the kingdome , were not reduced to shire-ground , so as in thē the lawes of england could not possibly be put in execution . therefore , these good laws & prouisions made by sir edward poynings , were like good lessons set for a lute , that is broken and out of tune ; of which lessons , little vse can be made , till the lute bee made fit to be plaid vpon . and that the execution of al these lawes , had no greater latitude then the pale , is manifest by the statute of 13. of henry 8. c. 3. which reciteth , that at that time , the kings lawes were obeyed and executed in the four shires onely ; and yet then was the earle of surrey lieutenant of ireland , a gouernor much feared of the kings enemies , and exceedingly honored and beloued of the kings subiects . and the instructions giuen by the state of ireland , to iohn allen , maister of the rols , employed into england , neere about the same time , doe declare as much ; wherein among other things , hee is required to aduertise the king , that his land of ireland was so much decayed , as that the kings lawes were not obeyed twenty miles in compas . whereupon , grew that by-word vsed by the irish , ( viz : ) that they dwelt by-west the law , which dwelt beyond the riuer of the barrow , which is within 30. miles of dublin . the same is testified by baron finglas , in his discourse of the decay of ireland , which hee wrote about the 20. yeare of king henry 8. and thus we see the effect of the reformation which was intended by sir edward poynings . the next attempt of reformation , was made in the 28. yeare of king henry 8. by the lorde leonard gray , who was created viscount of garny in this kingdome , and helde a parliament , wherein many excellent lawes were made . but to prepare the mindes of the people to obey these lawes , he began first with a martiall course : for being sent ouer to suppresse the rebellion of the giraldines , ( which he performed in few months ) he afterwards made a victorious circuit round about the kingdome ; beginning in offaly , against o connor , who had ayded the giralàines in their rebellion ; and from thence passing along through all the irish countries in leinster , and so into mounster , wher hee tooke pledges of the degenerate earle of desmond , and thence into conaght , and thence into vlster ; & then concluded this warlicke progresse with the battell of belahoo , in the borders of meth , as is before remembred . the principall septs of the irishry beeing all terrified , and most of them broken in this iourney , manie of their chiefe lords vppon this deputies returne came to dublin , and made their submissions to the crown of england ; namely , the o neales , & o relies of vlster , mac murrogh , o birne , and o carrol of leinster , and the bourks of conaght . this preparation being made , he first propounded and passed in parlament these lawes , which made the great alteration in the state ecclesiastical ; namely , the act which declared king henry the eight to bee supreame head of the church of ireland . the act probibiting apeales to the church of rome : the act for first fruites , and twentith part to be paid to the king : the act for faculties and dispensations : and lastly , the act that did vtterly abolish the vsurped authoritie of the pope . next , for the encrease of the kings reuennew : by one act , he suppressed sundry abbeyes and religious houses ; and by another acte , resumed the lands of the absentees , ( as is before remembred . ) and for the ciuill gouernment , a speciall statute was made , to abolish the black-rents and tributes , exacted by the irish , vpon the english colonies ; and another law enacted , that the english apparrell , language , & manner of liuing , should bee vsed by all such , as would acknoledge themselues the kings subiects . this parliament being ended , the lord leonard gray , was suddenly reuokt , and put to death in england , so as hee liued not to finish the woorke of reformation which he had begun : which notwithstanding , was well pursued by his successors , sir anthony saint-leger ; vnto whom , all the lords and chiefetanes of the irishry , and of the degenerate english throughout the kingdome , made their seueral submissions by indenture ( which was the fourth general submission of the irish , made since the first attempt of the conquest of ireland ) whereof the first was made to king henry 2. the second to k. iohn , the third to k. richard 2. and his last to sir anthony saint-leger , in 33. of hen. 8. in these indentures of submission , all the irish lords do acknowledge k. henry the eight to be their soueraign lord and king , and desire to bee accepted of him as subiects . they confesse the kings supremacy in all causes , & do vtterly renounce the popes jurisdiction , which i conceiue to bee worth the noting , because , when the irish had once resolued to obey the king , they made no scruple to renounce the pope . and this was not only done by the meere irish , but the chiefe of the degenerate english families did perfourme the same : as desmond , barry , and roche , in mounster ; and the bourkes , which bore the title of mac william , in conaght . these submissions being thus taken , the lorde deputy and counsell for the present gouernment of those irish countries , made certaine ordinances of state , not agreeable altogither with the rules of the law of england ; the reason whereof , is exprest in the preamble of those ordinances ; quia nondum sic sapiunt leges & iura , vt secundū ea iam immediatè viuere & regipossint . the chiefe points or articles of which orders registred in the counsel booke are these : that king henrie the eight , shold be accepted , reputed , and named king of ireland , by all the inhabitants of the kingdome ; that al archbishops and bishops should bee permitted to exercise their iurisdiction in euery diocesse throughout the land : that tithes should be duely set out , and paide : that children should not be admitted to benefices : that for euery manslaughter , and theft aboue 14 d : committed in the irish contries , the offender shold pay a fine of 40. li. twenty pound to the king , and 20. li. to the captaine of the country ; and for euery thefte vnder 14. d. a fine of fiue markes should be paid , 46. s. viij . d to the captaine , and 20. s. to the tanister : that horsemen and kearn shold not be imposed vppon the common people , to beefed and maintained by them : that the maister shold answer for his seruants , and the father for his children . that cuttinges should not be made by the lorde vppon his tenants , to maintaine war with his neighbors , but only to beare his necessary expences , &c. these ordinances of state being made and published , there were nominated and appointed in euery prouince , certaine orderers or arbitraters , who instead of these irish erehons , should heare and determine all their controuersies . in conaght , the arch-bishop of tuam , the bishop of clonfert , captaine wakeley , and captaine ouington . in munster , the bishop of vvaterford , the bishop of corke and rosse , the maior of corke , and maior of yough-hall . in vlster , the archbishop of ardmagh , & the lord of lowth . and if any difference did arise , which they could not end , either for the difficultie of the cause , or for the obstinacy of the parties , they were to certifie the lord deputy and counsell , who would decide the matter by their authority . heereuppon , the irish captaines of lesser territories , which had euer bin oppressed by the greater & mightier ; some , with risings out ; others , with bonaght , and others , with cuttings , and spendings at pleasure , did appeale for iustice to the lorde deputy ; who vpon hearing their complaints , did alwayes order , that they should all imediatly depend vpon the king ; and that the weaker should haue no dependancy vpon the stronger . lastly , he preuailed so much with the greatest of them ; namely , o neale , o brien , and mac william , as that they willingly did passe into england and presented themselus to the king , who thereuppon was pleased to aduance them to the degree and honor of earles , & to grant vnto them their seuerall contries , by letters patents . besides , that they might learne obedience and ciuility of maners , by often repairing vnto the state , the k. vpon the motion of the same deputy , gaue each of them a house and lands neere dublin , for the entertainement of their seuerall traines . this course , did this gouernour take to reforme the irishry ; but withall , he did not omit to aduance both the honor and profit of the king. for in the parliament which he helde the 33. of henry 8. hee caused an acte to passe , which gaue vnto k. henry 8. his heyres and successors , the name , stile , and title of king of ireland ; whereas before that time , the kings of england were stiled but lords of ireland : albeit indeed , they were absolute monarks thereof , and had in right all royall & imperial iurisdiction & power there , as they had in the realm of england . and yet because in the vulgar conceit the name of king , is higher then the name of lorde . assuredly , the assuming of this title , hath not a litle raysed the soueraignty of the k. of england in the minds of this people . lastly , this deputy brought a great augmentation to the kings reuenue , by dissoluing of all the monasteries and religious houses in ireland , which was done in the same parliament : & afterward , by procuring min and cauendish , two skilfull auditours , to bee sent ouer out of england . who tooke an exact suruey of all the possessions of the crowne , and brought manie things into charge , which had beene concealed and substracted for manie years before . and thus far did sir anthony saint-leger proceed , in the course of reformation ; which though it wer a good beginning , yet was it far from reducing ireland to the perfect obedience of the crown of england . for all this while , the prouinces of conaght and vlster , and a good parte of leinster , were not reduced to shire-ground . and though mounster were anciently diuided into counties , the people were so degenerate , as no iustice of assise , durst execute his commission amongst them . none of the irish lords or tenants were setled in their possessions , by any graunt or confirmation from the crowne , except the three great earles before named ; who notwithstanding , did gouern their tenants and followers , by the irish or brehon law ; so as no treason , murther , rape , or theft , committed in those countries , was inquired of , or punisht by the law of england ; and consequently , no escheat , forfeiture , or fine ; no reuenue ( certain or casuall ) did acrew to the crowne out of those prouinces . the next worthy gouernor that endeuoured to aduaunce this reformation , was thomas earle of sussex ; who hauing throughly broken and subdued the two most rebellious and powerful irish septs in leinster ; namely , the moores & o connors , possessing the territories of leix & offaly , did by act of parliament , 3. & 4. phil. & mariae , reduce those countries into two seuerall counties ; naming the one , the kinges ; and the other , the queenes county ; which were the first two counties that had beene made in this kingdome , since the twelfth yeare of king iohn ; at what time the territories thē possessed by the english colonies , were reduced into 12. shires , as is before expressed . this noble earle , hauing thus extended the iurisdiction of the english lawe into two counties more , was not satisfied with that addition , but took a resolution to diuide all the rest of the irish countries vnreduced , into seuerall shires ; and to that end , he caused an act to passe in the same parliament , authorising the lord chancellour , from time to time , to award commissions to such persons , as the lord deputy should nominate and appoint , to viewe , and perambulate those irish territories ; and thereupon , to diuide and limit the same into such and so many seuerall counties as they should thinke meete ; which beeing certified to the lord deputy , and approued by him , should bee returned and enrolled in the chancery , and from thenceforth be of like force and effect , as if it were doone by act of parliament . thus did the earle of sussex lay open a passage for the ciuill gouernment into the vnreformed partes of this kingdome , but himselfe proceeded no further then is before declared . howbeit afterwardes , during the raigne of queen elizabeth , sir henry sidney , ( who hath left behinde him many monuments of a good gouernour in this land ) did not onely pursue that course which the earle of sussex began , in reducing the irish countries into shires , and placing therein sheriffes , and other ministers of the law ; ( for first hee made the annaly a territory in leynster , possessed by the sept of offerralles , one entire shire by it selfe , and called it the county of longford ; and after that he diuided the whole prouince of conaght into sixe counties more ; namely , clare ( which containeth all thomond ) gallaway , sligo , mayo , roscomon , and leytrim : ) but he also had caused diuers good lawes to be made , & performed sundry other seruices , tending greatly to the reformation of this kingdome . for first , to diminish the greatnesse of the irish lordes , and to take from them the dependancy of the common people , in the parliament which he held 11. eliz. hee did abolish their pretended and vsurped captain-ships , and all exactions , and extortions incident thereunto . next , to settle their seigniories & possessions in a course of inheritance , according to the course of the common law , he caused an act to passe , whereby the lord deputy was authorised to accept their surrenders , and to re-grant estates vnto them , to hold of the crown by english tenures and seruices . againe , because the inferior sort were loose and poore , and not amesnable to the law ; hee prouided by another act , that fiue of the best & eldest persons of euery sept , should bring in all the idle persons of their sur-name , to be iustified by the law. moreouer , to giue a ciuill education to the youth of this land in the time to come , prouision was made by another law , that there should bee one free-schoole , at least , erected in euery diocesse of the kingdom . and lastly , to invre and acquaint the people of mounster and conaght , with the english gouernment againe ( which had not been in vse among them , for the space of 200. yeares before : ) hee instituted two presidency courtes in those two prouinces , placing sir edward fitton in conaght , and sir iohn perrot in mounster . to augment the kings reuennew in the same parliament , vppon the attainder of shane o neale , hee resumed & vested in the crowne , more then halfe the prouince of vlster : he raised the customes vpon the principall cōmodities of the kingdome : he reformed the abuses of the exchequer , by many good orders and instructions sent out of england ; and lastly , he established the composition of the pale , in liewe of purueyance and sesse of souldiers . these were good proceedinges in the worke of reformation , but there were many defects & omissions withall ; for though he reduced all conaght into counties , he neuer sent any justices of assize to visite that prouince , but placed cōmissioners there , who gouerned it onely in a course of discretion ; part martiall , and part ciuill . againe , in the law that dooth abolish the irish captain-ships , he gaue waie for the reuiuing thereof againe , by excepting such , as should be granted by letters patentes from the crowne ; which exception did indeede take away the force of that law. for no gouernour during queene elizabeths raign , did refuse to grant any of those captain-ships , to any pretended irish lord , who would desire , and with his thankefulnesse deserue the same . and againe , though the greatest part of vlster were vested by act of parliament , in the actuall and reall possession of the crowne ; yet was there neuer any seisure made thereof , nor any part thereof brought into charge , but the irish were permitted to take all the profits , without rendering any dutie or acknowledgement for the same ; and though the name of o neale were damned by that act , and the assuming thereof made high-treason ; yet after that , was tirlagh leynnagh suffered to beare that title , and to intrude vpon the possessions of the crown , and yet was often entertained by the state with fauour . neither were these lands resumed , by the act of 11. of elizabeth neglected onely ( for the abbaies and religious houses in tirone , tirconnell , and fermannagh , though they were dissolued in the 33. of henry 8. were neuer surueied nor reduced into charge , but were continually possest by the religious persons ) vntill his maiestie that now is came to the crowne : and that which is more strāge , the donations of byshopprickes , being a flower of the crowne ( which the kings of england did euer retaine in all their dominions , when the popes vsurped authority was at the highest . ) there were three bishopprickes in vlster ; namely , derry , rapho , and clogher , which neither queene elizabeth , nor any of her progenitors did euer bestow , though they were the vndoubted patrons thereof . so as king iames was the first king of england that did euer supply those sees with byshops , which is an argument eyther of great negligence , or of great weaknesse in the state and gouernours of those times . and thus farre proceeded sir henry sidney . after him , sir iohn perrot , who held the last parliament in this kingdome , did aduance the reformation in three principall points . first , in establishing the great composition of conaght ; in which seruice the wisedome and industry of sir richard bingham did concurre with him : next , in reducing the vnreformed partes of vlster into seauen shires ; namely , ardmagh , monahan , tirone , coleraine , deuegall , fermannagh , & cauan ; though in his time the law was neuer executed in these new counties by any sheriffes or iustices of assize , but the people left to be ruled still by their own barbarous lords and lawes : and lastly , by vesting in the crowne , the lands of desmond and his adherents in mounster , and planting the same with english , though that plantation were imperfect in many points . after sir iohn perrot , sir william fitzwilliams did good seruice in two other points . first , in raising a composition in mounster ; and then , in setling the possessions both of the lords and tenantes in monahan , which was one of the last acts of state , tending to the reformation of the ciuill gouernment that was performed in the raigne of queene elizabeth . thus we see , by what degrees , & what pollicy and successe the gouernors of this land from time to time , since the beginning of the raigne of king edward 3. haue endeuored to reforme and reduce this people to the perfect obedience of the crowne of england : and we find , that before the ciuill warres of yorke and lancaster , they did chiefely endeuour to bring backe the degenerate english colonies , to their duty and allegeaunce , not respecting the meer irish , whom they reputed as aliens or enemies of the crowne . but after king henry 7. had vnited the roses , they labored to reduce both english and irish together : which worke , to what passe and perfection it was brought in the latter end of queen elizabeths raign , hath bin before declared . whereof sometimes when i doe consider , i do in mine owne conceit compare these later gouernors , who went about to reforme the ciuill affairs in ireland , vnto some of the kings of israel , of whom it is saide ; that they were good kings , but they did not cut downe the groues and high places , but suffered the people still to burne incense , & commit idolatry in them : so sir anthony saint-leger , the earle of sussex , sir henry sidney , & sir iohn perrot , were good gouernours , but they did not abolish the irish customes , nor execute the lawe in the irish countries , but suffered the people to worship their barbarous lordes , and to remaine vtterly ignorant of their duties to god and the king. and now am i come to the happy raigne of my most gracious lord & maister k. iames ; in whose time , as there hath been a concurrence of many great felicities : so this among others may be numbred in the first ranke ; that all the defects in the gouernment of ireland spoken of before , haue beene fully supplied in the first nine yeares of his raigne . in which time , there hath bin more done in the worke & reformation of this kingdome ; then , in the 440. yeares which are past since the conquest was first attempted . howbeit , i haue no purpose in this discourse , to set forth at large all the proceedings of the state heere in reforming of this kingdom , since his maiesty came to the crowne , for the parts and passages thereof are so many , as to expresse them fully , woulde require a seuerall treatise . besides , i for my part , since i haue not flattered the former times , but haue plainely laid open the negligence and errors of euery age that is past , woulde not willingly seeme to flatter the present , by amplifying the diligence and true iudgement of those seruitours , that haue laboured in this vineyard since the beginning of his maiesties happy raigne . i shall therefore summarily , without any amplication at all , shewe in what manner , and by what degrees , all the defects which i haue noted before in the gouernment of this kingdome , haue bin supplied since his maiesties happy raigne beganne ; and so conclude these obseruations concerning the state of ireland . first then , touching the martiall affayres , i shall neede to say little , in regard that the warre which finished the conquest of ireland , was ended almost in the instant when the crown descended vpon his maiesty ; and so there remained no occasion to amēd the former errors committed in the prosecution of the warre . howbeit , sithence his maiesty hath still maintained an army heere , aswell for a seminary of martiall men ; as to giue strength and countenance to the ciuil magistrate ; i may iustly obserue , that this army hath not bin fed with coigne & liuery , or sesse ( with which extortions the souldier hath bin norished in the times of former princes ) but hath bin as iustly and royally paid , as euer prince in the world did pay his men of war. besides , when there did arise an occasion of employment for this army against the rebell odoghertie ; neither did his maiesty delay the re-inforcing thereof , but instantly sent supplies out of england and scotland ; neither did the martiall men dally or prosecute the seruice faintly , but did foorthwith quench that fire , whereby themselues would haue bin the warmer the longer it had continued , aswell by the encrease of their entertainment , as by booties and spoile of the countrey . and thus much i thought fit to note , touching the amendment of the errors in the martiall affaires . secondly , for the supply of the defects in the ciuil gouernment , these courses haue beene pursued since his maiesties prosperous raigne began . first , albeit vpon the end of the war , whereby tyrones vniuersall rebellion was supprest , the minds of the people were broken and prepared to obedience of the law ; yet the state vpon good reason , did conceiue , that the publicke peace could not be setled , till the hearts of the people were also quieted , by securing them from the danger of the law , which the most part of them had incurred one way or other , in that great and general confusion . therefore , first by a generall act of state , called the act of obliuion , published by proclamation vnder the great seale ; al offences against the crown , and all perticuler trespasses between subiect and subiect , done at any time before his maiesties raigne , were ( to all such as would come in to the iustices of assise by a certaine day , and claime the benefit of this act ) pardoned , remitted , and vtterly extinguished , neuer to be reuiued or called in question . and by the same proclamation , all the irishry ( who for the most part , in former times , were left vnder the tiranny of their lords and chieftanies , and had no defence or iustice from the crowne ) were receiued into his maiesties imediate protection . this bred such comfort and security in the hearts of all men , as thereupon ensued , the calmest , and most vniuersall peace , that euer was seen in ireland . the publicke peace beeing thus established , the state proceeded next to establish the publick iustice in euery part of the realm : and to that end , sir george cary ( who was a prudent gouernor , and a iust , and made a fair entry into the right way of reforming this kingdome ) did in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne , make the first sheriffes that euer were made in tyrone and tirconnell ; and shortly after , sent sir edmund pelham chiefe baron , & my selfe thither , the first iustices of assise that euer sat in those countries : and in that circuit , wee visited all the shires of that prouince : besides which visitation , though it were some-what distastfull to the irish lords , was sweet and most welcome to the common people ; who , albeit they were rude & barbarous , yet did they quickely apprehend the difference betweene the tiranny and oppression vnder which they liued before , & the iust gouernment and protection which wee promised vnto thē for the time to come . the lawe hauing made her progresse into vlster with so good successe , sir arthur chichester ( who with singular industry , wisedome , and courage , hath now for the space of 7. years and more , prosecuted the great worke of reformation , and brought it well-neere to an absolute perfection ) did in the first year of his gouernment , establish two other newe circuits for iustices of assise ; the one in conaght , and the other in mounster . i call them new circuites , for that , although it bee manifest by manie recordes , that iustices itinerant haue in former times beene sent into all the shires of mounster , & some part of conaght ; yet certaine it is , that in 200. yeares before ( i speake much within compasse ) no such commission had bin executed in either of these 2. prouinces . but now , the whole realme being diuided into shires , and euerie bordering territory , whereof anie doubt was made in what county the same should ly , being added or reduced to a county certaine ( among the rest , the mountaines and glynnes on the south side of dublin , wer lately made a shire by it self , and called the county of wicklow ; wherby the inhabitants which were wont to be thorns in the side of the pale , are become ciuill and quiet neighbors thereof , ) the streams of the publicke iustice were deriued into euery part of the kingdome ; and the benefit and protection of the law of england communicated to all , aswell irish as english , without distinction or respect of persons ; by reason whereof , the worke of deriuing the publick iustice , grew so great , as that there was magna messis , sed operarij pauci . and therefore , the number of the iudges in euery bench was increased , which do now euery halfe yeare ( like good plannets in their seuerall spheares or circles ) carry the light and influence of iustice , round about the kingdom ; whereas the circuits in former times , went but round about the pale , like the circuit of the cinosura about the pole. quae cursu niteriore , breui conuertitur orbe . vpon these visitations of iustice , whereby the iust and honourable law of england was imparted and communicated to al the irishry , there followed these excellent good effects . first , the common people were taught by the iustices of assise , that they were free subiects to the kings of england , and not slaues & vassals to their pretended lords : that the cuttings , cosheries , sessings , and other extortions of their lords , were vnlawfull , and that they should not any more submit them-selues thereunto , since they were now vnder the protection of so iust and mighty a prince , as both wold and could protect them from all wrongs & oppressions : they gaue a willing eare vnto these lessons ; and thereupon , the greatnesse & power of those irish lords ouer the people , so dainly fell and vanished , when their oppressions and extortions were taken away which did maintain their greatnesse : insomuch , as diuers of them , who formerly made themselues owners of al ( by force ; ) were now by the law reduced to this point ; that wanting meanes to defray their ordinary charges , they resorted ordinarily to the lord deputy , and made petition , that by license and warrant of the state , they might take some aid and contribution from their people ; aswel to discharge their former debts , as for competent maintenance in time to come : but some of them being impatient of this diminution , fled out of the realme to forraign countries . whereupon , we may well obserue ; that , as extortion did banish the old english free-holder , who could not liue but vnder the law ; so the law did bannish the irish lord , who could not liue but by extortion . againe , these circuits of iustice , did ( vpon the end of the warre ) more terrifie the loose and ydle personnes , then the execution of the martial law , though it were more quicke and sodaine : and in a short time after , did so cleare the kingdome of theeues , & other capitall offenders , as i dare affirme , that for the space of fiue yeares last past , there haue not bin found so many malefactors worthy of death in al the six circuits of this realm ( which is now diuided into 32. shires at large ) as in one circuit of six shires ; namely , the westerne circuit in england . for the troth is , that in time of peace , the irish are more fearefull to offend the law , then the english , or any other nation whatsoeuer . againe , whereas the greatest aduantage that the irish had of vs in all their rebellions , was , our ignorance of their countries , their persons , and their actions : since the law and her ministers haue had a passage among them , all their places of fastnesse haue been discouered and laide open ; all their paces cleard ; & notice taken of euery person that is able to do either good or hurt . it is knowne , not only how they liue , and what they doe , but it is foreseen what they purpose or intend to do : insomuch , as tirone hath been heard to complaine , that he hadde so many eyes watching ouer him , as he coulde not drinke a full carouse of sacke , but the state was aduertised thereof , within few houres after . and therefore , those allowances which i finde in the ancient pipe-rolles , proguidagio , & spiagio , may be well spared at this day . for the vnder-sheriffes and bayliffes errant , are better guides and spies in the time of peace , then any were found in the time of war. moreouer , these ciuil assemblies at assises and sessions , haue reclaymed the irish from their wildenesse , caused them to cut off their glibs and long haire ; to conuert their mantles into cloaks ; to conform themselues to the maner of england in al their behauiour and outward formes . and because they find a great inconuenience in mouing their suites by an interpreter ; they do for the most part send their children to schools , especially to learne the english language : so as we may conceiue an hope , that the next generation , will in tongue & heart , and euery way else , becom english ; so as there will bee no difference or distinction , but the irish sea betwixt vs. and thus we see a good conuersion , & the irish game turned againe . for heeretofore , the neglect of the lawe , made the english degenerate , and become jrish ; and now , on the other side , the execution of the law , doth make the irish grow ciuil , and become english. lastly , these generall sessions now , do teach the people more obedience , and keep them more in awe then did the general hostings in former times . these progresses of the law , renew and confirme the conquest of ireland euery halfe yeare , and supply the defect of the kings absence in euery part of the realme ; in that euery iudge sitting in the seat of iustice , dooth represent the person of the king himselfe . these effectes , hath the establishment of the publicke peace and iustice produced , since his maiesties happie raigne began . howbeit , it was impossible to make a common-weale in ireland , without performing another seruice ; which was , the setling of all the estates and possessions , aswell of irish , as english , thoroughout the kingdome . for , although that in the 12. year of queen elizabeth , a special law was made , which did enable the lord deputy to take surrenders , & regrant estates vnto the irishry ( vpon signification of her maiesties pleasure in that behalfe ; ) yet were there but few of the irish lords that made offer to surrender during her raigne : & they which made surrenders of entire countries , obtained graunts of the whole againe to themselues only , & to no other , and all in demesne . in passing of which graunts , there was no care taken of the inferiour septes of people , inhabiting and possessing these countries vnder them , but they held their seuerall portions in course of tanistry and gauelkind , and yeilded the same irish duties or exactions , as they did before : so that vpon euery such surrender & grant , there was but one free-holder made in a whole country , which was the lord himselfe ; al the rest were but tenants at wil , or rather tenants in villenage , and were neither fit to be sworne in iuries , nor to performe any publicke seruice : and by reason of the vncertainety of their estates , did vtterly neglect to build , or to plant , or to improue the land. and therefore , although the lorde were become the kings tenant , his countrey was no whit reformed thereby , but remained in the former barbarisme and desolation . againe , in the same queens time , there were many irish lordes which did not surrender , yet obtained letters patents of the captaine-ships of their countries , & of all lands & duties belonging to those captainships : for the statute which doth condemn & abolish these captain-ries , vsurped by the irish , doth giue power to the lorde deputy to graunt the same by letters pattents . howbeit , these irish captaines , and likewise the english , which were made seneschalles of the irish countries , did by colour of these grants , and vnder pretence of gouernment , claime an irish seigniory , and exercise plaine tiranny ouer the common people . and this was the fruite that did arise of the letters patents , granted of the irish contries in the time of q. elizabeth , where before they did extort & oppresse the people , only by colour of a leud and barbarous custom ; they did afterwards vse the same extortions and oppressions by warrant , vnder the great seal of the realme . but now , since his maiesty came to the crown , two speciall commissions haue bin sent out of england , for the setling and quieting of all the possessions in ireland ; the one , for accepting surrenders of the irish and degenerate english , and for regranting estates vnto them , according to the course of the common law ; the other , for strengthening of defectiue titles . in the execution of which cōmissions , there hath euer bin had a speciall care , to settle and secure the vnder-tennants ; to the end , there might be a repose and establishment of euery subiects estate ; lord & tenant , free-holder and farmer , thoroughout the kingdome . vppon surrenders , this course hath bin helde from the beginning ; when an irish lord doth offer to surrender his country , his surrender is not immediatly accepted , but a commission is first awarded , to enquire of three special points . first , of the quantity and limits of the land whereof he is reputed owner . next , how much himselfe doth hold in demeasne , and how much is possest by his tennants and followers . and thirdly , what customes , duties , and seruices , he doth yearly receiue out of those lands . this inquisition being made & returned , the lands which are found to bee the lords proper possessions in demesn , are drawne into a particular ; and his irish duties ; as cosherings , sessings , rents of butter and oatmeale , and the like ; are reasonably valued and reduced into certaine summes of money , to be paide yearely in lieu thereof . this being done , the surrender is accepted ; and thereupon a grant passed , not of the whole country , as was vsed in former times , but of those lands only , which are found in the lords possession , & of those certaine summes of money , as rents issuing out of the rest . but the lands which are found to be possest by the tenants , are left vnto them , respectiuely charged with these certain rents only , in lieu of all vncertaine irish exactions . in like manner , vpon all grants , which haue past by vertue of the commission , for defectiue titles , the cōmissioners haue taken speciall caution , for preseruation of the estates of all particular tenants . and as for graunts of captaineshippes or seneschal-shippes , in the irish countries ; albeit , this deputy had as much power and authority to graunt the same , as any other gouernors had before him ; and might haue raised as much profit by bestowing the same , if he had respected his priuate , more then the publicke good ; yet hath he bin so farre from passing any such in all his time , as he hath endeuoured to resume all the graunts of that kinde , that haue bin made by his predecessors ; to the end , the inferiour subiects of the realme , should make their only and imediate dependancie vppon the crowne . and thus we see , how the greatest part of the possessions , ( aswell of the irish as of the english ) in leinster , conaght , and mounster , are setled and secured since his maiestie came to the crowne : whereby the harts of the people are also setled , not only to liue in peace , but raised & incouraged to builde , to plant , to giue better education to their children , & to improue the commodities of their landes ; whereby the yearely value thereof , is already encreased , double of that it was within these few yeares , and is like daily to rise higher , till it amount to the price of our lande in england . lastly , the possessions of the irishry in the prouince of vlster , though it were the most rude and vnreformed part of ireland , and the seat and nest of the last great rebellion , are now better disposed and established , then any the lands in the other prouinces , which haue bin past and setled vpon surrenders . for , as the occasion of the disposing of those lands , did not happen without the speciall prouidence and finger of god , which did cast out those wicked and vngratefull traitors , who were the only enemies of the reformation of ireland : so the distribution and plantation thereof , hath bin proiected & prosecuted , by the speciall direction and care of the k. himselfe ; wherein his maiesty hath corrected the errors before spoken of , committed by k. henry 2. & k. iohn , in distributing and planting the first conquered landes . for , although there were six whole shires to be disposed , his maiesty gaue not an entire country , or county , to any particular person ; much lesse did he grant lura regalia , or any extraordinary liberties . for the best british vndertaker , had but a proportion of 3000. acres for himself , with power to create a mannor , and hold a court baron : albeit , many of these vndertakers , were of as great birth & quality , as the best aduenturers in the first conquest . again , his maiesty did not vtterly exclude the natiues out of this plantatiō , with a purpose to roote them out , as the irish wer excluded out of the first english colonies ; but made a mixt plantation of brittish & irish , that they might grow vp togither in one nation : only , the irish were in some places transplanted from the woods & mountaines , into the plaines & open countries , that being remoued ( like wild fruit trees ) they might grow the milder , and beare the better & sweeter fruit . and this truly , is the maister-piece , and most excellent part of the worke of reformation , and is worthy indeed of his maiesties royall paines . for when this plantation hath taken root , and bin fixt and setled but a few yeares , with the fauour and blessing of god ( for the son of god himselfe hath said in the gospell , omnis plantatio , quam non plantauit pater meus , eradicabitur ) it will secure the peace of irelād , assure it to the crowne of england for euer ; and finally , make it a ciuill , and a rich , a mighty , and a flourishing kingdome . i omit to speake of the increase of the reuenew of the crown , both certaine and casuall , which is raised to a double proportion ( at lest ) aboue that it was , by deriuing the publick iustice into all parts of the realm ; by setling all the possessions , both of the irish & english , by re-establishing the compositions ; by restoring and resuming the customes ; by reuiuing the tenures in capite , and knights-seruice ; & reducing many other thinges into charge , which by the confusion and negligence offormer times , became concealed and subtracted from the crowne . i forbeare likewise to speak of the due and ready bringing in of the reuenue , which is broght to passe by the well-ordering of the court of exchequer , and the authority & paines of the commissioners for accompts . i might also adde heereunto , the encouragement that hath bin giuen to the maritime townes and citties , as well to increase their trade of marchandize , as to cherrish mechanicall arts and sciences ; in that all their charters haue bin renued , & their liberties more inlarged by his maiesty , then by any of his progenitors since the conquest . as likewise , the care & course that hath been taken , to make ciuil commerce and enter course betweene the subiects , newly reformed and brought vnder obedience , by granting markets and faires to bee holden in their countries , and by erecting of corporate townes among them . briefly , the clock of the ciuil gouernment , is now well set , and all the wheeles thereof doemoue in order ; the strings of this irish harpe , which the ciuill magistrate doth finger , are all in tune ( for i omit to speak of the state ecclesiasticall ) and make a good harmony in this commonweale : so as we may well conceiue a hope , that ireland ( which heertofore might properly be called the land of ire , because the irascible power was predominant there , for the space of 400. yeares together ) will from henceforth prooue a land of peace and concorde . and , though heeretofore it hath bin like the leane cow of egypt , in pharaohs dreame , deuouring the fat of england , and yet remaining as leane as it was before , it will heereafter bee as fruitfull as the land of canaan ; the description whereof , in the 8. of deutronomie , doth in euery part agree with ireland ; being , terra riuorum , aquarumque & iontium ; in cuius campis , & montibus , erumpunt fluviorum abyssi ; terra frumenti , & hordei ; terralactis , & mellis ; vbi absque vlla penuria comedes panemtuum , & rerum abundantia perfrueris . and thus i haue discouered and expressed the defects and errors , aswell in the mannaging of the martiall affaires , as of the ciuil ; which in former ages gaue impediment to the reducing of all ireland , to the obedience & subiection of the crowne of england . i haue likewise obserued , what courses haue bin taken , to reforme the defects and errors in gouernment , and to reduce the people of this land to obedience , since the beginning of the raigne of king edward 3. til the latter end of the raigne of q. elizabeth . and lastly , i haue declared & set forth , how all the said errors haue bin corrected , and the defectes supplied vnder the prosperous gouernment of his maiesty ; so as i may positiuely conclude in the same words , which i haue vsed in the title of this discourse ; that vntill the beginning of his maiesties raigne , ireland was neuer entirely subdued , and brought vnder the obedience of the crown of england . but since the crown of this kingdom , with the vndoubted right and title thereof , discended vpon his maiesty ; the whol island from sea to sea , hath bin brought into his highnes peaceable possession ; and all the inhabitants , in euery corner thereof , haue bin absolutely reduced vnder his immediate subiection . in which condition of subiects , they wil gladly continue , without defection or adhaering to any other lord or king , as long as they may be protected , and iustly gouerned , without oppression on the one side , or impunity on the other . for , there is no nation of people vnder the sunne , that doth loue equall and indifferent iustice , better then the irish ; or will rest better satisfied with the execution thereof , although it bee against themselues ; so as they may haue the protection & benefit of the law , when vppon iust cause they do desire it . finis . errata . fol. 16. linea . 6. dele &c. fol. 18. for regnem , read regnum . fol. 54. for offerals ; o farals . for haulon , hanlon , fol. 62. for gormauston , gormanston . fol. 86. for gliun , clinn . fol. 95. for improued , proued . fol. 102. for illuc , illie . fol. 103. for clandalkin , clan-dalkan . fol. 109. for cautetan ; canteton . fol. 120. for mediate , immediate . fol. 134. for donation and ; donation of . fol. 166. for fermaunagh ; fermannagh . fol. 183. for mangle ; nangle . for the archdeacon ; arohdeacon . fol. 191. for mightely ; nightly . fol 231. for well banisht ; welny banisht . fol. 238. for garny ; grany . fol. 256. for deuegal ; dongall . fol. 265. read prouinces besides . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a67920-e140 two maine impediments of the conquest . the faint prosecution of the warre . what is a perfect conquest . how the war hath bin prosecuted since the 17. yeare of henry the second . in the time of henry the second . giraldus cambrenfis . the first attempt but an aduenture of priuate gentlemen . with what forces the k. himselfe came ouer . archiu . remem . regis apud westm. what maner of conquest king henrie the second made of ireland . bodin de repub . the true markes of soueraignty . houeden in henrico secundo . sol . 312. 6. iohannis claus. membrana . 18. 17. 〈◊〉 chart. m. 3. 6. hen. 3. chart . m. 2. archiu . in 〈◊〉 dublin . 42. hen. 3. compotus , will. de la zouch . 36. hen. 3. compotus huberti de rouly . how the war was prosecuted in the time of king iohn . giraldus cambrensis . giraldus cambrensis . giraldus cambrensis . matth. paris in richardo primo so . 1519. matth , paris . this charter yet remaineth perfect , with an entire scale in the treasury at westminster . archiu . in castro dublin . & archiu . turr. 52 hen. 3. patent . m. 9. how the martiall affayres were carried from the 12. yeare of king iohn , to the 36 yeare of king edward the 3. archiu . in castro dublin . statut. 10 h. 7. cap. 4. rot. parliam . in castro dublin . annales hibernie in camden . baron finglas . manus . stat. 10. h. 7. cap. 4. rot. parliam in castro dublin . statut. 11. h. 4. cap. 6. baron finglas . m. s. the armie transmitted with lionell duke of clarence , the 36. of edw. the 3. archiu . remcm regis apud . westm . the manner of leuying souldiers in former ages . what seruice lionel duke of clarence performed . archiu . turr. 36. edw. 3. claus. m. 21 in dorso . & m. 30. sir william winsor lieutenant , 47. ed. 3. his forces and seruice . 47. edw. 3. claus. m. 1. stow in rich. 2. the state of the reuennue of ireland , in the time of edward the 3. walsingham in richard the 2. archiu . turr. 11. h. 3. patent m. 3. 21. ed. 3. m. 41 47. ed. 3. claus . pers . 2. m. 24. & 26. archiu . in castro dublin . hollingshead in r. 2. archiu . in castro dublin . 5. edw. 3. how the war proceeded in the time of k. richard the 2 3. rich. 2. archite . t●… rot. parliam . 42. pat. 2. pars . 9. rich. 2. m. 24. walsingham in richard the 2. annales . tho. otterbourne manuscript . stow in rich. 2. archiu . in officio remcmorat . regis apud westmon . hollingshead in richard the 2. henry 4. the lord thomas of lancaster his seruice . 〈◊〉 rememorat . regis apud westm . henry 5. the lorde furniuall his seruice . alb. libr. scacc. dublin . henry 6. richard duke of yorke his seruice . archiu . in castro dublin . hollingshead in henry the sixt . rot. parliam . in castro dublin archiu tur. 17 hen. 6. claus. m. 20. manuscript of baron finglas . hollingshead in hen. 6. edward 4 how the war was maintained in the time of king edward the 4 holling shead in edward the 4 booke of howth . manus . the fraternity of saint george in ireland . 14. of edw. 4. rot parliam . dublin . henrie 7. how the war was prosecuted in the time of king henry the 7. archiv . rimem . regis apud . westm. the booke of howth . manus . hollingshcad in henry the 7. sir edward poynings seruice . rot. parliam . in castro dublin the booke of howth . the battell of knoctow . henrie 8. how the war was carried , during the raigne of k. henrie the 8. the earle of surries seruice . the lord leonard grayes seruice . the sight at bealahoo . booke of howth . manus . sir anthonie stliger . sir edward bellingham , in the time of k. edw. the 6. archiu . remem . regis apud westm . tho : earle of sussex , in the time of qu. mary . queen elizabeth . how the war was prosecuted in the time of qu. elizabeth . shane o neales rebellion . archiu . remem . regis apud westm. desrnonds rebellion . tyrones rebellion . foure maine defects in the prosecution of the warre . why none of the kinges of england , before queene elizabeth , did finish the conquest of ireland . giraldus cambrensis . how the seuerall kings of england were diuerted from the conquest of ireland . king henrie 2. the booke of howth . manus . richard 1 k. iohn . henrie 3 edward 1 archiv . in castro dublin . annales hiberbinae in camdē . edward 2 annales hiber●… camder . archiu . in castro dublin . manuscript of frier cliun . rubr. libr. scac. dublin . edward 3 annales hibern●e in camden . richard 2 henrie 4. henrie 5. annales hiberniae in camden . henrie 6. hollingshead in hen. 6. manuscript of baron finglas . edward 4 richard 3 henrie 7. henrie 8 k. edward 6. and qu. marie . quee elizabeth . 2. the defects in the ciuill poilicy & gouernment . 1. the lawes of england were not giuē to the meere irish. matth. paris histor. maior . fol. 121. matth. paris histor maior . 220. b. 11. hen. 3. pat . m. 3. 30. h. 3. pat . m. 20. the meere irish not admittedto haue the benefit of the lawes of england . the meere irish reputed aliens . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . that the meer irish were reputed enimies to the crowne . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in caflro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu . in castro dublin . stat. de kilkenny c. 2. & 3. 10. hen 6. c. 1. 28. h. 8. c. 13. the irish did desire io bee admitted to the benefit & protection of the english lawes , but could not obtaine it . 2. ed. 3. claus . 17 the counsell booke of ireland . 34. hen. 8 what mischief did grow by not communicating the english lawes to the irish. what good would haue ensued , if the meere irish had bin gouerned by the english lawes . three generall submissions of the irish. the english lawes were executed only in the english colonies . archiu . in castro dublin . statut. de kilkenny . c. 4. the romains did communicate their lawes to the nations , which they conquered . tacitus in vita agricolae . william the conquerour gouerned both the normans and the english vnder one law. causden in northfolke . king edw. i. did communicate the english lawes to the welshmen . giraldus cambrensis . lib. 2. de hiberniâ expugnata . 2. the landes conquered from the irish were not well distributed . the proportions of land graunted to the first aduenturers , wer too large g iraldus cambrensis . lib. 2. de hiberniâ expugnata in archiu . tur. 5. edw. 3. escheat nume ro 104. 2. iohannis chart. m. 15. & m. 38. 6. iohan. chart. m. 1. 7. iohan. chart. m. 12. & n. 109 6. ed. 1. chart. m. 19. 18. ed. 1. m. 29 girald . cambr. lib. 2. de hibernia expug . all ireland distributed to ten persons of the english nation . 6. h. 3. chart. m. 2. houeden in h. 2. fol. 302. archiu . turr . 17 iohannis chart. m. 31. 6. iohannis claus. m. 18. matth. paris in hemy the third . 3. henrie 3. the liberties granted to the first aduenturers were too great . 8. counties palatines in ireland at one time . anna'es hiberniae in camden . in archiu . tur. 11. edw. 3. escheat n. 28. 5 coun● palatines in leinster . archiu . in castro dublin . archiu , turr. pat . 3. e. 3. m. 28 archiu . in castro dublin . the inconueniences which grew by the large graunts of lands and liberties . the english lords in ireland , made war and peace at their pleasure . the war and dissention of the english lordes one with another . annales hiber●… in camden . annales hiberniae in camden . annales iohannis clynne . manuscript . baron finglas , manuscript . sta. 10. h. 7. c. 4 rot. parliam . in castro dublin baron finglas , manuscript . archiu . turr. 5. ed. 3. claus . m. 4 archiu . tur. 15 ed. 3. claus . m. 4 annales hiberniae in camden . the first aduenturers obtained these liberal grants , because the kings of england did not prosecute the warre at their owne charge . how the state of rome rewarded their men of warre . william the conqueror . camden in chester . wales distributed to the l. marchers . the english lords did not reduce the woodes and wasts in forrests & parks . chart. de forest. c. 2 & 3. the english colonies reiected the english lawes and customes , and embraced the irish. the nature of the irish customes . the irish laws and customs , differing from the lawes & customs of al ciuill nations the irish law in criminall causes . the irish custome of tanistry . the irish custome of gauelkinde . the mischiefs that arise by these two customes . the wicked customes of coigne and liuery . the mischiefs that did arise by coigne & liuery . the cause of idlenesse in the irish. why the irish are beggers in forraigne . countreyes . why the irish are reputed a crafty people . why the irish are inquisitiue after newes . cosherings . sessings . cuttings . gossipred . how the english colonies became degenerate . alb. libr. scacc. dublin . 5. ed. 3. m. 25. when & how the english colonies became degenerate . the scots ouerrun iceland annales hibernie in camden . desmond cheefe commander in the warre against the scots . when & how the extortion of coign and liuery-began among the english. the rising of mac murrogh , and o moore in leinster . annales hiberniae in camden . annales iohan. clynne . manus . the defect and losse of a great part of leinster . the earle of vlster murdered . annales iohan. clynne . manus . the earldom of vlster recouered by the irish. abridgement of salus populi . manuscript . baron finglas , manuscript . annales hibermae in camden . the defectiō of conaght . baron finglas , manuscript . annales hiberniae in camden . what courses haue bin takē to reforme this kingdom , since the english colonies became degenerate . edward 2 k. edward the third , did first endeuor a reformation . archiu . turr. 2. e. 3. claus . pers . 1. m. 16. sir anthony lucie . annales hiberniae in camden . resumption of liberties . annales hiberniae in camden . sir raph vfford . annales iohan. clynne . manus . annales hiberniae in camden . maurice fitz-thomas the first earle of desmond , the author of the great oppressions and dissentions which distroyed the english colonies . the fortune of the house of desmond . the counsel-booke of ireland . 32. h. 8. the course of reformation pursued by lionel duke of clarence . archiu . in castro dublin . statutes of kilkenny . c. 2. c. 3. c. 4. c. 10. c. 12. c. 13. c. 15. c. 17. c. 22. c. 24. the statutes of kilkenny , did much reforme the degenerat english . sta. 10. h. 7. c. 8 the presence of the kinges son , did much aduance the reformation . absence of our kings and great english lords , a chief cause why the kingdom was not reduced . absence of our kings . the absence of the great english lords . baron finglas , manuscript . baron finglas , manuscript . archiu . turr. rot. parliā . n. 42 archiu . in offic . remem . dublin act of absentees , 28. h. 8. the reformation intended by k. richard 2 archiu . turr. 3 rich. 2. cl . m 3. 3. rich. 12. rot. parliam . 11. 42 9. rich. 2. claus . m. 1. walsingham in rich. 2. 349. a. plac. coram rege in hibernia . hillar . 18 ric. 2 the reformation intended by hen. 4. the course of reformation held by sir edward poynings , in the time of k. h. 7. poynings act the counsell booke of ireland . 16. h. 8. the reformation intended by the l. leonard gray , 28. hen. 8. annales hiber●… manus . the counsell booke of ireland . 28. h. 8. the course of reformation pursued by sir anthony saint-leger . foure generall submissions of the irish. the counsell booke of ireland . 32. 33. and 34. of h. 8 the irish and degenerate english , renounce the pope . the counsell booke of ireland . 33. h. 8. the course of reformation prosecuted by thomas earl of sussex , in the time of q. mary . leix & offaly made two counties , 3. & 4. phil. & mariae . the course of reformation followed by sir henry sidney , in the time of qu. elizabeth . the reformation aduanced by sir iohn perrot . the seruice of william fitz williams , tending to reformation . how the defects & errors in the gouern ment of ireland , haue bin supplied and amended since the beginning of his maiesties raigne . errors in the carriage of the martiall affaires amended . how the defects in the ciuill gouernment , haue bin supplied . 1. by establishing the publicke peace . 2. by establishing the publique iustice in euery part of the kingdome . the good effects which followed the execution of the law thoroughout the kingdome . 3. the setling of the states and possessions of the irishry , aswelas of the english how the cōmissions for surrenders , and defectiue titles , haue bin put in execution . no grant of irish captain ships , or seneschalships , since his maiesties raigne . the plantation of vlster . a thankfull remembrance of gods mercy in an historicall collection of the great and mercifull deliverances of the church and state of england, since the gospell began here to flourish, from the beginning of queene elizabeth. collected by geo: carleton, doctor of divinitie, and bishop of chichester. carleton, george, 1559-1628. 1624 approx. 389 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 123 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-05 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a17981 stc 4640 estc s107513 99843212 99843212 7927 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a17981) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7927) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1061:01) a thankfull remembrance of gods mercy in an historicall collection of the great and mercifull deliverances of the church and state of england, since the gospell began here to flourish, from the beginning of queene elizabeth. collected by geo: carleton, doctor of divinitie, and bishop of chichester. carleton, george, 1559-1628. passe, willem van de, 1598-ca. 1637, engraver. [14], 227, [1] p. printed by i[ohn] d[awson] for robert mylbourne, and humphrey robinson, and are to be sold at the great south doore of pauls, london : 1624. printer's name from stc. the letterpress title page is a cancel. with an additional title page, engraved, signed "g. pass sc." (i.e. willem van de passe). reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project 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record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -elizabeth, 1558-1603 -early works to 1800. england -church history -16th century -early works to 1800. england -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2003-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a. thankfvll remembrance of gods mercie . by g. c. london printed for robert m. robinson a thankfvll remembrance of gods mercy . in an historicall collection of the great and mercifull deliverances of the church and state of england , since the gospell began here to flourish , from the beginning of queene elizabeth . collected by geo : carleton , doctor of divinitie , and bishop of chichester . psalm . iii. 2. the workes of the lord are great , and ought to be sought out of all them that loue him. london printed by i. d. for robert mylbourne , and humphrey robinson , and are to be sold at the great south doore of pavls . 1624. to the high , noble , and most vertvovs , charles ; prince of great britain , duke of cornwall , and of yorke , &c. the spirit of wisedome , with increase of honour . sir ; as the great workes of god ought to be had in remembrance of all men , so this dutie is more required of princes then of other men . because their charge is greater then the charge of other men : for they must answer both for the government of themselues , and of others vnder them . wherefore having observed the workes of god in delivering this church and state from the cruell plots of the adversaries , from the beginning of queene elizabeth to this time : i found my selfe most obliged to present this to your highness ; both because my service , next to his maiestie is most due to your highness ; and because the remembrance of the great workes of god is a glasse fit for a prince to looke on . for your highness may be assured that the adversaries will not change their disposition , vnlesse either we were reduced to their blindness , or they drawne to imbrace the truth with vs. i haue made this collection that by examples of things past , we may better iudge of things to come . my labour herein is nothing . for i make not the story , but take it of others . and when i light vpon the best narration , as that of the gun-powder treason , i haue set it downe as i find it without alteration . because as that cannot be mended , so to set a worse narration in the place thereof , were no lesse then to abuse the reader . i leaue the honor entire to them that haue made the story , i take no part thereof to mee . onely my care hath beene to obserue vpon those great deliverances the workes of god , that god may be glorified , and the cause iustified which god hath maintained from heaven . sir , i suppose it is hard to finde a narration containing more miraculous protection of gods church , since that time wherein god shewed his miracles in protecting the people of israel . which consideration may serue to fasten your highness to the loue and service of that great god , that doth so strongly maintain his servants . that as hitherto you haue had a gracious experience of his grace and goodnesse towards you , so your noble heart may grow every day more and more in the loue and obedience of the truth . we are all charged by gods word to pray for kings and princes . that charge which god hath layd vpon vs all , no man can put off : but when your highness hath effectually made knowne your singular care and loue to the common good , to the rejoycing of all faithfull men ; this must needs draw the hearts of all faithfull men nearer to your highness . and this is a part of your happiness ; for the feare of god and loue of subiects is able to make kings and princes strong against all their enemies god giue his iudgements to the king , and his righteousness to the kings sonne , and therewith , all blessings ; grace and honour here , and glory hereafter . your highnes ancient chaplain , and most humble servant geo : cicestriensis . ανακεφαλαιωσιs or recapitvlation of the chiefe passages in this booke . chapter i. the weake estate of this kingdome at queene elizabeths entrance . her government blessed with might and money beyond expectation all on a suddaine , to the terrour of the enemies of the gospell , and comfort of the professors thereof . the ancient government of the low-countries , what it was . the treason of arthur pool discovered and defeated . the popes excommunication and curse against queene elizabeth turned by christ ( whose gospell shee maintained ) into a blessing . chap. ii. the rebellion of the earles of westmerland and northumberland related distinctly by hieronym . cat●●a , so strongly plotted , so secretly carried , by the hand of god disappointed and broken into pieces . leon : dacres his over throw by it . this is the fruit of popery , and the first effect of the popes bull. chap. iii. a commotion in ireland inflamed by io : mendoza , extinguished by the earle of ormond ▪ the king of spaine pretends the enlargement of the scots queene , but intends the enlargement of his owne dominion . don iohn of austria goeth about to deliver and marry the scots queene . he sends out a perpetuall edict of peace and presently breaketh out into warre . he dieth on a sudden and so his purpose disappointed . chap. iv. stucley his attempt and practise with the pope and spanyard for the subduing of ireland and england with italian souldiers by gods providence annulled . chap. v. nich : sanders setteth on the rebells in ireland , animateth them in their bloudy practises , getteth ● consecrated banner from the pope for them . san-io●ephus with 700 italians and spanyards sent from the pope and king of spaine over into ireland to helpe the rebells , yeeldeth the fort. the earle desmond a great maintainer of this rebellion , killed by a common souldier in his wandring . sanders the firebrand of the rebellion falleth mad and dieth miserably of famine . observations herevpon . the explication of that place 2 thes. 2. 10. appliable to the papists in respect both of their doctrines and doings . chap. vi. the institution of the colledges of seminary priests to be the incendiaries of england ; different from the foundation of ancient colle●ges . the feates of father parsons and edm : campian and others to draw the alleagiance of the english from their queene . this drew vpon them sevetitie of lawes , established in parliament against papists and approved by the paralell example of the lawes made against the donatists in s. augustines time . chap. vii . the priests seditious bookes against the queene brings on somervills furious attempt to kill her . they moue with the ladies of honour to doe it . the queenes mildnesse and wonderfull mercy towardes this vermine . mendoza , the spanish ambassadour for practising against the queene is thrust out of england . throgmortons confe●ion and condemnation for treason . chap. viii . new practises of our enemies discovered not without a miracle by creightons torne papers . the mischievous but vnsuccesfull conclusions of alan , inglefield , and ross against queene elizabeth and king iames. parries treason opened ; his confession , and execution . lawes in parliament enacted against priests and recusants . philip howards intention , to leaue the land , discovered before it could be effected . chap. ix . the lamentable end of henry percy earle of northumberland in the tower. a pretended title of the king of spaine to the crowne of england . savage , a barbarous fellow , vpon the instigation o● rhemish priests voweth to kill queene elizabeth . babingtons treasonable practise to take away the queenes life vpon a motion from ballard the priest , defeated ; and he with his complices deservedly punished . chap. x. the french ambassadours plot with stafford to take away the life of the queene detected by stafford himselfe . the end of yorke and stanl●y , traytors to their count●●y . chap. xi . the spanish preparations for the invincible navie . the duke of parma treateth of a peace . delegates sent over about it . the conference of the delegates broke off without fruit . chap. xii . the invincible armie described . at the first setting out shaken sore with a tempest . the gests of each day related particularly and punctually . the trusted in their strength , we in the name of our god ; they are fallen , and we stand vpright . chap. xiii . trouble from ireland by tyrone lurking in spaine . his many dissembling submissions to the queene of england . a treatie of peace concluded . chap. xiv . vpon the comming of the earle of essex into england from ireland , tyrone contrary to his promise stirreth and rebelleth afresh , and is incouraged by the pope and ayded by ●he king of spaine . these forces are vanquished by the lord deputie . herevpon don iohn de aq●ila , a spanish captaine , who was sent to ay●●e the rebells and kept kinsale , capitulates for peace . tyrone forsaken of his followers submits himselfe to the lord deputie and is pardoned . plotting a new rebellion when he was called by processe to answer a suit of the b. of derry , thinking the treason to be discovered by o cane who inforced the bishop in his suit , sted out of ireland . in ●hese troubles and treasons see the machinations of satans seed against the seed of the woman , that is , the church , and the miraculous deliverances and victories of the church , according to that , the womans seed shall breake the serpents head , spoken of christ , appliable to the church , and particularly to our church of england , which that b●laam of rome seeks now by all meanes to draw from god , because he knowes he cannot prevaile against vs till we for sake god. chap. xv. a great mischiefe intended to the kings maiestie at his first entrance into the kingdome of england , before his coronation ; watson and clark , priests administring oaths of secresie and applauding the proiect . it came to nothing by gods mercie . the kings maiesties clemency towards the conspiratours after iudgement pa●t vpon them . no treason in england attempted but had a romish priest in the practise . chap. xvi . a horrible treason was a hatching and breeding in the last yeare of queene elizabeth . by garnetts meanes and others , the king of spaine is delt withall for an invasion ; he entertaines the motion , but vpon the entrance of king iames did not proceed to any forcible enterprise . the gun-powder treason takes ground and life from the doctri●e of parsons and the iesuites . it was first propounded by catesby to winter . the oath of secres●e taken by the conspiratours . provision of powder and wood for the mine . their consultation what to doe after the blow was given . the letter sent to the lord mounteagle , scanned by the earle of salisbury and other pr●vy councellers , but truely interpreted by the king , in whose mouth there was a divine sentence at that time , so that he did not erre in iudgement . the examination of fawks . the apprehension and confusion of the powder-traytors . god from heaven both by his word and protection hath manifestly showne our church to be the true church , and the popish church to be the malignant church , and degenerate from the auncient romane church both in manners and doctrines . coronis . the conclusion containes diverse considerations proposed to such as are not well affected to religion . a thankfvll remembrance of gods mercy . chapter i. having a purpose to obserue gods great and merciful deliuerāces of the church of england , and gods holy protectiō of the same , against the manifolde , most dangerous , most desperate practises of the adversaries , that haue with strange malice and crueltie , sought the destruction thereof , and intending to fetch the beginning of this search from the beginning of the raigne of queene elizabeth , of blessed memory : i knew no better way how to enter into this narration , then to begin with the consideration of the state of queene elizabeth , at her first entrance ; for therein will appeare a wonderfull worke of god , and my intention is to obserue the great workes of god , that god may be glorified . when this famous queene first entred , shee found the state much afflicted , and weakned . all the great states about her , were enemies . friends none . king philip , who offred his loue and kindnesse to her , and would haue married her , offering to obteine the popes dispensation for him to marry two sisters ; as the like dispensation was obteined by ferdinand his great grand-father , for h●s daughter katharine to marry two brothers , he offering this kindnesse , and being refused and reiected , grew first into dislike and discontent , afterwardes into hatred , and at last brake out into open warres . the french king henry the 2. with whom she sought peace , fell off also into open warres . his sonne francis having married mary , queene of scotland , was moved by the guysians to cause the armes of england to be ioyned to the armes of scotland , & to professe the queene of scots the heire of england , and because elizabeth was accounted by them an heretike , therefore they sought to put her by , to set the queene of scots in her place , so should the french king haue england also . for the effecting of this , they sent their armies into scotland , purposing f●om thence to haue subdued england . in so much that sebastianus martignius , a young noble man of the family of luxenburg , who was sent into scotland with a thousand ●oote , and some companies of horse , could hardly be disswaded from entring england presently . so that spaine , france , and scotland were enemies . the state was then much troubled and oppressed with great debt , contracted partly by henry 8. partly by edward 6. in his minoritie . the treasure was exhausted ; calis was lost . nothing seemed to be left to her , but a weake , and poore state , destitute of meanes and friends . if shee would haue admitted the popish religion , then might all these difficulties haue beene removed but establishing the gospell , shee vnderstood well that shee drew all these troubles vpon her owne head . yet she gaue the glory to god , and in hope of gods holy protection , she established gods holy truth . and verily she did not serue god in vaine . for it is a thing to be wondred at , that the land being then without strength , without forces , without souldiers , yea , without armour ; all things necessary should be so suddenly furnished . she had provided armour at antwerpe , but king philip caused that to be stayed . yet was she not discouraged , but layd out much money vpon armour , though she found the treasury but poore . she procured armour and weapons out of germany . she caused many great gunnes to be cast , of brasse and iron . and gods providence and favour appeared in her protectio● . for new mines of brasse were found at keswike , that had long beene neglected . from whence there was not onely sufficient matter to supply her wants , but abundance thereof to be transported to other countries . the stone called lapis calaminaris , whose vse is needfull for working in brasse , was also at the same time first found in england . there was provision made at home also for the making of gunne-powder . which was done first here by her commandement . for before it was bought and imported . berwick before her time , was weake , and had but fiue hundred souldiers : she fortified the towne , made the new inner wall , and increased the number of souldiers , and their stipends , that provision might be made for the training vp of experienced souldiers and martiall men . she provided a navie , the best furnished that euer england sawe . neither needed she to doe as her father and ancestours were wont to doe , when they wanted shippes , to send for shippes and hire them from hamburg , lubeck , dantisk , genua , and veni●e ; for she had them ready at home to serue her . yea all the good townes vpon the sea-coast , beholding this incredible alacritie , and forwardnes in their prince , strived also to imitate the same , and therefore with great chearfulnesse and readinesse built shippes for warre . so that in a short time , the queenes shippes and those of the subiects ioyned together , rose to such a number , that they were able to imploy twentie thousand men in sea-fight at once . the noble-men , the gentlemen , and yeomen , did all striue to answer so noble a resolution of their prince . and therefore great store of armour and weapons were every where provided . and braue spirits were bred and inabled to service , whereby they became an helpe and ornament to their countrey . so that queene elizabeth was quickly growne so strong , that all her adversaries were not able to hurt her . and was not this a great worke of god ? that so weake a woman should be able to defend her selfe against so many , so potent enemies ? yea , and not onely to match them , but to master them ? this was gods doing . behold what it is to trust in god , and not in an arme of flesh. god will haue his great workes to be had in remembrance , that all men , especially princes may be taught to know that their safetie is not in worldly policie , but in god which never forsaketh them that trust in him . here then we haue a worke , for which we are bound to glorifie god. elizabeth , a prince , at the beginning weake , destitute of friends , vnfurnished of treasure , vnprepared of all things , had in no other accompt of her great neighbours round about her , but as one left as a prey to the strongest that would inuade her and her kingdome : yet preparing her heart to god , giuing god the glory , establishing his truth in her land , trusting in him : she was in a few yeares made strong against her enemies ; they feared her more then she feared them . this is an example can hardly be paralleled . it was a worke o● god in defence of his church here , and we yeeld all glory and prayse vnto god for his mercies shewed herein . from this example , princes may take a worthy instruction to rest vpon god , and to seeke his glory , and know assuredly , that when they are at the weakest state , if they giue their hearts to god , and their service to his true religion , god will raise them to greatnes , who hath promised to honor them that honor him , and threatned , that they that dishonor him , shall be despised . before i leaue this example of gods protectiō of this noble queene in her first entrance : let this be remembred , that as all the great princes adioyning , with the pope and all , were her great enemies , so there were no friends able to helpe her : for they that were friends , and would haue helped if they could , stood all need of her help . the scots were sore troubled with the french armies procured by the guysians , but shee helped them , and protected the king in his minoritie , and freed that state from the tyranny of the french governement . the low-countries , were tyrannised by the duke d' alva who changed their governement , and inhibited their meetings in councell . for to speake somewhat of the ancient governement of that people , to stop the common imputations cast vpon them by such as are not well affected to them : their governement was by a generall assembly of the states : their governours were such as were borne within the 17. provinces , no strangers . these were anciently the clergie , the nobility , and the deputies of the provinces , and of good townes , meeting together in their generall assemblies . these so meeting made lawes and orders whereby that state was governed . the deputies were sent to the generall assemblies , by the suffrages of the people , and vpon cause they were recalled by the people , and other sent in their roomes . this manner of governement , some of the dukes of burgundy , and some others disliked , as giving too much power to the people , and to little to their dukes : and therefore laboured to change it , but could not . charles the fift emperour would gladly haue changed their governement , but when he saw that it could not be done without the commotion of the whole state , he left it vndone . philip 2. anno 1549. iuly 8. tooke his oath , which he made and renued againe anno●555 ●555 . to keepe , maintaine , and preserue these countries in their ancient rights , priviledges , and customes , without breaking them or suffering them to be broken , in any sort or manner . but when the duke d' alva was governour there vnder the king , he practised the contrary , and professed that the king was not to governe them , as his ancient inheritance , but as vpon a new conquest , making what lawes he would , and setting what governement best pleased him . whereupon his whole drift and practise was for a newe conquest of all the provinces and townes . the pretence of religion was sought : but it was resolved by the counsell of spaine , to change the whole governement , and to erect a new . this appeared aswell by the dukes open profession , as by those designes which he practised vpon the persons of some of the nobility , and vpon the good townes . for when the earles of egmont and horne , were apprehended and putto death , mistrusting nothing because they knew no cause to mistrust : they that did this , could not pretend religion , because these earles were of the popish religion . they could not pretend any disloyalty against them , for their firme loyalty and their great services to the king , made them so confident ; onely it was thought that these noble men would neuer yeeld to the change of the government of that state , therefore they were cut off . the like appeared in the strange surprises and cruelty practised against many townes , which were of the popish religion . for divers townes that were firme to the spaniard in the point of religion , and in obedience to the king , when armies were sent to them , intertaining the armies in all obedience , opening their gates , shewing all loue and friendship to the spanish armies : were of a suddaine surprised , and brought to vtter ruine . the spaniards , killing and massackring all , taking their goods , abusing their wiues and daughters , as the manner of such barbarous men is in a new conquest , ex●rcising more cruelties against their professed friends , then they could doe to their enemies . such barbarous cruelties were practised against the townes of machlin , maestrich , zutphen , naerden , antwerp , and others , who were their friends , agreeing in the same religion with them , holding as then , their obedience firme to the king : yet were they spoyled , killed , ransacked , and overthrowne like enemies . which strange cruelty declared that it was not religion that moved this cruelty , but that which the duke d'alva did openly professe , that the king must hold all the low-countries by a new conquest , that so he might change the governement , and impose what lawes he would . it may seeme a strange vse of the popes authority which king philip made , when from the pope he got a dispensation of that oath , which he had taken at his entrance into the low-countries . this is an vse of a pope fit indeede for them that would doe whatsoever they list without conscience , or the feare of gods lawes or mans . if such an vse may be made of the popes power , then popish princes must needes in the sight of the world , seeme to haue a great advantage over others . but if they may so dispense at their pleasure with oathes and promises , then may all those of their religion see plainely that there are neither humane nor divine bands or securitie that can binde papists : for when they please , the pope will free them from all bands of conscience , from the lawes of god , of man , of nature , of nations . but god will not be thus served . and therefore by gods iust iudgements they that rely vpon such vngodly practises , loose more in the ende , then they gaine by such profane dealings . this was the cause of their troubles in the low countries . that state being then so tro●bled , could yeelde no helpe to queene elizabeth , yet did shee yeelde helpe to them . the king of denmarke , and the protestants in fraunce , were not able to helpe her , nor to helpe themselues without her meanes . this must needes be acknowledged an extraordinary blessing of god , to make her able to withstand the greatest enemies , and to helpe all that were distressed for religion . this famous queene though troubled by forraine states in the beginning of her raigne , yet had great peace and quietnes at home . this was the fruit of true religion : her subiects lived in peace , and tranquilitie ; no motions then attempted . only in the fourth yeare of her raign , arthur poole , and his brethren comming of the race of george duke of clarence , who was brother to edward the fourth , and antony fortiskue , who married their sister , with some other of that conspiracie , were brought to their tryall , for that they had conspired to flie to the g●ise into france , and thence to come with an armie into wales , and there to declare the scottish queene , to be queene of england , and arthur poole duke of clarence . all which they freely confessed at their tryall : yet protesting that it was not their purpose to execute this designe , as long as queene elizabeth lived : who as they supposed should dye within a yeare ; for so some cosening astrologians had told them . whereupon they were condemned , yet their liues were spared in respect of their blood . wherein wee may acknowledge the goodnes of god in discovering such a plot , before it tooke strength , and the noble nature of the queene , that dealt so nobly with her owne blood . thus the land within rested in great quietnes , for some yeares . the church was established , and increased , learning flourished , godlines and true pietie prevailed , popish ignorance was driven into corners . the papists that then were , were content to keepe themselues quiet . either they kept their religion private to themselues , or els they came to our churches , as most of them did . but the enemy of all goodnesse envying this peaceable state of england , stirred vp the pope to giue occasion to new troubles , and to wrap the kingdome into dangers . whereby as the church hath beene more troubled , then it was before , so the papists haue got nothing by the bargain , but lost much , by stirring vp the peaceable inclinatiō of the prince against them , and by provoking the state to make severe lawes to curb● them . who might haue liued quietly , if they had not procured their owne trouble . paulus iiii. was pope when queene elizabeth began to raigne , this pope was not troublesome against her . his successor was , pius iiii. who seemed to be a moderate man. for he was moved by the count of feria , who served the king of spaine , to excommunicate queene elizabeth , but he thought it not good to proceed to such extremities . for seeing the popes authority is a thing consisting rather in the conceits of some men , then in any truth and substance : if it should once appeare that this thunderbolt of excommunicate , whereby he hath so much terrified the world , should proue idle , ineffectuall without all po●er , then might this great authoritie fall into contempt , and so be made ridiculous . whether for this cause or what other , he would not be perswaded to vse this extremitie against the queene , but sent letters , shewing some loue and kindnesse , by an abbot parpalia , by whom also he sent certaine secret mandates . which what they were was not openly knowne . but some acquainted well with state affayres then , reported that the pope offred to recall and disanull the sentence as vniust which was given against her mothers marriage , and to confirme the english liturgie by his authoritie , granting also the vse of the sacrament vnder both kindes , so that she would ioyne her selfe to the romane church , & acknowledge the popes supremacy . and for the effecting hereof , a great sum of gold was promised to some that should be vsed as instruments for this purpose . but queene elizabeth remaining semper eadem , ever like her selfe , vtterly denied to haue any thing to do with the pope . but the next pope , pius v. that succeeded , tooke another course , whether a better or worse , let the event declare . for in the yeare 1569. he sent out an excommunication against her , and all adhering to her , wherein her subiects were absolved from the oath of their alleagance , and from all other offices and duties , and that all that should obey her were accursed . which thing brought more trouble vpon the papists , then vpon the queene , or any of her obedient subiects . and hath openly declared to all the world , that the popes curse is a thing proceeding from private splene and malice , and now nothing feared but contemned , when all men may see that the popes curse is turned by the favour of god into an extraordinary blessing , and that the pope is not christs v●car in these ministeries , because he is contrary to christ , and christ contrary to him . the pope cursing , and christ blessing , the pope seeking thereby to destroy the queene , christ maintaining her , made her stronger after this cu●se then ever she was before . yet it is true that many troubles did rise thereby , but god turned them all vnto her good , that men may vnderstand the fruit of true religion established , which bringeth the protection of god with it . chapter ii. the first poysoned fruit of this excommunication was rotten before it could ripen . there was an intention of a great and terrible rebellion . the duke of norfolke was excited to stirre what forces he could , and to ioyne with the earles of westmerland and northumberland : at the same time an armie was to come out of ireland , and another armie to be sent from duke dalva in the low-countries . if all these had ioyned together , as the intention was , god knoweth what might haue in●ued . but there is no counsell can prevaile against god. all the plot was broken in peeces without any other trouble , saving that which fell vpon the plotters themselues , & their instruments . the king of spaine , who watched all opportunities to doe mischiefe , wrote one letter to the duke of norfolke , exciting him to raise a power within england , and wrote another to the earle of ormond , to raise a tumult in ireland . but both the duke and the earle shewed the letters to the queene , declaring thereby a purpose to be loyall . the duke suffred himselfe to be wrought vpon too much by pernicious instruments . the instruments were the bishop of ross , who lay in london vnder pretence of being ambassadour for the queene of scots , and one robert rido●f , a noble-man of florence , who lay in london , in the habit and pretence of a factor . these pestif●rous instruments laboured to perswade the duke to marry the queene of scots , who being next heire to the crowne of england , would bring great hopes with her and by subtill and pernicious counsell drew the duke so farre , that against his promise made to the queene , he began to thinke of that marriage , and the hopes that might follow the same , and entred in●o a secret course of writing and receiving letters from the queene of scots , by 〈◊〉 characters . all which together with a commentary sent to him by the scots queene , the duke commanded his secretary higfo●d to burne . but he laid them vnder the matt in the dukes chamber . and being apprehended , declared where they were . at the dukes arraig●ment a letter was produced written to him from the scots queene , signifying her griefe for that the earles of westmerland and northumberland were vp in armes before the duke had raised his powers . for queene elizabeth , finding wherevnto things tended , apprehended the duke , & sent for the earles to come to court , but because they had once excused their absence , she sent peremptorily for them , all excuse laid aside , vpon their alleagance to come vp . supposing that if they were innocent , they would come , but if guiltie , then should their purpose sooner breake out into open sight . as it fell out . for they supposing by this , the plot to be betrayed , brake out into open rebellion , before the helpe which they looked for from other parts could come to them . this rebellion was plotted by the pope , pius v. and by the king of spaine , and was so cunningly handled , and carried with such secresie , that it was well knowne to strangers before it was knowne to vs whom most the matter concerned . and no marvaile , seeing strangers were the devisers and first authors of it . i will therefore declare it in the words of a stranger , who set it forth in print at rome , before it was well knowne in england . hieronymus caten● in the life of pius v. w●iteth thus . when pius v. was inflamed with a zeale to restore the romane religion in england , and to displace queene elizabeth out of that kingdome ; and yet could not haue his nuntio apostolicall , nor any other publique person fit to effect this thing : he ordered the matter so , that robert ridolf , a gentleman of florence ( who ●tayed in england vnder colour of merchandise ) should stirre vp the mindes of men vpon the destruction of elizabeth . which thing he diligently executed , not onely among the catholikes , but also among some protestants , who conspired together herein ; some out of private hatred against them that aspired to the kingdome , others out of a desire of a change . whilst these things were secretly carried , a contention rose betweene the spaniard and elizabeth , vpon the occasion of a sum of money going to the duke dalva , but intercepted by elizabeth . this occasion the pope apprehended to perswade the spaniard , that he would helpe the conspiratours in england against elizabeth , that so he might haue his affaires in the netherlands in greater securitie , and the romane religion might be restored in b●itaigne . the pope also perswaded the french , shewing him that this he ought to the scots queene , affianced to him , and worthily to the scots , who by their incursions had withdrawne the forces of england , that they could do lesse helpe to the protestants of france , neither did the noble conspiratours of england deserue lesse favour of him , who by their cunning haue hindered the queene of england , to giue any helpe openly to the protestants of france . in this respect the french king promised them ayd for the deliverance of the scots queene , but failed of performance of any thing . in the meane time , ridolphus effected thus much , that the conspiratours should draw the duke of norfolke into their societie , and make him chiefe therein , to whom they promised marriage with the scots queene , whereto she consented . the pope to set these things forward , by his bull published , deposed elizabeth from her kingdome , and absolued her subiects from all oath and alleagance , sending the printed coppies to ridolphus , which might be dispersed ouer england . whereupon the earles of northumberland and westmerland , tooke armes against their prince , who presently , money and meanes failing , withdrew themselues into scotland . the duke of norfolke , with others , were committed to prison . among them was ridolphus , whom the pope had appointed to helpe the conspiratours with an hundreth and fiftie thousand crownes , which thing he could not doe being clapt vp in prison . but when the queene could not pierce into the secrets of the conspiracy , he was sent out of prison with others , and then he distributed those crownes to the conspirators . who sent him to the pope to informe him that all things were prepared in a readines , and ordered against elizabeth : and to intreat the spanish king , to ioyne his forces from the netherlands as soone as may be : the pope commended the enterprise , albeit , the duke dalva did not like it , as being full of difficulties , when as ridolphus in his iourney told him the matter . the pope sent ridolfe to the spaniard , vnder another pretence , and to the king of portugall with ins●ructions ; and at the same time writing to the duke of norfolk , promised him ayde . he did much vrge the spaniard to helpe the conspiratours , and to the end he might the more vehemently stirre him vp , he promised if need were himselfe would goe for to helpe them , and would ingage all the goods of the sea apostolike , chalices , crosses , and holy vestments . declaring that there was no difficultie in it , if he would send chapinus vitellius with an army into england from the low-countries . which thing the king of spaine commanded to be done with great alacritie . and the pope provided money in the netherlands . these things were not pleasing to the duke dalva , both because he enuied vitellius this glory , wherein he rather wished his owne sonne to be imployed , and because he feared some hostile invasion out of france , and proposed it to be considered , whether england being overcome would fall to the spaniard , whether the french would not resist that proiect , and whether the pope were able to bring helpe enough to effect so great a matter . notwithstanding the spanish king expressely commanded him to set vpon england . ridolf was sent backe with money to the netherlands . but see how god would haue it : all the matter was opened to elizabeth by a stranger without the kingdome . the duke of norfolke was apprehended and put to death . which thing the pope tooke heavily , the spaniard condoled , who before the cardinall of alexandria , the popes nephew , sayd , that never any conspiracy was more advisedly begun , nor concealed with more constancy and consent of minds , which in all that time was not opened by any of the conspiratours : that an army might easily be sent out of the low-countries in the space of 24. houres , which might suddenly haue taken the queene and the citie of london vnprovided , restored religion , and set the scots queene in the throne . especially when as stukley an english fugitiue had vndertaken at the same time with the helpe of 3000. spaniards to reduce all ireland vnto the obedience of the king of spaine , and with one or two shippes to burne all the english navy . thus farre catena writeth of these things , opening some things that before were not knowne to the english. the booke was printed at rome an : dom : 1588. by the priviledge of pope pius v. this is the narration of a papist , published at rome , by the authoritie of the pope . it may seeme strange to men that haue any feeling of the feare of god , that a pope should so boldly publish his owne shame to all the world . the pope doth practise treason against states , sets his instruments to raise rebellions , stirreth vp princes against princes , one kingdome against another , and when he doth this , he will not vnderstand that he is , in this doing , the instrument and servant of the devill , to disorder the world . if any would excuse this , as being done against an heretike : that excuse will not serue here ; for i speake not of excommunicating supposed heretikes , but of raising rebellions against princes , to set the subiects to murther the prince , or to stirre vp one prince to murther another , these things be wicked and vngracious practises , but the papists are growne to such an o●duration in these sinnes , that they iudge these no sinnes , to murther , or secretly to poyson , or by any horrible mischiefe to compasse their owne endes . the things that are by the lawes of god , of nature , of nations , wicked and abominable , against the ordinances which god hath set in the world , must forsooth change their nature , if the pope command them , nay , if any of their superiours command such things , their doctrine of blind obedience , sets them vpon any mischiefe , and so they doe not onely teach for doctrines mens traditions , but make doctrines for mens destructions . if the popes presume that they haue such a priviledge , that the things which are horrible sinnes in other men are no sinnes in them : this were in effect as much as for the pope to proclaime himselfe the man of sinne , that runneth into all sinfull courses with greedinesse , with an open profession of the same . for what can any man of sin doe more , then to command sinne , to warrant sin , to commit sin , to glory in sin ; if all this be done by the pope , who can iustly deny him this title of the man of sinne ? but blessed be the name of god , that alwayes delivered his church here from such wicked practises , and hath brought the mischiefe that these wicked men haue deuised , vpon their owne head . now let all vnderstanding men iudge where god is , where godlinesse is , where religion and the feare o● god is . whether with them that by bloudy , vniust , vnlawfull practises seeke their owne endes , or with them that are persecuted by this bloudy nation , and in patience suffer all their mischievous and cruell practises , committing the matter to god the revenger of bloud , and trufting in god , reioyce vnder his holy protection , being kept in safety by him that commandeth all the world ? for what power could be able to keepe his church from being swallowed vp by such cruell adversaries , but onely the hand and holy protection of our god ? must not we then glorifi● his name that hath done so great things for vs ? and for our adversaries they haue their power limited , and they haue their time limited , and set forth vnto them , beyond which they cannot passe . but the soules of them that rest vnder the altar , whose bloud hath beene shed on euery side , by this bloudy generation , for the testimony of christ ; these cry out with a lowd voyce , vsquequo domine ? how long lord , holy and true ? doest thou not iudge and revenge our bloud on them that dwell on the earth ? yet so blind are these bloud-suckers , that they labour still to increase this cry ; but god will giue patience to his saints , and in his time cut off this wicked nation . be not merciful o lord to them that sin of malicious wickednesse . thus then this rebellion that was so ●●rongly plotted , so secretly carried , was by the hand of god disappointed , and broken into peices . we haue cause to blesse the name of god therefore : praysed be the lord , that hath not given vs as a prey to their teeth . thus can we comfort our selues in god. but can our adversaries comfort themselues in their owne mischeifes ? the issue was , the pope and the spanyard were disappointed , the world wondered how this state was so soone quieted . the earles northumberland and westmerland seduced by a priest that the pope had sent , one nicolas morton , came to durham where they had the masse set vp . from thence they marched to clifford moore not far from wetherbie , where hearing that the scots queene ( for whose deliverance they tooke armes ) was carried from t●tbery to coventry , vnder the custodie of the earles of shewsbury and huntingdon , and that the earle of sussex on the one side had gathered a strong army against them , that sir george bowes was behind them , having fortefied bernard castle , that the lord scroop and the earle of cumberland had fortified carliell , & gathered an armie there in readines : that the souldiers of berwick with the power of northumberland were in new-castle , they turned backe againe and besieged bernard castle . sir george bowes and his brother mr. robert , being driven by an hard siege , and wanting provision yeelded the castle ▪ and they and the souldiers were dismissed , carrying their armes with them as it was covenanted , vpon the first newes of the feares , which the earle of sussex brought against them , the earles fled to hexham , from thence seeking by-wayes to naworth castle . whence the two earles fl●d into scotland , the earle of northumberland hid himselfe in the house of hector of harlaw an armstrang , having confidence in him that he would be true to him , who notwithstanding for money betrayed him to the regent of scotland . it was observed , that hector being before a rich man , fell poore of a sudden , and so hated generally that he never durst goe abroad , in so much , that the proverb to take hectors cloake , is continued to this day among them , when they would expresse a man that betrayeth his friend who trusted him : the earle was afterward delivered into england , and condemned of high treason and beheaded . westmerland found meanes to hide him a while with fernihurst and bucklough , and escaped into the low-countries , where being susteined by a poore pension of the king of spain , he liued a poore life all his time . this is the fruit of popery . it bringeth noble houses to destruction . it pittied their hearts , against whom the rebellion was raised , to see such noble persons brought to such a destruction . but the pope is without pitty and mercy , the priests and iesuites that bring such noble men into such snares , haue no pitty nor mercy , therefore it behooveth all noble persons to be wise , and to avoyd pestiferous waies , that is , to shut their eares against priests and iesuites . these be pernicious instruments , that secretly convey themselues into great mens favour , to bring them to ruine , they tell them of the religion of their fathers , but true religion bringeth a blessing , and religion that bringeth alwayes a curse is to be suspected . and to say truth the religion of rome as now , is not the religion of our fathers . for religion was changed in the t●ent councell , and therefore they cannot say they haue now that religion which their fathers had . and that religion was changed in the trent synod , is by learned men sufficiently proued ; and we are readie to maintaine it : for where the rule of faith is changed , there must needs follow a change of religion , and a change of the church . but in the trent councell the rule of faith is changed . and therefore men may obserue a great difference between these men that are now called papists , and their forefathers . god blessed their fathers , because they serued god in sinceritie , according to that measure of knowledge which was reuealed to them ; for he that serueth god truely , according to that measure of knowledge which he hath , and holdeth the rule of faith : is without doubt accepted of god , and god doth blesse such . but after that god hath reuealed a greater measure of knowledge , by the spreading of the savour of his gospell , they who then forsake the truth offred , are followed with great curses . and therefore we may plainly obserue the curses of god vpon them that forsake god and his truth ; where the pope curseth , we see that god doth blesse , and no 〈◊〉 followeth : where god doth cur●e , we see destruction followeth . this rebellion was scarce extinguished , when another little flame rose from this greater combustion . leonard dacres the second sonne of william lord dacres of gillestand ( whose eldest brothers sonne was killed with a valting horse ) was much grieued to see so great a patrimony to goe from him to the daughters of the baro● whom the duke of norfolk their father in law had ioyned in marriage with his sonnes . this so troubled leonard dacres , that having no other way to revenge himselfe , he tooke the course of impatient and discontented men , to revenge all vpon himselfe , and ioyning himselfe to the rebells , striued but in vaine , to deliver the scots queene . when they were in armes then was leonard dacres at court , and offred the queene all his helpe against them , and for that service was sent home . but ( as it came to light afterward ) in his iourney by messengers with the rebels he had communication , and incouraging them , vndertooke to kill the lord scroop , and the bishop of carliell . which when he could not effect , he tooke grastocke castle , and other houses of the lord dacres , and fortified naworth castle , holding it as in his owne right , and gathered souldiers about him . against him came the lord h●nsdon , with the trained souldiers of berwick . leonard not trusting to his fortified places , came to meet the lord hunsdon , and meeting him when he passed the riuer gelt , after a sharpe battell , finding himselfe put to the worse , his men killed , he fled into scotland . and so went into the low-countries , and in a poore estate died at louaine . the queene by proclamation pardoned the multitude which he had drawne to take his part . this man run a strange course . when he might haue beene out of danger , he run into a quarrell which he might evidently see to be lost before he came to it . but he was drunke with the cup of rome ; for who would run such courses but drunken men ? it may teach others to beware of those that bring such poysoned and intoxicating cuppes from rome . chapter iii. to proceed and to declare the pestilent fruit of the popes excommunication , which wrought still to the confusion of them that served it . at this time in ireland , edmond and peter botlers , brethren to the earle of ormond , ioyning with iames fitz morice of desmondes family , and with others , ●ought to doe service to the pope and spanyard against religion , and with a purpose to draw ireland away from the obedience of queene elizabeth . to this end they made a league among themselues . to inflame this rebellion iohannes mendoza came secretly out of spaine : and to extinguish the flame the earle of ormond went out of england into ireland , who laboured so effectually that he perswaded his brethren to submit themselues . they were put in prison , but that they might not be brought to iudgement , the earles daily intercession prevailed with the queene . it grieued the earle exceedingly to see such a blot vpon so noble a family ; and the queene was willing to preserue the honor of the house : as for the reliques of that rebellion , they were in short time dissipared by the wisedome of the lord deputy , and the industry of sir humphrey gilbert . this was but a small motion : but it sheweth the restles spirits of the pope and spanyard against our church and state. and we render thankes to god , for breaking the purposes of our adversaries before they grew great . this is his goodnes toward his church ; and his iudgement vpon the adversaries . the king of spaine never rested to stirre vp troubles to queene elizabeth , pretending the deliverance of the scots queene , but it appeareth that his intention was for himselfe , as the duke dalva vnderstood it . this is evident by that which we haue mentioned out of catena . for duke dalva was in some feare that if queene elizabeth were overthrowne , yet the kingdome of england might not fall to the spanyard , but to the french. so that it was in their intention certainly to be cast vpon the french or spanyard , and here was no reckoning made of the queene of scots . so that howsoever the pretence was for her deliverance , yet there was another thing intended . for seeing queene elizabeth was excommunicated and deposed , if she could once be ouerthrowne , then they made no other reckoning but that england would fall to the strongest . now the spanyard thinking himselfe the stronger , sought this prerogatiue for himselfe , and therefore he ceased not to raise troubles to the queene , and the rather , because he held it a thing impossible for him to recover the low-countries , vnlesse he had england . but because he found it a matter of great difficultie to set vpon england , his first enterprise was to set vpon ireland . but when that succeeded not , at last with all forces that might be raised , with many yeares preparations he set openly vpon england . but these things are to be spoken in order . onely this i premise , that we may know from whom all our troubles haue proceeded . many conspiracies brake out one after another , vnder pretence of delivering the queene of scots . to effect this thing , thomas stanly and edward , his brother , the yonger sonnes of the earle of darby , thomas gerard , rolston , hall , and other in dar●yshire conspired . but the sonne of r●lston which was pensioner to the queene , disclosed the conspiracy . and they were imprisoned all except hall , who escaped into the 〈◊〉 of man. from whence by the commendation of the bishop of ross , he was sent to dumbr●to● . where when afterward the castle was wonne , he was taken , and brought to london , where he suffred death . before the duke of norfolk was beheaded , there were that conspired to deliver him out of prison . the bishop of ross at this time a dangerous instrument against england , and as dangerous against the scots queene , for whom he laboured , gaue desperate counsell to the duke , that with a choice company of gentlemen , he should intercept the queene of a suddain , and ●rouble the parliament . to shew that this was ●as●e , he gaue some reasons . but the duke abhorred to heare of that counsell as pernicious and dangerous : sir henry percy at that time offred to the bishop of ross his helpe to free the scots queene , so that grange , and carr of ●ernihurst would receiue her at the borders , and his brother the earle of northumberland might be delivered out of scotland . but when he was suspected for the inward fa●iliaritie which he had with burghly , and de●er●ed the matter a longer time , this counsell came to no effect . as did also that of powell of samford , one of the gentlem●n pencio●ari●s , and of owen one that belonged to ●he earle of arūdell . these two vndertooke the same busines also for the scots queenes deliverance , but the bishop of ross stay'd that , because he tooke them for men of a meaner ranke , then to be ●it for ●hat busines . after the duke was the second time imprisoned , many were for this matter imprisoned also . the earles of arundell & southampton , the lord lu●ly , the lord cobham , thomas , his brother , sir henry percy , banister , lowther , godier , powell , and others were committed , who in hope of pardon , told that they knew . barnes and muthers , ioyned with herle in a bloudy practise to deliver the duke , and kill certaine of the privy councellers . but herle being the ch●efe in the villany opened the proiect. when b●rnes was brought before him , & found herle to be the accuser , he smiling vpon him , said , herle , thou hast prevented me , if thou hadst stayed but one houre longer , i should then haue stood in thy place the accuser , and thou in my place to be hanged . when iohn duke of austria came into government of the low-countries , he found the states strong . the cruelty that the duke of dalva and others had vsed , was so farre from bringing them into a servile subiection , that it rather armed them with resolution to defend their liberties , their lawes , their religion , and their liues . which may admonish great princes to vse moderation in government ; for much hath beene lost by crueltie , nothing gotten by it ; but nothing can serue to moderate restlesse spirits ; such a spirit brought don iohn with him into the low-countries , who beholding the vnlucky ends of them that stroue to deliver the queene of scots , he notwithstanding sought to worke her deliverance , and to marry her , and so to enioy both england and scotland . but to hide his purpose the better , he made show of a perpetuall edict for peace , as he called it : and for that purpose sent gastellus to elizabeth : who throughly vnderstanding the dukes meaning , yet as if she had beene ignorant , sent daniel rogers to don iohn to congratulate for his perpetuall edict of peace . albeit she certainly knew , that he had resolved to deliver and marry the scots queene , and in his conceit had devoured the kingdomes of england and scotland , by the perswasion of the earle of westmerland , and of other ●ugitiues , and by favour and countenance of the pope and the guyses . and that don iohn had a purpose out of hand to surprise the ●le of man in the ●rish seas , that he might haue a fitter opportunitie to invade england out of ireland , and the north coast of scotland , where the scots queene had many at her deuotion , and the opposite parts of england , as cumberland , lankyshire , cheshire , northwales , had many that as he was informed favoured popery . the truth is , don iohn of austria ( as it was knowne from peresius secretary to the king of spaine , ) being before this carried away with ambition , when he was disappointed of the hope which he had of the kingdome of tunis , practised secretly with the pope , for the ouerthrow of queene elizabeth , marrying of the scots queene , and subduing of england . that the pope might excite the king of spain to warre against england , as out of a desire of the publique good . don iohn before he came out of spain to goe to the netherlands , did f●rward this motion in spaine what he could , and afterward sending esconedus out of the netherlands to spaine , did desire to haue the havens in bis●ay , whence a navie might invade england . but king philip ( happily reserving england as a morsell for his owne mouth ) neglected don iohn as a man too ambitious . queene elizabeth vnderstood not these things vntill the prince of orange opened them to her . don iohn in the meane time , prosecuteth the matter of the marriage with secresie . and to dissemble the matter sent messengers to que●ne elizabeth , to hold her with a tale of perpetuall peace ; but of a sudden brake out into warre , and tooke divers townes and castles by sleight and trechery , and wrote to spaine , that the best course is to take zealand before the more inner provinces . and being prone to beleeue that which he desired , he wrote that england might be had with greater ease then zealand ; and he laboured by escouedus to perswade the spanish king. but the queene seeing all tend to warre in the netherlands , entred a league with the states for mutuall helpe , and sent thomas wilkes into spaine to complaine of the headdy courses of the duke of austria . and in the meane time prepared for warre . but behold when don iohn was in the height of his pride and ambition , in the flower of his age , in the middest of busines and preparations , he died on a suddain , as some thought of the plague . some thought that vpon griefe , that he was not so respected of the king his brother , he ended his foolish ambition with his life , afterthat he had embraced in his ambitious desire the kingdome of tunis , wherevpon guleta was lost in africa , and after that the kingdome of england ; and had confirmed a league with the guysians , without the knowledge of the french and spanish kings , for defence of both crownes . thus was the enemy disappointed , the queene , the land , the church preserved ; and haue we not cause to remember these workes of god , and to giue god the glory of his own worke , that is , of delivering his church ? england was as a stage , wherevpon diverse entred to play their parts , one after another . the part that they played was alwayes treason ; some was kept farther off by gods providence , to doe lesse harme ; some brought the danger nearer home . but god taking the protection of his church in england , none prevailed . and could any other power but the power and protection of god preserue a land from so many , so deadly dangers ? let all mouthes be stopped , and let this continuall course of deliverance be acknowledged the worke of god. chapter iiii. the next man that came vpon this stage , was thomas stucley , but the malice that he and the pope by his employment intended against england , was turned cleane another way by gods providence . thomas stucley an english-man borne , when he had spent his estate in ryot , prodigality , and base meanes , went into ireland an : 1570. and gaping for the stewardship of wexford , and missing the same , began to vtter contumel●ous words against the best deserving prince , but he was contemned as one that could doe no hurt . from ireland he went into italy to pius v. pope . it is a thing incredible what favour he got with the old pope , that breathed nothing but the destruction of elizabeth . stucley with magnificent ostentation , ( as he was a man singular in ostentation ) made the pope beleeue , that with three thousand italians , he would driue the english out of ireland , and b●rne the queenes navy . and indeed these things he most wickedly attempted afterward , but to his owne destruction . pius v. having procured all the troubles that possibly he could against queene elizabeth , seemed to die for spite that he could not hurt her . after him suceeded gregory 13. this pope had secret consultations with the king of spaine for the invading of ireland and england both together . meaning vnder the maske of religion , to serue their owne ambitious endes . the popes end was to make his sonne iames boncampagno , whom he had lately made marquesse of vineola , now king of ireland . the spanyardes end was , secretly to helpe the rebells of ireland , as elizabeth did the dutch , and in faire words intertaine a shew of friendship on both sides . the king of spaine had a farther reach , even to get the kingdome of england by the popes authoritie , that from thence he might with ●●ore ease tam● the dutch that were confederate against him . this he found hard for him to doe , vnlesse he were lord of the seas , which he saw he could not be , vnlesse he had england . and there was no doubt but as he owed the kingdomes of naples , sicily , navarre to the beneficence of the pope , so with all his heart he would haue held england by the like fauour . they knowing that the greatest strength of england stood in the navy of the queenes shippes , and merchants shippes , which were also built and framed for the vse of warre , thought that the best way to lessen the navi● , was to set on the merchants of italy and netherlands , to hire many of the merchants shippes , seeking diverse seuerall pretenses , and hauing hired them , to send them vnto the farthest navigations , that whilst these are absent , the queenes navy might be overthrowne with a greater navy : and then at the same instant thomas stucley the english fugitiue , might ioyne his forces with the rebels of ireland . stucley a bare-worne deceiver , did no lesse cousin this next succeeding pope , then he had done his predecessor , with admirable bragges . he promised the kingdome of ireland to the popes bastard sonne , and got such favour with the old ambitious pope , that he honored him with the titles of marquesse of lagen , earle of wexford and caterloghe , vicount of morough , and baron of ross. these be famous places in ireland . and made him generall of dccc . italian souldiers , the king of spaine paying their stipends , and so sent him into the irish warre . stucley came with these to portingale , to the mouth of tagus , purposing to subdue ireland . but the purpose of god was otherwise . and that which the pope and spanyard had with such deliberation proiected , was by the councell of god dissipated and brought to nothing . for seba●tian king of portugall , to whom the chiefe conduct of the forces against england was committed ; ( for this prince puffed vp with a heat of youth and ambition , had long before offred all his power to the pope , to be imployed against mahumetanes and prote●tants ) was then intised and drawne by many great promises of mahomet sonne of abdalla king of ●ess , vnto the african warre . sebastian being thus drawne from the english warres another way , dealt with stucley , that first of all he would carry his italian souldiers into mauritania ; stucley finding the spanish king not against this proiect , ( for the spanyard disdeined that the popes . bastard should be king of ireland ) went with sebastian into mauritania , and was killed in that memorable battell , wherein three kings , sebastian , mahomet , and abdall-melech were all slaine . and so stucley had too honorable an end of a dishonorable life . by the death of sebastian the spanyard was cleane drawn away from thinking of the english invasion for a time , and set all his forces vpon the invasion of portugall . if this occasion had not drawne away the spanyard , a great tempest of warre should haue fallen vpon england ( if any credit may be given to the english fugitiues ) for they declared that those hug ▪ . armies which the spanyard had provided against england out of italy , were now all to be imployed vpon the subduing of portuga●l : neither would he be by any meanes pe●swaded then , to thinke of the english invasion , albeit , the english fugitiues did much vrge him , and the pope promise a cruciata in this warre , as in the holy warre was vsed . the king of spaine was so wholly defixed vpon portugall , that nothing could remoue him from that resolution . now when it was knowne that stucley , and all his italians in mauritania were slaine , and that the spanyard thought of nothing but portugall , the english navy that watched for stucley vpon the irish seas , was called home , and all was quiet in england and ireland . by this pageant we may obserue how zealous these holy fathers of rome are , not to win soules to christ , but to winne kingdomes to their bastards . two popes proceed in the same course of malice and malediction against queene elizabeth , & one english fugitiue makes them both fooles . but our part is to remember who governeth the world , and turneth the wise and politike counsells of all the enemies of his church into foolishnes . we giue god the prayse , and remember these things for no other end but to giue the glory to him . chapter v. in the next place comes vp nicholas s●nders , that in the defence of the roman visible monarchy ecclesiasticall had written . but finding that he could doe no good by writing , he falleth now vnto another course ; to be the firebrand of a rebellion in ireland . iames fitz morice being pardoned for a former rebellion , withdrew himselfe into france , promising the french king , that if he would send helpe , he would ioyne all ireland to the french scepter , and restore the romane religion in the i le . but being wearied with delayes , and finding himselfe derided , from france he went to spaine , and promised the same to the spanyard . who sent him to the pope . from the pope at the earnest su●e of nicholas sanders an english priest , and one alan an irish priest , he obtained a little money . and to sanders authoritie legatine was granted , he got forsooth a consecracrated banner , and letters of commendation to the spanyard , and so returned into spaine . from spaine he came into ireland , with those priests , three shippes , and a small company of souldiers . he landed at smerwick in kirria a chersones in ireland , about the first of iuly . an. 1579. where , when the place was first orderly consecrated , he raised a fort , and withdrew his shippes . which shippes were presently surprised and carried away by thomas courtney an english gentleman , who with a warre ship stayed by chance in a neare haven , and so excluded the spanyards from the benefit of the sea. iohn desmond and iames , brethren to the earle of desmond , speedily ioyne themselues to their cousin fitz morice . the earle himselfe , who heartily favoured the cause , counterfeiting the contrary , called his men together , in shew to resist them , but craftily caused the earle of clanri●ket to withdraw himselfe , who was comming to helpe him against the rebells . the lord deputy vnderstanding by certaine messengers that the enemies were landed : sent henry dauil , an english gentleman , a man of valour , and who had good acquaintance with the desmonds , to the earle of desmond , and to his brethren , commanding them presently to set vpon the fort , which the enemies had raised . but that they re●used to doe , as a thing full of dangers . and as dauil returned , iohn desmond followeth him ; and overtaketh him at trally in an inne . and in the night time , having corrupted the host , came into his chamber , with some other cut-throats , having drawn● swords in their hands ; where dauilus slept in securitie with arthur carter an old souldier , a man of worth , deputy-governour of monmuth . but being awaked with the tumult , when he saw iohn desmond with a naked sword rushing towards him , what is the matter my ●onne quoth he , ( for so was he wont familiarly to call him ) nay , said , desmond , i am no more thy sonne , nor thou my father ; for thou shalt die . and presently thrust him and carter which lay with him through with many woundes , and killed them both . dauilus his foot-boy defended his master , with his naked body , receiving many wounds to saue his master if he could . then he killed all dauils servants , which lay scattered in diverse places . and returning to the spanyards all imbrued in bloud , he gloried of the slaughter which he had made . let this , said he , be to you a pledge of my faith to you and to the cause . doctor sanders commended this action , as a sweet sacrifice before god. iames fitz morice blamed the manner of the slaughter , he would haue had it rather in the way , then in their bed . the earle , when he heard of it , vtterly detested it . when the spanyards saw but a few irish ioyne themselues with them , and they poore and vnarmed , farre otherwise then fitz morice had promised , they began to distrust , to cry out they were vndone , to bewaile their fortunes , seeing all wayes was shut vp so , that they saw no meanes to escape by sea or land. fitz morice exhorts them to expect with patience a while ; he told them great forces were comming to helpe them . and himselfe tooke a iourney to the holy crosse of tippararia , pretending to performe a vow which he made in spaine , but in truth , to gather together the seditious of conach and vlster . whilst he was thus in iourney with a few horse and twelue foot , as he passed by the land of william á burg his kinsman , and taking some horses from the plow , because his horses tyred● : the husbandmen made hue and cry , and raised the neighbourhood to recover the horses . amongst these that went to recover the horses , were the sonnes of william á burg , forward young men , who pursued them so sharply , that they overtooke them . fitz morice seeing theobald á burg , and his brethren , who had indeed in a former rebellion taken part with fitz morice : cosins , quoth he , let vs not striue for two or three paltry lades . i doubt not , but if you knew the cause why i am returned into ireland , you would ioyne your selues with me . theobald answered , it repenteth me , my father , and all our friends of the last rebellion . but now we haue sworne our fealtie to our most gracious princesse , who hath granted to vs our liues , and we will keepe our faith and alleagance : and therefore restore the horses , or i will make thee restore them . and withall , he ran vpon him with his speare . they sought a while together . theobaldus and another of his brethren , with some other were slaine . fitz morice also himselfe being runne through with a sp●are , and his head shot through with a buller , was slaine with divers of his men . queene elizabeth hearing of this chance , wrote letters full of sorrow and loue to william á burg , comforting him for the death of his sonnes . she honored him with the title of baron of conell castle , and rewarded him with a yearely pension . the old man being over-●oyed with such vnexspected fauours , dyed not long after . sir william drury then lord deputy , came neare to kilmaloch and sent for the earle of desmond : who comming to him promised his faith and alleagance to his prince , and sweare that himselfe and his men should fight against the rebells . wherevpon he was dismissed to gather his companies , and to returne to the lord deputy . iohn desmond the earles brother , who was by the rebells put in the place of fi●z morice ; lying in ambush , did intrap herbert , & prise , with the bandes which they led , and killed them . himselfe being hurt in the face . some supplyes came out of england , and perrot was sent with six warre-ships to defend the coast : the lord deputy grew so sicke that he was forced to withdraw to waterford for his healths sake ; and appointed nicholas malbey governour of connach , a famous and approued souldier , to follow the warres . and worthy sir william drury soone after died . malbey sent to the earle of desmond , and often admonished him of his dutie and promise : and seeing it not good to linger in such a businesse , he brought his forces into conil , a woody country , against the rebells . there was iohn desmond , who in battell array , and with the popes consecrated banner displayed , received the forces of malbey . it was sharply fought on both sides . but the vertue of the english prevailed ; iohn desmond fled first away and left his men to the slaughter . among them was found alan the irish priest , who exhorting them to the battell , had promised them the victory . malbey by a messenger sent for the earle to come and his forces with him : and when he in vaine expected him foure dayes , he came to rekell a towne of desmond . here the earle began to shew himselfe plainly for the rebells , after that he had a long time vsed dissimulation in his wordes and countenance . the same night the rebells set vpon malbey his tents in the darke , but finding them well fortified , they went away and did no harme . after the death of sir william drury , william pelh●m was sent lo●ch●e●e instice into ireland , with the authoritie of a deputy , vntill a deputy should be sent ; & the earle of ormond was made goue●nour of munster , who sent desmonds sonne ( which he had with him as a pledge ) to be kept at dublin , pelham , chiefe iustice commeth to munster , sends for desmond ; but he sending letters by his wife excuseth himselfe . wherevpon the earle of ormond was sent to him , to admonish him to deliver into the handes of the lord chiefe iustice , sanders the priest , the forrain souldiers , and the castles of carigofoil , and asketten , and to submit himselfe absolutely , and turne his forces against his brother and the other rebells . which thing if he would doe , he might obtaine pardon of his rebellion , otherwise he was to be declared a traytor and enemy to his country . whilst he held off with delayes and delusions , he was declared a traytor in the beginning of december an : 1579. that he had dealt with forrain princes for invading and subverting his countrey : that he had retained sanders and fitz morice , rebells : that he had helped the spanyards after they were gone out of the fort at smerwick : that he had hanged the queenes faithfull subiects ; had advanced the banner of the pope against the queene , that he had brought strangers into the kingdome . after this proclamation , the chiefe iustice appointed the warres against desmond , to be prosecuted by the ea●le of orm●nd . the earle of ormond with his forces destroyed conilo , the onely refuge which the rebells had ; he draue away their cattell , and gaue them a prey to be devided among his sould●ers . he hanged the balife of yonghall before hi● dore , because he had re●used to take a band of english into the towne . and then began to besiege the spanyards in strangi●all ; but they fearing such a thing had conveyed themselues out of danger . yet the english followed them , and killed them all . and every way through munster pressed the rebells most sharply . desmond and his brethren were so hard driven , hiding themselues in their lurking holes , that they wrote to the chiefe iustice , signifying that they had taken vpon them the patronage of the catholike faith in irelan● , and prayed him to take part with them . this shewed their cause was desperate , they had no hope , vnlesse he that was come purposely against them would helpe them . the chiefe iustice laughing pleasantly at the motion , went to munster , and called the nobles to him , and kept them , neither would dismisse them , vntill they had given pledges , and promised their helpe against the rebels to ioyne with him and the earle of ormond . they therevpon deviding their bandes , sought out the rebells . they forced the baron of lixnaw to yeeld himselfe : they besiege● carigo●oil-castle , which iulius an italian with a few spanyards maintained , and breaking the walls by the force of great ordnance , they entred and killed or hanged all that kept the place , with iulius also . at this time came arthur lord grey lord deputy into ireland . an : 1580. soone after his comming , about seaven hundred italians and spanyards sent from the pope and king of spaine , vnder the gouernment of san-iosephus , an italian , came into ireland , vnder the pretence of restoring the roman religion , but the purpose was to divert the queenes forces , and call her from other cares to ireland onely . they tooke land without any trouble , at smerwick in kirria ; for winter , that had a good while stayed in that coast with ships , waiting for them , was now returned to england , thinking they would not come in winter . they made the place strong , and called it fort del or . but as soone as they heard that the earle of ormond was comming towards them , by the perswasion of the irish they left the fort , and betooke themselues into the valley glamingell , which was compassed about with high mountaines and woods . the earle tooke some of them , who being questioned of their number , and purpose : they confessed that 700. were come , that so much armour is brought that may serue 5000. that mo are daily expected out o● spaine , that the pope and king of spaine are resolved to draw the english out of ireland , that for that end they haue sent an huge s●m of money , which they haue delivered into the handes of sanders the popes nuntio , of the earle of desmond , and iohn his brother . that night the italians & spanyards were much to seeke , not knowing what way to turne themselues , not knowing to hide themselues as the irish doe , in dens and bogs , and therefore in the darke they went backe to their fort ; neare to which the e●rle of ormond had pitched : but being vnprovided of ordnance and other things needfull for oppugnation , he stayed for the comming of the lord deputy . who soone after came , accompanied with zouch , ralegh , denie , ma●worth , achin , and other captaines . at that time came winter out of englan● with warre shippes , much blamed for withdrawing himselfe when there was need of his service . the lord deputy sent a trumpetter to the ●ort to demand what they were ? what businesse they had in ireland ? who sent them ? why they had fortified a place in the queenes kingdome ? and withall to command them presently to depart . their answer was , that of them some were sent from the most holy father the pope of rome , some from the catholike king of spaine , to whom the pope had given ireland ; for as much as queene elizabeth had lost her right in ireland by reason of heresie . and therefore that which they had taken , they would hold , and get more if they could . when the lord deputy and winter had consulted of the maner of the siege , they brought some culverings out of the shippes in the darke of the night ; and digging through the banke , they drew them the nearest way , & placed them . the souldiers also mounted their great o●dnāce against the wall , and did beat vpon the fort continually foure dayes together . the spanyard once or twice made sallyes out , but still to their losse . of the english none was killed , saving onely iohn cheke , a goodly yong man and val●ant , the sonne of that learned knight sir iohn ch●ke . san-iosephus who was governour within the fort , a weake man , and terrified with the daily shot , began quickly to thinke of yeelding . and when as hercules pisanus , and other captaines , disswaded him earnestly from that , as a thing vnworthy of military men , vrging that all should prepare for a defence , least by their negligence they might withdraw the courage of the irish , which were comming to helpe them . but he being a man of singular cowardise , assayed the mindes of the souldiers , and wrought so , that the souldiers sedi●●ously offred force to the other captaines , that at last they consented to yeeld . wherevpon the fift day , when they saw no hope of helpe , neither from spaine , nor desmond , they put out a white flagge and demaunded parley . which thing was denied them because they had ioyned themselues with the rebells , with whom it was not lawfull to haue any parley . then they demanded that with bag & baggage they might depart , but neither was this granted . then they intreat●d that this favour might be granted at least to the governour and some few besides , but that though they much besought it , could not be granted . but the lord deputy , inveighing against the pope , commanded that without any condition they should simply yeeld themselues . and when they could obtaine no more , they put out their white flagge againe , and cryed misericordia , misericordia . and so submitted themselues simply to the lord deputy his mercy . who presently fell into consultatiō , what were best to do . the adversaries were in number as many as the english , and danger was feared of the irish rebells , who were moe then 1500 ▪ at hand . the english wanted vittails and apparell , so that they were ready to make a tumult , v●lesse they might be relieued by the spoiles of the enemies out of the fort , and shippes were wanting to carry away the enemies . at last they came to this conclusion , ( the lord deputy being much vnwilling & weeping ) that the captaines should be preserued , the rest should all be slaine promiscuously in terror of others that might attempt so hereafter . the irish should be hanged , which was presently executed . the queene was not pleased at the maner of this execution , and wished it had beene vndone , hating crueltie , though necessary , against such as haue once yeelded , and was hardly after drawne to admit any excuse of the slaughter committed . this was done an : 1580. some three yeares after the earle of desmond , of a noble house , but of a barbarous nature , who barbarously had sworne that he would rather forsake god , then forsake his men , wandring from place to place , was at last found of a commō souldier in a poore cottage . the earle was in a poore estate , vnknowne , till the souldier had almost struck off his arme . then he descryed himselfe , and was killed . nicholas sanders that had drawne the earle into this rebellion , was at the same time spent with famine , and forsaken of all succour : and being impatiently grieued at the evill successe of this rebellion , proceeding so much against his desires , seeing neither the popes blessing , nor the consecrated banner , nor the authoritie by the pope committed to him , could do him any helpe , he lost himselfe , and ran starke mad , wandring vp and downe in the mountaines and woods , and finding no comfort died miserably . when he was dead , there were found in his scrip some orations and epistles written to confirme the rebells , filled with great promises of the pope and spanyard . thus gods justice met with a restles and wretched man , and that foule mouth was stopped vp with famine , that was ever open to stirre vp rebellions against the state that had vttered so many blasphemies against god , and his holy truth , and inuented so many strange lyes against men . this man first of all men , devised a notorious lye against the birth of the queenes mother ; which none of her enemies ever heard or knew , she being in the hatred of so many papists , that would not haue spared to haue spoken evill , yet was it never heard or knowne for forty yeares after . and the accompt of the time doth proue it false , & himselfe like a forgetfull lyer , doth plainly refute himselfe . this pageant of the pope and his legat sanders , we may not let passe without some observations . seeing there is no way to exsatiate their crueltie , we pray that it may please god to remoue their coec●●ie and obduration if it be his good pleasure , that they may once truely see themselues and their vngracious actions , whereof the sight is now taken from them by reason of their blindnesse . for we hold this to proceed rather from their blindnesse , then from a wilfull and obstinate striuing against the knowne truth ; but this we warne them , to labour to know the truth , and to set their hearts to seeke it , least they be wrapped farther and farther into that great iudgement , wherein as yet they are vnder his power which worketh with all power and signes and lying wonders , in all deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse , among them that perish , because they receiue not the loue of the truth , that they might be saued . and therfore god shall send them strong illusions , that they should beleeue lyes , that all they might be damned . which beleeved not the truth , but had pleasure in vnrighteousnesse . two things are here conteined in these words , which iump with these priests and seminaries which the pope sendeth forth ; the doctrine which they teach , and the actions which they practise . their doctrines which they teach are lyes : the apostle warned vs they should beleeue lyes ; this is a iust judgement vpon such as loue not the truth ; their vsuall practise is vnrighteousnesse . what greater lyes can be invented , then to say , that whatsoever the pope will allow for a tradition of his church , that is the word of god. a lye with a witnes , and withall a blasphemy against the most high. what greater vnright●ousnesse , then to giue away other mens possessions to strangers that haue no right to them ; to aispossesse kings ; to giue kingdomes which is none of yours to giue ; to kill , to murther , to massacre , to aoe any act of vnrighteousnesse at the commandement of the pope or any superior : these i am sure are the practises of vnrighteousnesse ; would to god these men would once looke backe vpon themselues and their owne actions , and consider what a difference is betweene ancient bishops of rome and these of late ; betweene godly divines and the popes clergie . the ancient bishops did never draw the sword to propagate the faith ; the apostles left no such example to them , but by their labours in preaching , and their patience in suffring , they gathered a church and established the faith ; but behold how vnrighteousnes , and villany is now come in place . an vngracious bloudy wretch kills a man in his bed , a man that was his friend ; such a thing chancing in the warres may be borne with , but in bed to murther his friend , is an extraordinary signe of barbarous crueltie : and yet that sanders the popes legat should pronounce this thing to be a sweet sacrifice to god ? this passeth all imagination . can any either practise these things , or commend these practises , but onely such men as the apostle describeth , that are given vp to beleeue lyes , and to worke vnrighteousnesse ? if any man shall answer me here with that old worn cuckow long , that these things are not vnderstood by them to be vnrighteo●s which the pope commandeth , that they doe these things in obedience to christ his vicar . i answer , they that would make such an answer , are either such as are men of conscience , or altogether without conscience . if they be men without conscience , i haue nothing to say to such , but wish them better then they doe to themselues , that they had some fecling of conscience . if these men haue any sparke of conscience , then would i intr●at them seriously to consider what is that which the apostle in the place before cited , calleth the deceivablenes of vnrighteousnes ; for this word sheweth that there is some plaine and down-right vnrighteousnesse , and also some deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse . what is that deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse ? surely there is something herein for them to study , that are so ready at the popes command to doe vnrighteous things ; and make not gods word , but the popes word to be the rule to know what is righteous , what vnrighteous . when the law of god , the law of nature , the law of nations , the law of our land ; when i say all lawes forbid a thing , and onely the pope commands it , and commands it against all lawes ; then if a man obey the pope in such things , he is deceived and he doth vnrighteously . here is the deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse . but you must vnderstand that these men are thus deceived by him whose cōming is by the working of satan , with all power and signes and lying wonders , and in all deceivablenesse of vnrighteousnesse in them that perish , because they receiue not the loue of the truth . let men that haue any care to saue their soules , learne to loue the truth , the truth will deliver them . and let them obserue that maintaining of false doctrines and of vnrighteous actions , are things ioyned together , one followeth the other . now because we see false doctrines or lyes maintained by papists , and vnrighteous and vngracious actions by them ordinarily attempted ; therefore we hold them vndoubtedly to be the servants of antichrist , who are given vp to beleeue lyes , because they lou● not the truth . but for our selues , we know that the scriptures are the word of god. we beleeue the scriptures . we trust in god. we worship him as himselfe hath revealed and commanded . if our enemies wrong vs , we haue recourse to god by prayer ; we haue found by continuall experience , that god taketh the protection of them that thus trust in him . we haue trusted in him , we haue found his protectiō . we rest in patience and commit the vengeance to god. is there any man in the world that knoweth any thing of religion , that can denie that we are in a good state , and our enemies in a desperate state ? we haue comfort , but they can haue none . consider this you that forget god , least he plucke you vp , and there be none to deliver you . now , which is our chiefe end in these collections , for our deliverance we blesse the name of god ; and we doe acknowledge with all humilitie and thankesgiving , that all our deliverances come from the vndeserved loue and favour of our most gracious god and father . and we finde our selues most sirictly o●liged vnto this dutie , because we see god hath made our enemies his enemies : they cannot fight against vs , but they must fight against god ; how much then are we bound to honor & serue this great . god of heaven and ●arth , that hath shewed such favour to his church in england ? chapter vi. at this time , an : 1580. the seminary priests and ●esuites increasing in england , necessary lawes were provided against them . these in truth were maintained by the adversaries of england as a seminary of rebellion ; for so still they proued . their first foundation was at doway in the low-countries , where by the procuring of william alan an oxford-man , afterward cardinall , there was a colledge provided for them , in the yeare 1568. where fugitiue priests were brought vp , not so much in religion , as in new and strange practises of treason . the pope assigned them a yearely stipend . thus they stood for some yeares . but when the low-countries began to be troubled with warres , requesenius , who was governour there vnder the spanish king , did thrust out all english fugitiues out of the low-countries . wherevpon they that were willing to make vse of such instruments to trouble england , thought good to giue entertainment to them . and therefore two colledges were set vp for the english sugitiues , the one at rhemes by the guises , another at rome by pope gregory 13. from these colledges they were sent into england vnder pretence of religion , but indeed to withdraw subiects from obedience to their prince , and to draw the land vnto the subiection of strangers : they called themselues seminaries , because they were to sowe the seed of the roman religion in england . and what is that seed of roman religion , but the seed of rebellion ? certainly so it hath euer proued . these men to shew their zeale to their new founders , and their hatred to their country , disputed and defined the popes authoritie by gods law , to haue the plenitude of power ouer the whole world in all things ecclesiasticall and politicall : out of which plenitude he might excommunicate kings , and after excommunication depose them from their thrones , and absolue their subiects from all oaths of alleagance . thus was the bull of pius v. published , an : 1569. from whence rose the rebellion in the north of england , and those rebellions of ireland , of which we haue spoken . hanse , nelson , main , sherwod , prie●ts , then taught that queene elizabeth was a schismatike and an heretike , and therefore worthily to be deposed ; for which they suffred deservedly ; but still others were sent into their places ; and though they came in vpon desperate points , as souldiers vpon a breach , yet others followed lowed as desperate as the first . and would not vnderstand that they ventured both soule and body in the cause of the pope against christ ; for such is the cause of treason being commanded by the pope , and forbidden by christ. the priests and iesuites at this time spent all their learning and skill to stirre vp rebellion in england , giving out in corners , and in publique , printing bookes , to declare that the pope and king of spain had conspired , that england should be overthrowne , & left as a prey . this was done of purpose to confirme their owne side , and to deterre others from their obedience to their prince . wherevpon the queene set out a proclamation , signifying that she had never made attempt vpon any prince , onely defended her own , not invading the provinces of other princes , though she had beene provoked with wrongs , and invited by opportunitie . if any princes should oppugne her , she doubted not but by gods favour , she should defend her owne , and had therefore mustered her forces by land and sea , and was readie against any hostile incursion . she exhorteth her faithfull subiects to hold their faith & alleagance firme to god , & their prince , gods minister . for others that had shaken off the loue of their countrey , and obedience to their prince , she commandeth them to carry themselues modestly , and not to provoke the severitie of iustice ; for she would no longer indure sparing of evill men , least so she might be cruell against the good . among the iesuites that came then into england , robert parsons and edmond campian were chiefe ; they had procured a temper or qualification of the bull of pius v. obtained of greg. 13. in these words ; let petition be made to our holy father , that the bull declaratory of pius v. against elizabeth and her adherents be interpreted : which the catholikes desire to be vnderstood so , that it binde her and heretiques alwayes , but not catholiques , things standing as they doe ; but onely then when the publike execution of the bull may be had . these foresaid favours the pope granted to robert parsons and edmond campian , now ready to goe into england the 13. day of aprill 1580. in the presence of oliver manarcus assisting . this was procured to giue some content to the recusants that were offended at the publication of the bull , and found that it did them more harme then good . parsons and campian came secretly into england , and changed their exterior habit and apparel , that they might the better passe vnknowne . somtimes they went like ruffians , somtimes like ministers , somtimes like noble men , somtimes like souldiers , somtimes like apparitours ; they walked secretly from recusants houses to recusants houses , and did in words and writings roundly set forward the businesse for which they came . parsons was the superior , a man of a seditious and turbulent spirit , armed with audaciousnesse , he brake out so farre among the papists , against the queene , as to propose the pro●ect of deposing of her . in so much , that some papists themselues ( as they themselues hau● said ) did thinke to haue delivered him into the hands of the magistrate . campian was somewhat more modest , yet by a booke which he had much laboured and brought with him , which as himselfe sayth , might be taken with him , if he were apprehended ; did provoke the ministers of the church of england to disputation ; the booke was intituled , a booke of ten reasons , or arguments written politely in latin to confirme the doctrines of the church of rome . parsons wrote more virulently against mr charke , who had written soberly against campians prouocation : but campians ten reasons were throughly and solidly answered by dr whittaker . campian was taken , and brought to disputation , where it was found that in learning and knowledge he came farre short of that expectation which himselfe had raised of himselfe ; the whole disputation was afterward set forth in print . in the meane time many threatnings were published against the church and state of england , and much speech was of the pope and the spanyards preparations to subdue england . by which manner of proceedings it may appeare that the end why these & other such were sent into england , was not to draw men to god , but to betray the land to strangers ; for these men cared not what became of england , so the church of england might be displanted , and popery set vp againe . for which purpose we may obserue the colledges for seminaries , set vp at rhemes and rome . these colledges did strangely swarue from the end and foundation of the ancient colledges . the ancient colledges were founded for learning and religion ; these for meere faction : the ancient colledges were for the furtherance of godlinesse and pi●tie ; these for the practises of ●ngodliness● , and vngracious treasons ▪ let no man tell me that the ancient colledges were founded by papists , & so were these seminaries , and therefore for the maintenance of the same religion : for this is nothing but colouring and daubing of their new practises from the sight of the ignorant ; for all their hope is in the ignorance of men , hoping that they shall haue the greatest part , because the greatest part are ignorant . but now god in his mercy hath so plentifully revealed the truth , the ignorance of men is not so great as the pap●sts would haue it ; for men are taught to know that in the councell of trent , there hath beene hatched a new birth of popery . where they haue changed the rule of faith , which was ever maintained in the church of rome before that time . wherevpon there followeth a change of the church , a change of religion . they that founded the ancient colledges , knew not this new church , this new religion , which is newly hatched in the trent councell . therefore these late colledges of seminaries are founded vpon a new religion . this new r●ligion of rome is nothing but the pract●se of treasons against states . surely it must be a s●rang● religion that must be maintained by vngodly practises . there was never any religion that allowed such practises . and herein the papists exceed the heathen , who being guided onely by the light of nature , yet haue disallowed such vngodly and vngracious practises which the papists vse . let all men consider whence this new religion of rome proceedeth , that in vngodly practises is founded and maintained ; that all such practises proceed from the devill , no man can doubt : that god hath preserved this church of england from all these practises , this is that which causeth vs to trust in god , and to giue all the glory of our deliverance to his holy name . edmond campian , ralfe sherwin , luke kirby , alexander briant were taken in the yeare 1581. and being brought to iudgement , were accused of treason against the queene and state ; that they were directed by the pope , came into england to stirre vp sedition , and to make a strong partie ; and herevpon they were condemned as offending against the lawes . campian was demanded whether he tooke queene elizabeth to be queene of england by right and law ? to that he refused to answer . then he was demanded , if the pope should send an armie into england against the queene , whether he would take the popes part , or the queenes ? to this he protested openly , that he would take the popes part , and confirmed it by his hand-writing ; he was put to death and some others for the same cause . when as yet from the time of the rebellion , there was but fiue put to death in this cause . the queene thinking that mens consciences should not be forced , did often compla●ne , that she was necessarily driven to these courses , vnl●s she would suffer a mischiefe to fall vpon her selfe and her subiects , by them that sought to colour their treasons vnder a pretence of conscienc● and catholike religion . and yet she thought that some of the poore priests , that were sent , were not acquainted with the secret plots of treason : but found that their superiors vsed these as instruments of their wicked intentions ; and they yeelded the whole disposing of themselues to the iudgement of their superiors ; for they that were then and afterward apprehended , being demanded , whether by the authoritie of the bull of pius v. the subiects were so absolved from their oath and alleagance , that they might take armes against the prince ? whether they held her for a lawfull queene ? whether they yeelded their cōsent to the opiniōs of sanders & bristow , concerning the authoritie of that bull ? whether , if the pope should warre against the queene , they would take his part or hers ? to these things they answered , some so ambiguously , some so fiercely , some by preuarication or by silence shifting : that diverse other papists who were not acquainted with the secrets of their villanies , began to suspect , that surely they nourished some secret mischiefe : and iohn bishop , otherwise much addicted to their religion , wrote and soundly proued that the constitution ob●ruded in the name of the councell of lateran , from which they founded all their authoritie to absolue subiects from their alleagance , and to depose princes , was indeed nothing but a decree of innocentius iii. nor was ever admitted in england . yea , that councell was no councell , and that nothing was decreed there by the fathers . suspitions were still increased , by reason of the number of priests daily comming into england , and creeping in corners , who secretly sought out the minds of men , and taught that princes excommunicated were to be throwne out of their kingdomes , that princes that professed not the roman religion , were fallen from the title and kingly authoritie , that they who had taken orders , were by the libertie of the church freed from all iurisdiction of princes , neither were bound to their lawes , or bound to reverence their maiestie : that the magistrates of england were not lawfull , and therefore not to be accounted as magistrates . yea , and moreover , that what things soever had bin established by the queenes authoritie , after the publishing of the bull of pius v. were voyd altogether by gods law and mans law , and to be respected as things of no account . neither did they dissemble their purpose , that they were come into england for this end , that this bull might be effected , and that they might in private confessions reconcile men , and so absolue them from all faith and alleagance toward the queene . this thing seemed to be more easily effected , when men were absolved from all mortall sinne , as the priests perswaded them , and this way was the safest , because the most secret , and vnder the seale of confession . these practi●es extorted of the parliament held then ●n ●anuary , an : 1582 ▪ new lawes and more severe against these popish practises . by which lawes it was made treason to disswade any subiect from their alleagance to their prince , and from the religion which was then established in england or to reconcile any to the romish church ; the same punishment was to be inflicted vpon them which were so perswaded , or reconciled . to say masse , was punished with two hundreth markes , and a yeares imprisonment , and to be farther punished vntill they had payed . to be present at masse willingly , was punished with an hundreth marke fine , and a yeares imprisonment : they that refused to come to their parish churches , were to pay twentie pound a moneth . this manner of punishing refractary men , that in matters touching the church were troublesome and seditious , was taken from an ancient manner of punishing such men in the time of st augus●in , for he speaketh diverse times of the pecuniary mulct of the emperours , which was inflicted vpon the dona●ists . and because the seminary priests and iesuites who haue bin punished , not for religion , but for treasons in the execution of civill iustice , for offending against the lawes of the land , haue given out , that they haue bin perfecuted for religion , and some of them haue beene made martyrs , ( these be a new kinde of martyrs , not for christs cause , but for the popes cause against christ , and against his word and commandement . ) it shall not be amisse to obserue the state of the church in s. augustines time , and the iudgement of the church then , which in diverse resemblances doth answer to our times ; for then the emperour had that power and authoritie , which we now giue to our kings . the pope had no more authoritie then , then we would yeeld him now , if he would maintaine the doctrine that the popes then did . the pope was then vnder the emperour ; the emperour punished both pope and others if they offended his lawes . parmenianus , a donatist , complained they were punished by the emperour , and persecuted , and called their persecution martyrdome , as did the papists that were punished . s. augustin answering the donatists , saith : si quis quis ab imperatore , &c. if every man that is punished by the emperour , or by the iudges which he sendeth , must presently be accompted a martyr , then shall we haue all prisons full of mart●rs , &c. and after he sayth : therefore not every one that in some question of religion is punished by the emperour , must presently be accompted a martyr ; for he is iustly punished for superstition , which he thought to be religion . no man verily that in any respect is a christian , dare avouch this ; for such men proceeding like blind men , see not , that they who thus thinke , proceed so farre , as to proue that the very devils may thus chalenge to themselues the glory of martyrs , because they suffer this persecution by the christian emperours ; for as much as their temples are destroyed over all the world in a manner ; their ldols are broken in peeces , their sacrifices are forbidden , they who honor them are punished if they be found . which if it be madnesse to m●intaine , then it followeth that righteousnesse is not proued by suffering , but by righteousnesse , suffering is made glorious : therefore the lord said not blessea are they that suffer persecution , but he addeth that which maketh the difference betweene pietie and sacriledge , blessed are they which suffer persecution for righ●●ousnesse , &c. and after he sayth : if these men being convicted of their wicked practises , shall acknowledge that they who are thus punished ●or their mad tricks , may not be accompted martyrs , but yet they will say , that these things ought not to belong to the emperour to punish . ( iust as the papists say , the punishment of their clergie belongeth not to the magistrate . ) i demand then , sayth augustin : whether they thinke , that the superior powers ought not to haue care of religion , & of punishing false religion ? the apostle saith , the works of the flesh are manifest , which are adaltery , fornicatiō , vncleannes , wantonnes , idolatry , witch-craft , hatred , debate , emulation , wrath , contentions , seditions , heresies , envie , murthers , drunkennesse , gluttony , and such like . what reason can these men render , why it should be justice for the empeperours to punish idolaters , murtherers , and such , and not by the same reason to be like justice in them , to punish heretiques . when as they are accompted in the same fruits of iniquitie , someruill was found strangled in the prison . ( for feare belike that he might haue discovered moe ) ardern being condemned , was hanged the next day . this is the common end that priests bring such gentlemen vnto , who are willing to heare them and be perswaded by them . the next yeare after , ( for seldome did any yeare passe without some treason ) some english gentlemen began to practise the deliverance of the queene of scots . francis throgmorton fell first into suspition , by certaine letters intercepted , written to the queene of scots . as soone as he was committed to prison , and beganne to confesse something , presently thomas lord paget , and charles arundell , a courtier , secretly fled the land , and went into france . these men meeting with other devoted to the roman religion , did much complaine , recounting their sorrowes among themselues , that the queene was estranged from them without their fault , by the cunning of leicester , and walsingham , that them selues were exposed to vnworthy contumelies & ignominies , that singular tricks were found out , and secret snares laid so cunningly , that improvident men , will they nill they , must needs be intangled in such snares ; that to remaine at home there could be no safety for them . it was thought at this time , that some cunning was practised to feele mens affections ; and that counterfeit letters were written vnder the name of the scots queene , and of some fugitiues , knowne traytors to the state ; which letters might be left in the houses of recusans , and that spies were sent abroad to gather rumors , and to catch suspitions . diverse were drawne into snares . among others , henry earle of northumberland , and his sonne philip earle of arundell , was commanded to keepe his house , his wife was committed to sr thomas shirly to be kept ; and henry howard the dukes brother was often examined of letters sent from the scots queene , from charles paget , and from one mope , then vnknowne . some blamed the narrow searching of things , and the manner of drawing men into danger . others thought that all the means that might be vsed to prevent the queenes danger , and to saue her life , was but necessary . and indeed the outragious maliciousnes of the papists against the queene , brake out daily ; for by bookes imprinted , they exhorted the queenes maides and ladies of honor to doe the same against the queene , which iudith did against holofernes . the author of that booke was not found , gregory martin was suspected , a man learned in the greeke and latin tongues , and chosen by the duke to be the bringer vp of his children . carter the stationer that caused the books to be printed , was punished for it . the queene , that was much traduced for crueltie , knowing her owne mildnes , and desirous to leaue a good remembrance of her name behinde her , was much offended with the iudges of the papists apprehended , if they passed any cruell sentences against them , which might be iniurious to her honor . insomuch that they were forced to excuse themselues by publike writings , wherein they protested , that the priests were much more mildly vsed then they deserved : that no question of religion was moued to them , but onely of such pernicious machinations against their country , against their prince , whereof they were either found guiltie , or by the discovery of others , suspected . that campian was never so racked , but that presently he was able to walke , or to subscribe to his confessions . but for briant , who stubbornly denied to vtter by speech or by writing , who was the man that wrote these secret things which were found about him ; to this man meat was denied , vntill by writing he would aske it . for all this the queene was not satisfied , and therefore she commanded the examiners to abstaine from tormenting men , and the iudges from punishing . and short after , she commanded seventie priests to be sent out of england , whereof some were condemned to die , all of them were intangled within the danger of the lawes . the chiefe of these were gasper haywod , the sonne of haywod the epigrammatist , who of all the iesuites first entred england : iames bosgraue , which was also a iesuit , iohn hart , the most learned among them , with whom doct : reinolds had conference , and edward rishton , a wicked and vngrateful man , who wrote a booke presently after , shewing forth the poyson of a cankred heart against the queene , to whom he owed his life . the lord paget and arundell who went into france , were narrowly observed there , by edward stafford , the ambassadour leiger there for queene elizabeth ; but he could not find out what they practised ; yet he dealt with the french king , that they , morgan , and some other english fugitiues , who were knowne to be practisers against their prince , and their country , might be thrust out of france . but it was answered , that if they practised any thing in france , the king would by law punish them , but if they had practised any thing in england , that of such things the king could take no notice , nor by law punish them : that all kingdomes were free for fugitiues , that it behooued kings to maintaine their owne liberties : that elizabeth not long before had admitted into her kingdome montgomery , the prince of condie , and others of the french nation , and that segneres ambassadour of the king of navarre was in england , practising of some things that concerned the french state . in the meane time bernardinus mendoza the king of spaine his ambassadour for england , stole fecretly into france , fretting and fuming , that he was thrust out of england by a violation of the right of an ambassadour : when as indeed he was a man of a troublesome spirit , and had abused the reuerend right of ambassadours , by the practises of treason against this state wherein he was . he was commanded to depart out of the realme , whereas many thought fit that he should haue beene with some severity censured for violating the office of an ambassadour . for he had practised with throgmorton , and others , to bring in strangers into england , to invade the land , and to remoue the queene . and being gently reprooued for these things , he was so far from offering to excuse these things with a modest answer , that he began to accuse the queene and the councell , for the money taken from the merchants of genua , and for helping the states of the netherlands , of the count antow , of antony of portugall , and charged them with the spoyles that sr francis drake had taken from the spany trds in the west indies . but that the spanyard might the better vnderstand , that this which queene elizabeth had done in sending away mendoza , was no violating of an ambassadour , but a censure of mendoza his wicked practises , sr william wade was sent to spaine , who might plainly informe the king , how vnworthily he had behaved himselfe in his ambassage : and might also signifie , that the queene would not haue this sending away of him to be interpreted a renuntiation of friendship , but that she would maintaine all offices of humanitie , if he would send any other , that were carefull to conserue friendship betweene them , so that the like offices were performed to her ambassadour in spaine . the spanish king would not admit wade to his presence , but referred him to his councell : wade herevpon declared boldly , that the custome was received among nations , that even in burning warre , ambassadours were admitted into presence of their enemies : & that charles the fift emperour , father to the king of spaine , admitted into his presence an herald who denounced to him warres from the french king , and denied to communicate the instructions of his ambassage to his councellers . i diacius the kings secretary could by no cunning fish out of wade what were his instructions , vntill he vnderstood the whole matter from mendoza , then lurking in france . then the secretary laying aside his publike person , did familiarly declare to sr william wade , that he was sorry that some men did labour craftily to dissolue friendship among princes , and to nourish hatred betweene them ; the iniury that was done , was not done to the ambassadours but to the catholike king : that there was no cause for him to accuse mendoza to the king , who was sufficiently punished with an ignominious extrusion out of england , for the fault , if there were any , which he committed . neither might he complaine if he were not admitted ; for the catholike king did nothing herein but quit like with like , seeing mendoza was dismissed from the queene , vnheard . and as she referred mendoza to her councell , so the king had referred him to the cardinall granuillanus . wade answered , there was great difference in their cases ; for himselfe he had never offended the catholike king : but mendoza had grievously offended against the queene , and for a long time through his owne insolency disdained to come , and had committed many things vnworthy the office of an ambassadour ; yet he could not be admitted , but returned vnheard . the crimes that he would haue obiected against mendoza , were taken our of the confession of throgmorton . for fran●is throgmorton , when he was apprehended , sent priuily one packet of letters to mendoza . his other packets being sought and opened , there were two catalogues found ; in the one of them were the names of all the havens of england , that were for forces to land in : in the other were contained the names of the noble-men , which here and there throughout england favoured the roman religion . these papers when throgmorton saw produced , he cryed out that they were counterfeited , that he had never seene them before , that they were devised for his destruction . but when he was againe brought to the racke , he denied not to answer what he knew to the questiōs proposed . being therefore demanded of those catalogues , to what purpose they had beene written , he made this narration ; that not many yeares since he went to the spaw water , where , with ieney and fr : inglefeld , he had counsell and communication , how england might be taken by strangers , and the forme of the government changed . for that purpose he described the names of the havens , and of noble-men ; that morgan had certified him by letters out of france , that the catholike princes were resolved to invade england , that the queene of scots should be set at libertie by the forces of the guises . to this proiect there was nothing wanting but money , and the helpe that was expected out of england . to effect this the better , charles paget , vnder the name of mope , was secretly sent into sussex , where the guise purposed to take land : that he had communicated the matter to mendoza , and told him the names of the noble-men , who knew all these things before fully of the conspirators : neither denied he that himselfe had promised his help to mendoza , and withall that he admonished mendoza of those nobles that were fit for him being a publike person to deale withall , which himselfe being a private man could not doe without danger . and that he had taken order with him , and concluded of the meanes to be vsed , namely , that the chiefe catholikes , as soone as ever the forraine forces drew neare , should muster souldiers in the queenes name , who should ioyn themselues with the forraine forces . thus much he confessed willingly . yet when he came to iudgement in the guild hall at london , he denied all , & said that all these were fained devises to saue him from the racke , and openly accus●d the queene of crueltie , the examiners of falshood ; seeking a starting hole from the space of time which passed between the time of the committing his crime , and the time of his iudgement ; for in the xiii . of elizabeth , certaine crimes are made treason , for which no man should be called in question , vnles the delinquent were accused within six moneths after the crime committed , and the crime were proued by witnesse and oath of two , or by the partie his owne free confession . now he pleaded that this time was past , and therefore that he was not to be called into iudgment . but the iudges answered and shewed that the crimes obiected against him , were of another kind ; for he had offended against an old law of treason made in the time of edward 3. which admitteth no circumscription of time , or proofe . and from that law he was condemned . afterward being perswaded and better thinking on the matter , he craued the queenes mercy , and by writing confessed all at full againe , which he had done before : and as a man vnconstant , began to deny againe at the gallowes . chapter viii . qveene elizabeth at this time , sought a faire opportunitie and meanes to set the queene of scots free : and for that purpose had sent sr william wade , that was now returned out of spaine , to conferre with her of the meanes , and was about to send sr walter mildmay to bring that matter to a farther end . but some terrors and feares broke in between them which disturbed that proiect . especially by a discovery of papers which creighton , a scots iesuit sayling into scotland , did tare then when he was taken by dutch pyrats . creighton tore the papers , & threw them into the sea ; but they were by the force of the winde blowne backe againe into the ship , not without a miracle , as creighton himselfe said ; the papers being brought to sr william wade , with much la●our and singular skill he ioyned them together againe ; and found that they contained new practises of the pope , the spanyard , the guises resolution to invade england . whereupon , and because many other rumors of dangers were increased ; to the end that the wicked and treasonable practises might be in time prevented , and the queenes life and safetie might be procured , vpon whose safety both the estate of the kingdome , and of religion depended : a great number throughout all england , of all sorts of men out of common charity , whilst they shewed their loue and care of the queene : bound themselues by an association ( as then it was called ) by their mutuall promises , subscriptions of their hands and seales , to prosecute all such by all their force even to death , whosoever should attempt any thing against the life of the queene : the earle of leicester was supposed to be the author of this association . surely it was vsefull , and held many in order . the queene of scots tooke this as devised to bring her into danger , and was so continually set on by seditious spirits , that if they may haue accesse are able to draw the greatest princes to destruction . and what hath beene their practise , but to bring great personages and great houses to ruine ? lamentable experience sheweth openly the fruit of their malice , and wicked plots for treason ; which they call religion . the scots queene led on by her blind guids , dealt somwhat rashly , but with importunity to the pope and spanyard , by sr francis inglefeld , that by all meanes they would with speed , vndertake their intended busines . there were some also that laboured to draw queene elizabeths affections altogether from the scots queene ; they told her that cardinall alan for the english catholikes ecclesiasticall , inglefeld for the laiks , and for the queene of scots , the bishop of ross had vndertaken , & were among themselues agreed , and with the consent also of the pope and spanyard , had fully resolved vpon these points : that queene elizabeth should be deprived of her kingdome ; the king of scots as a manifest favourer of heresie , should vtterly be disinherited of the kingdome of england ; that the scots queene shall marry some noble-man of england , which is a catholike ; that this man must be chosen king of england by the catholikes of england ; that the choice so made must be confirmed by the pope ; that the children of him so chosen begotten of the scots queene , must be declared successours in the kingdome . all these things were confirmed to be true by testimony of hart the priest. who was this noble english man , that should marry the scots queene , was now much inquired after ; sir francis wal●ingham sought it out with all diligence , yet found it not out . there was suspition of henry howard , brother to the duke of norfolke , who was noble by birth , vnmarried , and a favourer of that religion , and in great grace and favour with them . these things that were discovered by throgmorton , by creightons papers , and other mens , were matters which bred suspitions and feares though they were never so effected as they were intended . but we find by these things , that france and spaine , and the strength of the pope , were here all combined against queene elizabeth , and king iames , for no other cause , but for their religion ; because both queene elizabeth and king iames , had established the same religion . against which religion all the great powers of the world were combined , and were therefore ready with their vtmost indevours to root out these two princes from england and scotland . if a man shall consider the councels , the pollicies , the strength of these great powers which were set against these two princes , it is a matter to be wondred at , how they should stand against so deepe and desperate dangers . here i wish that a papist of any vnderstanding would take this matter into his consideration . and looke but a little further to the end and event of things . what man purposed , what god wrought . what became of these two princes , queene elizabeth & king iames , against whom the world thus conspired ? queene elizabeth after so many malicious proiects against her , by open warres , by secret conspiracies , yet lived to see all the malicious practises against her , defeated and overthrowne , the practisers themselues ruinated , her people and kingdome defended , gods truth maintained , her service for the truth rewarded , and after all , dyed quietly in her bed , and hath left a blessed memory behinde her . king iames that was in the same cause with her , in the same manner threatned for his religion , to be made incapable of the inheritance of england , and then neither could he haue holden scotland , for he must either haue all his right , or loose all ; for there is no middle-way in the inheritance of kings : yet after all these threatned dangers by the great powers of the world , after a number of dangerous and devilish practises against him at home ; he hath not onely quietly possessed that which he had , but is in the peaceable possession of england , with such loue , such gladnesse of heart and common reioycing , that the like hath not beene knowne in former times . and which was never done by any before , though much wished , and attempted : he hath in his royall person knit england and scotland together ; he hath not onely maintained the truth of religion by his authoritie , as all christian princes are bound to do ; but also by his wisedome , by his learning confirmed the truth , drawne many to the knowledge of it by his learned labours . wherein he hath not onely farre exceeded all his progenitours in this kingdome , but hath left all the kings and emperours in the world farre behind him in this honour ; so that since the beginning of the time of grace , to this day , the world never saw a king so furnished and inabled to maintaine the truth , and to discover the blindnesse and superstition of false religion . and therefore hath god blessed him with extraordinary blessings ; the loue of his subiects , the peaceable estate of ireland , which before his time was never governed in peace , especially the fruit of religion , and the reward of religion maintained , is the greatest blessing that kings can looke for . this hath beene , and is the state of these religious provinces ; so that men shall say , doubtl●sse there is a reward for the righteous , verily there is a god that iudgeth the earth . and because my purpose in writing this booke , is to declare the great workes of god , in the defence of this church of england since religion planted here by queene elizabeth ; and to giue god all the glory , both of the planting and maintaining thereof : we therefore remember these things with great gladnesse and ioy of heart to gods glory , giving thankes to his holy name , for the favours that he hath exhibited to his church here , by the faithfull service of these two royall servants of god , in whom is truely verified that which the prophet esay foretold , speaking of gods favour to his church : kings shall be thy nurcing fathers , and queenes shall be thy nurces . in these things we can lift vp our hearts to god , and giue him the glory and thankes for all his goodnesse . but can our adversaries doe the like , whose practises against these noble princes , were wicked and malicious , and by god confounded ? let men see and confesse the hand of god in maintaining them that maintaine his truth , and dishonouring them that dishonour him . the next yeare , that is an : 1585. there was a parliament held , wherein there was in the lower house a law proposed against iesuites : which was iudged needfull and accepted of all without contradiction , saving only william parry , a welch man , obscure , of meane fortunes , yet a doctor of the civill law , he spake against that law which then was exhibited , and said it was a cruell bloudy law , and desperate , and pernicious to the english nation : being required to shew his reasons for that strange opinion of his , he obstinately refused so to doe , vnlesse it were before the queenes councell : wherevpon he was committed to prison . but after his reasons were heard and his submission made , he was againe admitted into the assembly . presently after , he was accused by edward neu●l ( who chalenged the inheritance of the neuils , and the title of the lord latimer , as next heire male . ) edward neuil charged him for practising the queenes death . this parry some two yeares before returning out of italy , to the end that he might win favour and credit with the queene , declared secretly to her what morgan , and other fugitiues had practised to her destruction . making semblance to the queene , that he was conversant with them for no other end , but onely to search out their secret purposes , that so he might the better be a meanes to provide for the queenes safety . wherevpon the queene did not easily giue credit to neuil the accuser yet she commanded sr fancis walsingham to aske parry , whether he had not dealt with some person discontented and suspected of that matter , onely to try the man. which thing being demanded , he vtterly denied . the foole saw not , that by this meanes the queenes lenity opened a way for him to escape the danger ; for surely if he had signified , that onely for to try the man he dealt with neuil , whom he knew to be a man discontented and suspected , as he had foretold the queene , he might haue avoyded the danger ; but they who in their heart once haue given intertainment to wickednesse and treason , though otherwise they be of wit and sharpe vnderstanding , are made blind , by a iust iudgement of god. now when as neuil had no witnesse against parry : there was no great difference betweene parry his word and his . but parry , after some sharpe wordes had passed betweene them ; was imprisoned in the tower. where he freely confessed thus much . in the yeare 1570. ( said he ) i was admitted a sworn servant to the queene , i remained devoted to her maiestie till the yeare 1580. at what time i fell into great danger of my life , with great ignominy , ( for he had broken into the chamber of hugh hare , in whose debt he was , and wounded him , wherevpon being condemned by law , his life was saved by the queenes pardon ) after that , i liued much vexed in my minde , and getting leaue to trauell , i went into france ; and had no purpose to returne , because i had given my selfe to the catholike religion . at paris i was reconciled ; at venice i had communication with benedict palmius a iesuit , touching the afflicted catholikes in england , and i signified that i had found out a way to helpe them , if the pope , or some learned divines would avouch it to be a lawfull course . he commended this thing as pious : he commended me to campegius the popes nuntio at ven●ce , and campegius to the pope . i moued that i might come to rome with safeti● . wherevpon letters of publike credence were sent to me by the cardinall of come : but these were not large enough , and therefore other more large were sent . but then was i returned into france . where meeting with morgan , he signified , that there was an expectation , that i should performe some especiall service to god , and to the catholike church . i answered , that i was most ready to kill , if it were the greatest subiect of england . o but ( said he ) and why not the queene her selfe ? i said that this also might be easily done , so that it might appeare to be lawfull . for watt a priest , whose advise i asked in this matter , suppressing the names , told me plainly , that it was not lawfull , ( and creighton the iesuit is of the same opinion , teaching that evill must not be done , that good may come : that god is more delighted with aduerbs than nounes , and the thing that is done well and lawfully pleaseth him better then a thing good : and that by the destruction of one , many soules are not to be redeemed , without an expresse commandement of god. ) yet for all this seeing i had in italy bound my selfe by letters and promise , i could not goe backe , if the pope did approue it , and would grant me a plenary indulgence . which i requested in my letters to the pope , by ragazonius the popes nuntio in france . who commended the interprise , and sent my letters to rome . being returned into england , i gat accesse to the queene . and all being remoued , i opened the whole conspiracy , yet hiding many things , with as great art as possibly i could . she heard it vndaunted , vnterrified . i departed daunted and terrified neither can i forget that which she said , that no catholikes were to be brought into question for religion , or for the popes supremacy , so that they carry themselues as good subiects . in this time whilst i stayed daily in court , seeking to be preferred with the mastership of s. katharines , i received letters from the cardinall of come , wherein the attempt was commended , and i was absolved in the popes name . these letters i shewed the queene ; how they did worke with her i know not : but with me they wrought so farre , that they set a new courage in me to attempt the interprise , and tooke all scruple out of my mind ; yet it was not my minde to offer any force , if by any reasons she might be perswaded to deale more gently with catholikes . and to the end i should not commit slaughter , alwayes when i had accesse to her i layd aside my dagger . so oft as i considered her and her princely vertues , i was distracted by an ambiguous care , for my vowes were in heaven , my letters and promises with men . and to my selfe i revolved these things in my minde . she never deserved well of me . it is true she pardoned my life ; but for such a cause to take away my life , were tyrannicall . thus not content with my state , i departed from court ; and i light vpon doct. alans booke , written against the iustice of england . who teacheth that princes being excommunicate for heresie , are to be despoiled of their kingdomes and liues : that booke did very sharply stirre me vp to finish mine attempt ; i read this booke to neuil , whom i entertained at my table ; and this was done full six moneths before he accused me . after this he came to me , and let vs dare , said he , to doe something , seeing of the queene we can obtaine nothing . and he proposed some things of the delivery of the scots queene . i did here interpose ; o but i haue a greater matter in my head , and more profitable for the catholike church . the next day he came , and swearing vpon the bible , that he would keepe my counsell , and constantly prosecute whatsoever was vsefull for the catholike religion . and i sware in like sort . our determination was to set vpon the queene with ten horsemen as she was riding in the fields , and so to kill her . which thing neuil concealed all this while . but when the newes came , that the earle of westmerland was dead , whose inheritance he hoped to haue presently , not respecting his oath , he opened these things against me . these things parry confessed , in the presence of the lord hunsdon , sir christopher harton , and sir francis walsingham , privie councellers , and farther by his letters to the queene , to burghley lord treasurer , and to the earle of leicester , he acknowledged his fault and craued pardon . some few dayes after he was brought to vvestminster hall to iudgement . where the heads of his accusation being read , he confessed himselfe guiltie . sir christohper hatton , to satisfie the mult●●de present , thought it fit , that the crime should punctually be opened out of his own confession . which parry himselfe acknowledged to be free , not extorted : and the iudges intreated that he would reade them . but the clarke of the crowne read them : and the letters of the cardinall of come , & parry his letters to the queene , to the lord burghley , and the earle of leicester , all which he granted to be true . yet he denied that he was at any time resolved to kill the queene . he was therefore commanded to speake , if he had any thing to say why iudgement should not passe . here he answered with perturbation , as one troubled with the conscience of the crime , i see i must die , because i was not resolved . and being desired to speake more plainly , if he would say any thing ; my bloud , said he , be among you . when sentence of death was pronounced against him , he ragingly cited the queene to the tribunall seat of god. being brought to the gallowes , he bragged much that he had beene a faithfull keeper of the queene , because he had not killed her . thus like a glorious roman catholike , never once in one word cōmending himselfe to god , he died like a traytor in the court before vvestminster hall , where the lords and commons were then assembled in parliament . in this parliament some lawes were enacted for the queenes safety against the iesuites and priests , who attempted daily horrible treasons from the bull of pius v. it was therefore enacted that within forty daies they should all depart the land. if any came in againe after that , and stayed here , they should be guilty of treason : that if any received them wittingly and willingly , or interteined them , nourished , or helped them , such should be guiltie of fellony : that they who are brought vp in the seminaries , if they returne not within sixe monethes after warning given , and should not submit themselues to the queene , before a bishop , or two iustices of peace , they should be guiltie of treason . and they who had submitted , if they should within ten yeares come to the court , or nearer then ten miles of the court , that then their submission should be voyd . they who sent any money by any means to the students of the seminaries , should be guiltie of praemunire . if any of the peeres of the realme , that is , dukes , marquesses , earles , vicounts , barons of the parliament , should offend against these lawes , he should be tryed by his peeres . they who know any iesuites and priests to lye lurking in the realme , and within twelue dayes doe not detect them , shall be fined at the queenes pleasure , and put in prison . if any be suspected to be one of those iesuites or priests , and shall not submit himselfe to examination , for his contempt he shall be imprisoned , vntill he submit . he that shall send any christian , or any other to the seminaries and colledges of the popish profession , shall be fined an hundreth pounds . they that are so sent , shall not succeed in inheritance , nor inioy any goods what way soever they may chance . and so shall it be to them that within a yeare returne not from those seminaries ; vnlesse they conforme themselues to the church of england . if the keepers of havens permit any to passe the seas without the queenes licence , or the licence of six councellers , except mariners and merchants , they shall be remoued from their places ; the ship-master that carries them shall loose the shipp and all the goods in her , and be imprisoned a whole yeare . the severitie of these lawes ( which were no lesse then necessary for such times and such mischiefes ) made the papists in england afeard , and among others , philip howard , earle of arundell ; in so much as fearing least he might offend against those lawes , he purposed to leaue his countrey . he had his bloud restored by the queenes favour three yeares before . and after that being dis-favoured by reason of some secret suggestions of certaine great personages against him , he secretly gaue himselfe to the popish religion , and made choice of an austere life . surely if good instructours might haue beene admitted to him , he might haue beene easily and happily confirmed in the truth . he was once or twice called before the councell table , and refuted the things obi●cted to him . yet was he commanded to keepe his house . six moneths after he was set at libertie , and came to the parliament ; but the first day , whilst the sermon was preached he withdrew himselfe out of the company . the parliament being ended , being as then resolved to depart , he wrote to the queene a long and a mournfull complaint , which letters he commanded should be delivered after his departure : he complained of the envie of his potent adversaries , wherevnto he was forced to yeeld ; seeing they triumphed over his innocency . he recounted the vnfortunate destinies of his ancestors , of his great grandfather , condemned his cause not being heard : of his grand-father , who for matters of small moment was beheaded ; and of his father , whom he affirmed to be circumvented by his adversaries , who yet never had an evill minde against his prince nor countrey . as for himselfe , least he should succeed the heire of his fathers infelicitie , said he , to the end that he might serue god , and provide for the health of his soule , he had forsaken his countrey , but not his alleagance to his prince . after these letters were delivered , he went into sussex , and having provided a shippe , in an obscure corner , and now being ready to take ship , he was apprehended by the mean●s of those whom he trusted , and by the master of the ship discovered , and was sent into the tower as a prisoner . chapter ix . at that time was henry percy earle of northumberland in the tower , suspected to be of councell with throgmorton , and the lord paget , and the guises , to invade england , and to free the scots queene . he was found dead in his bed , shot with three bullets vnder his left pap : the chamber doore bolted on the inside . the crowners enquest found a dagge , and gun powder in the chamber , and examining the man that bought the dagge , and him that sold it , they found that the earle had beene the cause of his owne death . three dayes after the lords met in the starre-chamber . the lord chancelour broumley , briefly declared that the earle had entred into treasonable councels against his prince and countrey , which now when he perceived that they were come to light , troubled in conscience for the thing , hath offred force to himselfe . and to satisfie the multitude then present , he willed the queenes atturney generall , and the rest of the queenes councell , plainly to open the causes why he was kept in prison , and the manner of his death . wherevpon popham then atturney , beginning from the rebellion of the north sixteene yeares before , he declared , that for this rebellion and for a purpose to deliver the scots queene , that he was called into question , acknowledged his fault , submitted himselfe to the queenes mercy , was fined fiue thousand markes . that the queene of her clemencie tooke not of that fine so much as a farthing , and after his brothers death confirmed him in the honor of the earledome . notwithstanding all this , he had entred into pernicious counsel to deliver the scots queene , to overthrow the english queene , with the state and religion : that mendoza the spaniard had told throgmorton that charles paget vnder the name of mope , had secretly dealt with him in sussex of these things : that the lord paget had signified the same to throgmorton , as appeared from creighton the scots iesuites papers . and that charles paget had shewed the same things to william shelley when he returned out of france . after that , egerton the queenes sollicitour , inferred the same from circumstances , and a care of concealing the matter . that when as there was none in england that could accuse the earle of this crime , except the lord paget ; ( with whom throgmorton had familiaritie ) he had provided a shippe for the lord paget , by shelley , a few dayes after throgmorton was apprehended . so was the lord paget sent away into france . and when throgmorton began to confesse some things , the earle departed from london to petworth , and sending for shelley , told him that he was in danger of his life and fortunes , he intreated him to keepe counsell , and to put away those that knew of the departure of the lord paget , and of the comming of charles paget . which was presently done , and himselfe sent far off that servant which he vsed to send to charles paget . the sollicitour addeth , that when he was in prison , he dealt often with shelley , the keepers being corrupted , to vnderstand what those things were which he had confessed . but when by a poore woman secretly sent betweene them , shelley had signified , that he could keepe counsell no longer , that there was great differēce between their two conditions ; that he must come vnder the racke , which the earle in respect of his place and order was freed from , and had written to him what he had confessed : the earle therevpon sighed and said , as pantin his chamberlain hath confessed , that shelley his confession had vndone him . after the manner of his death was declared by the testimony of the enquest , and by pantins testimony . many good men were very sorrowfull , that a man of such nobility , wisdome , and valour was so lost . my purpose is in this narration , to obserue the great and manifold deliverances of this church . when i am drawne by the course of the history to open these practises , in which noblemen haue beene misled : this i confesse i relate with great commiseration ; for seeing that noble houses are the honor of the king , the ornament of the kingdome , there is no man that loueth the honor of his owne country , that can write or speake of the fall of such men , but with griefe and sorrow . of such i will make no other observations , but onely the testification of mine owne sorrow but yet here i must obserue one thing for the good and instruction of their posteritie , or the like , that they may take heed of these pernicious instruments , priests , iesuites , and those that are infected , yea and poysoned with the infection of them . these gracelesse merchants haue vtterly vndone many noble persons , which without their restlesse suggestions and councels , might and doubtlesse would haue bin great ornaments of their countries both in peace and warres . was there ever any noble house in these times ruinated , without the practise of these wicked miscreants ? let all the bloud that hath bin shed in this land in the northern rebellion , & at other times , be laid vpon these wicked instruments of bloud . and let the world consider the outragious wickednesse of this generation , that having in formertimes sucked the bloud of the saints as greedy instruments of the great whore , that is drunke with the bloud of the saints : now by a iust , but strange iudgement of god , they are fallen into such practises , as shed their owne bloud and the bloud of such as are misled by them . god is to be reverenced in all his iudgements , and let not men striue against god to maintaine a cause which god will overthrow , with all the maintainers thereof . and it is not much to be marveiled , if these cunning stirrers haue deceiued some of our nobles , for we see that they haue cousened great kings and princes . for soone after this in the yeare 1586. these pernicious medlers , these iesuites shewed themselues in other colours , for when these bloudy instruments that had so long laboured the ruine of england , & were out of hope to restore the romish religion to england , either by the scots queene , which was now more strictly kept , or by the king then of scotland , who had plainly professed and established the gospell in his kingdome : they fell now to a new and a strange practise , which might make the world to wonder : they began out of their false and lying forgeries , to set a foot an imaginary title of the king of spaine , to the right and succession of the english crowne . to this purpose , as pasquirus discovered , they sent into england one shamiers , ( if it be not a counterfeit name ) a lesuit , which might draw the discontented nobles vnto the spanish side , & throw the scots queene headlong into dangers and despayre , signifying to her , that if she should be trouble some to hinder their designes , that neither she nor her sonne should raigne here . and stirred vp new troubles in france to withdraw her cousens the guises from hindering their devises , by wrapping them in new garboiles against the king of navarre and the prince of condy. in which the king of spaine had a hand , to set france in troubles , that he in the meane time might the better proceed in his intentions for england . these desperate courses drew the scots queene into more danger . at this time a most desperate and pernicious conspiracy brake out , which as by the free confessions of the conspirators appeareth , was thus . some english divines of the rhemish seminary , whilst they seemed to admire as men astonished or rather doting , an omnipotency in the pope , did labour to perswade themselues , that pius v. his bull against queene elizabeth was ind●ted by the holy ghost : and that it was a thing meritorious to kill excommunicated princes , yea , and that it was martyrdome to loose their liues in that quarrell . giffard a doctor of theologie , gilbert giffard , and hodgeson , priests , did so hammer these devises into the corrupt head of iohn sauage ( who they say was a bastard ) that he being heady and bloudy ( a fit instrument for ●esuites ) made a vow to kill queene elizabeth . at the same time they set out a book ( for no other purpose , but with great cunning to draw the queene and councell into securitie , and to lay their vngracious plots more deeply , and so with more ease to come to that mischievous end they shot at ) . in which booke they admonish the papists in england , that they practise no hurt to the queene , for that they were onely to vse such weapons as are lawfull for christians to vse , that is , ●eares , spirituall armour , daily prayers , watchings , fastings against their adversaries , this was their ●ox craft . and withall they spred a false rumour by their whisperers , that george giffard one of the queenes gentlemen pencionaries had sworne to kill the queene , and for that cause had wiped the guise of a great summe of money . at easter following , iohn ballard , a priest of the remish seminary , who had assayed the mindes of many papists , to whom he travelled to conferre with , through england and scotland , was now returned into england . this man had dealt with bernardin mendoza , now the ordinary spanish ambassadour in france , and with charles paget for an invasion of england . declaring that now was the fittest opportunitie for that service , whilst the military men were absent , being then imployed in the low-countries . a fitter time could never be hoped , for as much as the pope , the spanyard , the guise , the duke of parma , had resolved to invade england , to turne the warres from the netherlands . and albeit paget had made it evident , that as long as the queene liued , the invasion of england would be in vaine , yet was ballard sworne , and sent into england , to procure all the helpe that might be to the conspiratours , and the liberty of the scots queene . at pentecost following , that silken priest came into england , in a souldiers habit , with a feigned name , called captaine foscue . this man had conference in london with antony babington , a gentleman of darbyshire , yong , rich , wittie , and learned aboue the expectation of his yeares , and being addicted to the romish religion , had a little before got into france without leaue . where he had familiar conversation with thomas morgan , and with the bishop of glasco the scots queenes ambassadour . these men extolling the heroick vertues of the scots queene , made to him great ostentation of assured hopes of honor by her meanes to be obtained . the ambitious yong man was easily drawne to take hold of that faire glistering estate proposed by them . and they were as ready cunningly to set him forward ; and before he had well thought of the matter , they commended him by letters to the scots queene . for when he was returned into england , she saluted him favourably with her letters ; from that time morgan vsed his helpe in sending letters to her , vntill she was committed to the custodie of amice paulet . for after that , the yong man finding the danger , ceased . with this babington , ballard had conference of the things aforesaid . but he thought assuredly so long as queene elizabeth liued , that the invasion of england would come to nothing . but when ballard signified to him , that queene elizabeth would not long be aliue ; for sauage who had vowed to kill her , was now come into england ; babington thought not good that so great a matter should be committ●d to sauage onely , least he might be stopped from the enterprise . but rather to sixe valiant and resolute gentlemen , in which number sauage should be one , that he might not be condemned for not performing his vow . wherevpon babington tooke a new course , for the invasion , touching the ports where the strangers might land , and the forces that should be ioyned with them , and the delivering the scots queene , and the tragick slaughter of queene elizabeth , as he called it . whilst he was fixed in these cogitations , he received letters by an vnknowne boy ; written from the queene of scots , in that familiar character which was vsed betweene them . she blamed him , but mildly , for his long silence ; and willed him to send her the packet of letters sent from morgan , and delivered by the french ambassadors secretary . which he did accordingly . and by the same messenger sent to her a letter , wherein he excused his silence , for that he wanted opportunitie of sending since that she was in the custodie of amice paulet , a puritan , a meere leicestrian , and a most bitter enemy of the catholike faith . he declared what he had resolved with ballard , that sixe gentlemen were chosen to performe the tragicke slaughter , and that himselfe with an hundreth other , would deliver her . he intreated that to these heroick actors ( so he called them ) rewards might be proposed , or to their posteritie , if they should faile in the action . the twentie-seventh of iuly , answer was made to these letters . babington his forward desire of promoting the catholike religion was commended . he was warned that it might be vndertaken considerately , and that nothing be moued before they were sure of externall forces : that an association among them might be made , as if they feared the puritanes : that some trouble might be stirred in ireland , whilst the stroke might be given here at home : that arundell , and his brethren , and northumberland , should be drawne to the side , vvestmerland , paget , and others , might be secretly called home . the way to deliver her was also prescribed ; either to overturne a coach in the gate , or to set the stables on fire , or to intercept her whilst she rode to take the ayre betweene chartley and stafford . last of all babington was warranted to vndertake for rewards , and to pawne his credit to the six gentlemen , and others . now had he gathered about him certaine gentlemen , inflamed with a fiery zeale of the romish religion . of whom the chiefe were , edward windsore , brother to the lord windsore , a yong gentleman of a soft disposition , thomas salisbury , of a knights house in denbigh-shire , charles tilney , an ancient gentleman , the onely hope of the familie , one of the queenes pencionaries , whom ballard had reconciled to the roman church ; both proper yong men : chidioc tychburn , of hampshire , edward abington , whose father was the queenes cofferer : robert gage of surrey , iohn traverse , and iohn charnok of lanchishire , iohn iones , whose father was queene maries taylour , sauage , barnwell , a gentleman of ireland , henry dun , clarke of the first fruit office . into this societie polly also insinuated himselfe : a man well acquainted with the affayres of the scots queene : a man well skilled in the art of simulation and dissimulation . who was thought daily to reveile all their councells to sir francis walsingham , and to thrust them headlong into mischiefe , who were forward enough of themselues to evill . albeit , navus the scots queenes secretary warned them to beware of him . to these did babington communicate the matter , but not all to each one : his owne letters and the scots queenes letters he shewed to ballard , to tychburn , and dun. he dealt with tilney and tychburn , to be the strikers . they at first denied to dehle their hands with the bloud of their prince . ballard and babington labour to proue it lawfull to kill princes excommunicated : and if right should be violated , then for the catholike religion it is to be violated . herevpon hardly perswaded , they yeeld their consent in a sort . abington , barnwell , charnok , and sauage readily and roundly without scruple sware to kill her . salisbury could by no meanes be perswaded to be a queene-killer , but to deliver the scots queene , he offred his service willingly . babington designeth ty●hburn aboue the number , to helpe the percussors , of whose fidelitie and courage he had perswaded himselfe much . but he was now absent , travailing abroad . babington commandes that they impart the matter to none , except first an oath be taken to keepe silence . these conspiratours now and then conferred of these matters in saint giles fields , in pauls-church , in tavernes , in which they had their daily feasts , being now puffed vp with the hopes of great matters . sometimes commending the valour of the nobles of scotland , who lately had intercepted the king at sterling : and of gerard the burgonian , who killed the prince of orange . and so farre they proceeded in their foolish vanitie , so strangly infatuated , that those that should strike the queene , they had portraied in liuely pictures , and in the midst of them babington , with this verse . hi mihi sunt comites , quos ipsa pericula ducunt . but when this verse was disliked , as seeming too plaine : for it , they set in place these wordes : quorsum haec alió properantibus ? these pictures were taken , as it was said , and brought to the queene ; who knew none of their countenances but onely barnwells , who vsed often to come in her presence , following the causes of the earle of kildare , whom he served : and she tooke notice of him by other markes . verily one day as she was walking abroad she saw barnwell , she looked sharply and vndauntedly vpon the man , and turning to sr christopher hatton , captaine of the guard , and to some others : am not i , quoth she , well guarded , who haue not so much as one man in my company that hath a sword ? for barnwell told this to the other conspiratours , and declared how easily she might haue beene killed , if the conspiratours had then beene present . sauage in like sort reported the same . now there was nothing that so much troubled babington , as the feare least the promise of externall forces might faile . and therefore to make that good , he resolved to goe into france , and to send ballard secretly before , for whose passage he had procured licence for money vnder a counterfeit name . and to remoue all suspition from himselfe by polly he in●inuateth himselfe into sir francis walsingham , and dealeth earnestly with him , to intreat of the queene license for his passage into france , promising to doe some especially seruice , in searching and discovering the secret attempts of the fugitiues for the scots queene . he commended the purpose of the yong man , and promised not onely to obtaine him licence to travell , but he promised withall great and goodly rewardes to him , if he would doe such a service , yet holding him in suspence , he delayed the matter , and knew his purpose and drift well , having fished all out by an especiall skill he had in discovering treasons , but especially by the discovery of gilbert giffard , a priest , he was made acquainted with their intentions , which they thought were kept so secret that the sunne had not knowne any thing thereof . this giffard was borne at chellington , where the scots queene was kept , and sent by the fugitiues into england , vnder the name of luson , to put sauage in minde of his vow vndertaken , and to lurke as a fit meanes to transmit letters betweene them , and the scots queene , because in so dangerous a businesse , they could not draw in to serue their turne herein neither the countesse of arundell , nor the lord lumley , nor henry howard , nor sr george shirly . the fugitiues , to try whether the way was safe by giffard to transmit letters , first sent blankes many times sealed like letters and packeted , which when by the answers they perceived to be truely delivered , now growne more confident , wrote often of their affaires intended , in secret characters . but giffard before this , whether vexed in his conscience , or corrupted before with money , or terrified with feare , had opened himselfe to sir francis walsingham , and declared with what purpose he was sent into england , and offered all his service , as from the loue to his countrey and his prince , and promised to communicate to him all the letters that he received either from the fugitiues , or from the scots queene . sir francis imbracing the opportunitie offerd , intertained him courteously , and sent him into staffordshire , and wrote to sir amice pawlet , willingly to suffer some of his servants to be corrupted by giffard , and to winke at it . but he being vnwilling , as he said , to suffer any of his houshold servants , by simulation to become a traytor , yet though vnwillingly , he suffred that the brewer , or the man that provided provender for his horse , who dwelt neare him , might be corrupted by giffard . giffard easily corrupted the brewer with some peeces of gold , who by a hole in the wall , where a stone was set which might be remoued , sent letters secretly , and received others , which alwayes by messengers provided for the purpose , came to the hands of sr francis walsingham . who opened the seales , coppied out the letters , and by the singular cunning of thomas philipps found the secret character , and by the skill of arthur gregory sealed them vp againe so cunningly , that no man could suspect that they were opened , and then sent them to the parties to whom they were directed . thus were disclosed those former letters from the scots queene to babington , and his answers , and others againe from her to him , ( in which there was a postscript cunningly added in the same character , to write the names of the six gentlemen , and happily some other things . ) moreover , the same day , the letters to mendoza the spanish ambassadour , to charles paget , to the lord paget , to the archbishop of glasco , and to sr francis inglefeld , were all coppied out , and transmitted . the queene , as soone as she vnderstood so rough a tempest hanging over her head , both from inward traytors and forraine enemies , she commanded to the end that the conspiracy might the sooner be quelled , that ballard should be apprehended . wherevpon he was suddenly taken , in the very nick , when he was ready to depart into france . being taken in babingtons house . herevpon babington was afraid and sore troubled , and vexed with a thousand cogitations he came to tychburn , and with him adviseth what is best to doe . his advise was that the conspiratours should presently disperse themselues and fly , yet babington thought it best to send sauage and charnok presently to kill the queene . but first to put sauage in brauer and more courtly apparell , that so he might haue a more easie passage . and of this proiect he had the same day speech with him , in pauls-church . but presently changing his minde , and concealing his secret cares and feares , he wrote letters to sir francis walsingham , being then in court , wherein with great earnestnes he intreated that now at last he might haue license to depart into france ; and withall he made suit for ballards deliverance , who might be of great vse to him in his proposed busin●sse . sir francis with faire promises keepes him from day to day in hope . that ballard was taken , he layeth all the fault vpon yong , that cunning hunter of papists , and vpon some other catch-poles ; and warneth babington to take heed to such kinde of men , as friendly admonishing him , and easily perswadeth the yong man , that vntill the queene might be at leasure to signe the bill for his passage , he would returne to london , and lodge in his house at london , to the end that they might conferre more secretly of so great matters . and that by his often comming , the fugitiues might not haue any suspition , when he came into france . in the meane time , skidmor , sir francis walsingham his servant was commanded to obserue him most strictly , and should be with him whither soever he went ; in shew that so he might be safer from messengers that otherwise might apprehend him . thus farre sr francis walsingham had closely carried this businesse without the knowledge of other of the privy councell , and would haue proceeded farther . but the queene would not ; least ( as she said ) by not preventing the danger when shee might , shee might seeme rather to tempt god , then to trust in god. wherevpon sir francis from court wrote to his man , that he should obserue babington with an especiall care . this letter was not sealed , but so delivered that as the man read it , babington sitting at table with him did also reade it . wherevpon finding himselfe guiltie , and suspecting that all was disclosed , the next night when he , and skidmor , and one or two of sir francis his servants , had supped somwhat freely in a taverne , he rose as going to pay the reckoning , and leaving his cloak and rapier , fled away in the darke to westminster . where gage changed apparell with him , who presently put off the same againe in charnoks chamber , and put on charnoks . and conveyed themselues both into s. iohns wood neare to the cittie . whither barnwell and dun came to them . in the meane time they were declared traytors throughout england . they hiding themselues in woods and by-wayes after they had in vaine expected money from the french ambassadour , and horse from tychburn , they cut off babingtons hayre , and defaced his natiue beautie with rubbing his face over with the greene huskes of walnuts . and being forced by hunger they came to bellamyes house , neare to harrow on the hill , who was a great favourer of the romish religion . where they were hid in barnes , and fed , and cloathed with rusticall apparell . after ten dayes they were found and brought to london . herevpon the cittie witnessed their publike ioy by ringing of bells , by bonefires in the streets , by singing of psalmes , in so much that the citizens had great thankes given them from the qveene . the other conspiratours were soone caught , many of them neare the cittie ; salisbury in staffordshire , his horse being killed vnder him by them who followed him , and trauerse was taken with him , after they had swimmed over the river weuer . and iones in wales , who was not acquainted with the inuasion intended , but onely receiued them into his house , after he knew them to be proclaimed rebells , and hid them . and had furnished salisbury as he fled , and his man ( who was a priest ) with a changed cloake . onely windsore was not found . many dayes were spent in examining of them , who by their confessions betrayed one another , concealing nothing . all this time the scots queene and her servants were kept by such a diligent watch of sir amice pawlet , that those things were altogether hid from her , though now well knowne over all england . but after that these were apprehended , sir thomas gorge was sent to acquaint her with these things in few words . which he did purposely when she thought least of the matter , as she was taking horse to ride a hunting . neither was she permitted to returne , but in shew of honor she was carried about to noble mens houses . in the meane time , iohn maners , edward ashton , richard bagot , and william wade ( who ignorant of the whole matter had beene sent into these parts ) receiving authoritie from the queene , did commit navus , and curle , secretaries , and other servants , to such as might keepe them asunder , that they might not conferre together among themselues , nor with the scets queene . and breaking vp the chamber-doores , they tooke all chesies and boxes , wherein they found letters , and sent them sealed with their seales to the court. after that sir amice pawlet , being commanded , tooke all the money , least she might corrupt some for money , and gaue his promise to restore all again . when the packets of letters were opened before the queene , the letters of many forrainers were found , and coppies of many letters to others ; and about sixtie tables of secret characters . and some letters from certaine noble men of england , with a full declaration of their loue and services . which thing notwithstanding , queene elizabeth dissembled that matter in silence , and accordingly vsed that word : video , taceo ; i see and say nothing . but they smelling the matter , least they might seeme to favour the scots queene , after that , began to show themselues enemies against her . now giffard , after he had played his part in this play , was sent away as a banished man into france ; leaving before he went an indented paper with the french ambassadour leiger in england , with this instruction , that he should deliver letters which he might receiue from the scots queene , or from the fugitiues , to none other but onely to him , who exhibited a paper an swering to that indented paper . which paper was by him sent secretly to sir francis walsingham . giffard returning into france , after a few moneths was imprisoned for his filthy life : and suspected of these things , died miserably ; confessing many of the foresaid matters , which was also found in his papers . the xiii . of september , seven of the conspiratours being brought to iudgement , confessed themselues guiltie , and were condemned of treason . other seven came the next day , who denied that they were guiltie ; and cōmitted themselues to god and their country : yet were they condemned by their former confessions . onely polly , though guiltie of all , yet when he affirmed that he disclosed some of those matters to sir francis walsingham , was not called to iudgement . the twentieth of that month , the first seven were hanged and quattered in s. giles fields , where they vsed to meet . ballard , the contriver of all the mischief , asked pardon of god , and of the queene conditionally , if he had sinned against her . babington ( who without feare beheld ballards death , whilst the rest were vpon their knees in prayer ) freely confessed his sinnes , and after he was taken downe from the gallowes , cryed out in latin , parce mihi iesu : the rest in their order likewise were hanged and quartered . after the punishment of these , navus a french man , and curlus a scot , secretaries to the scots queene were called into question vpon the letters that were taken in the lodging of the scots queene , and freely confessed that those letters were of their owne writing , dictated by her in french , and so taken by navus , turned into english by curle , and written in secret characters , whereby she was at last brought into question , which brought her also to her end . the thing which we obserue vpon this narration , is to continue our complaint of these gracelesse instruments the priests and iesuites , that by their wicked suggestions bring princes , nobles , gentlemen of good place , which might haue done good service to their prince and country , such i say doe these wicked instruments bring to ruine ; and seeme to take a pleasure in the destruction of men . may we not see how they come in secretly , and scraule in corners like serpents ? it is true the enmity is of old set betweene the womans seed and the serpents seed : and the church which is the womans seed haue felt the experience hereof at all times . but never had any church in the world a more liuely experience hereof , then this church of england , against whom all this hath beene wrought . the church is the house of god , and this church of england is here with vs gods house . it is apparant that this house was built not vpon the sand , but vpon a rocke ; for the windes haue blowne fiercely vpon it , the waters haue risen against it , the great and huge tempests haue beaten vpon it , and yet it standeth . and for this we prayse gods name , that it standeth still . and for this purpose is this small worke vndertaken , to giue the watch-word to all them that feare god , and loue the comming of our lord , to giue most humble and most hearty thankes vnto god for this inestimable favour of god , that after all these assaults which haue beene greater in danger , mo●e in number then any nation in the world at this day can number : that after all , i say , our church standeth and flourisheth : this is our reioycing in god , in his goodnesse and mercy . but now consider who oppugne vs ? the serpents seed ; for can any man with any reason deny these men to be the seed of the serpent ? i meane the seminary priests & lesuites . are not these the seed of the serpent ? they plot , and practise treasons , they raise rebellions , their heads and hands are full of bloud and murther . and what can the serpent his seed doe more ? they are men acquainted with the deepenes of satan , they lay snares and wicked plots for des●ructions of states , and least men should descry their mischiefe , they set a cleane contrary countenance vpon their actions , giving out that their weapons are preces & lachrymae , prayers and teares , and that it is vnlawfull for them to vse any other weapons ; even then when they are about their most bloudy designes : and what can the serpents seed doe more ? can the seed of the serpent proceed more maliciously , more cruelly , more deeply in bloud then these haue done ? then let them be knowne to be the seed of the serpent . as for vs , we reioyce to be the seed of the woman , the true church of god : we suffer , we are reviled , standered , called heretikes : we learne of our master to indure the crosse , to despise the shame : we run with patience the race which he hath set before vs. and we serue god not in vaine ; for we see that there is a reward for them that serue him. chapter x. the a next yeare following , which was the yeare 1587. the scots queene being before condemned , but yet reserved aliue , discontented persons , like evill spirits did continually haunt her ; though she her selfe would haue beene quiet , yet would not they let her rest , vntill their busie and pernicious working brought her to her graue ; for l. au●●spinaeus the french ambassadour leiger in england , a man wholly devoted to the guysian faction , went about to helpe the captived queene , not by faire meanes , but by treason . first he conferred secretly to kill the queene , with william stafford , a yong gentleman , easie to be drawn to new hopes : whose mother was of the queenes bed-chamber ; his brother was the english leiger in france at this time . afterward he dealt more plainly with him , touching this proiect , by his secretary trappius . who promised to stafford , if he would vndertake that matter , not onely great glory , great store of money , but especiall grace and favour with the pope , with the guises , and with all the catholikes . stafford his conscience grudging at so great a wickednesse , refused to vndertake it . yet he commended one moody , a cut-throat ▪ a man fit for such a businesse , that if money were given him , would vndoubtedly vndertake and dispatch the businesse . to him went stafford , where he found him kept in prison in london , and told him that the french ambassadour would gladly speake with him . he answered that he was willing , so that he might be freed out of prison . in the meane time , he intreated that cordali●n another of the ambassadours secretaries might be sent to him : with whom he had familiar acquaintance . the next day trappius was sent to him with stafford . who , when stafford was remoued , conferred with moody of the manner of killing the queene . moody proposed a course to doe it by poison , or by a sacke of twentie pound of gun-powder to be laid vnder the queenes chamber , and to be fired secretly . these courses pleased not trappius , but he wished that a man of such courage might be sound , as was that burgonian who killed the prince of orange . these things were presently revealed to the queenes councell by stafford . wherevpon trappius now purposing to goe into france , was intercepted , and examined of these things . afterward the ambassadour himselfe , the twelfth of ianuary was sent for vnto the house of secretary cecill , and came in the evening ; where were together by the queenes command , cecill , lord burghley , secretary , the earle of leicester , sir christopher hatton , and dauison another secretary : these signifie to the french ambassadour , that they sent for him , to let him know the cause why they intercepted trappius , his secretary , when he was ready to goe into france ; and they did open every thing which stafford , moody , and trappius himselfe had confessed . and that they might testifie the same in his presence , they commanded them to be called in . the ambassadour who bending his brows , heard these things with much impatience ; rising vp , said , that himselfe being an ambassadour would not heare any accusations to wrong his king , or in the preiudice of ambassadours . but when they answered , that these men should not be produced as accusers , but onely that he might be satisfied that these things were not fained , nor false : then he rested . as soone as stafford was produced , and began to speake , he presently interrupted him , and railing vpon him , affirmed that stafford first proposed the matter to him , and that himselfe had threatned to send him bound hand and foot to the queene , if he would not desist from so wicked an enterprise : yet that he spared him for the singular affection which he bare to the mother , the brother , and sister of stafford . stafford falling vpon his knees protested in many wordes vpon his salvation ▪ that the ambassadour proposed the matter first to him . but when the ambassador seemed to be extraordinarily moued , stafford was commanded to depart ; and moody was not produced . herevpon when burghly had mildly charged the ambassadour to be guiltie of such a conceived wickednes , both from his owne words , and out of the confession of trappius : he answered , that if he had beene conscious , yet being an ambassadour , he ought not to disclose it , but to his owne king. but burghl●y interposing told him , that if that were not the office of an ambassadour ( which thing is yet in question ) to disclose such a mischievous practise which bringeth the life of a prince in danger : yet was it the office of a christian , to represse such notorious iniuries , not onely for the safety of a prince , but for the safety of any christian. but the other stoutly denyed that ; and withall said , that not long since , the french ambassadour being in spaine , and having notice of a conspiracy to take away the spanish kings life , yet disclosed it not to the spanish king , but to his owne king , and was therefore commended of the king and of his councellers . the lord burghley gaue him a graue admonition , to take heed that hereafter he offended not in such a point of treason against the prince , and not to forget the office of an ambassadour , nor the prince her clemency , who would not wrong good ambassadours by the punishment of an evill one , and though he were not punished , yet was he not iustified , but did carry with him the guilt , though not the punishment of such an offence . though this intended evill came to no effect , as all the other bloudy practises haue bin without effect : yet may we make good vse of it to blesse gods name for all his great and manifold deliverances . that it was disappointed , it was his goodnes : for against those kings that had not given their service to god for the maintenance of true religion , great and bloudy practises haue bin committed by lesse and more contemptible meanes . and as we haue iust cause to blesse god for all his deliverances , so the adversaries of our peace , haue iust cause to feare , to examine their owne doings , and seriously to consider , whether they haue not all this while striven against god , in striving so long against those whom god doth so miraculously defend not long after this followed the ignominious prodition of william stanly , and rowland york . this york was a londoner , a man of loose conversation , and actions , and desperate . he was famous among the cutters of his time , for bringing in a new kind of fight , to run the point of a rapier into a mans body ; this manner of fight he brought first into england , with great admiration of his audaciousnes . when in england before that time the vse was with little buckl●rs , and with broad swords to strike , and not to thrust , and it was accounted vnmanly to strike vnder the girdle . this man provoked as he tooke it by some iniury of the earle of leicester , fled to the spanyards , and for some time after served among the spanyards . afterward being reconciled , was made captaine of a sconce neare to zutphen . after all this he was so set vpon revenge , that being corrupted with money , he did not onely betray the place to the enemy ; but drew also stanly with him , being a man that had served with great fidelitie and valour in the irish warres . stanly was not easily perswaded to be false , but this desperate fellow never ceased to draw him into the fellowship of wickednesse with him , by many asseverations and oaths often repeated ; telling him that it was certainly knowne in england , that he was of babingtons conspiracy ; that he was already discovered by their confessions , & that out of hand he should be sent for to the gallowes . thus he perswaded stanly to betray the rich and well fenced towne of deventer to the spanyards , against his oath given to leicester and to the states . and seeking some pretence of honesty against a fact so dishonest and disloyall , he seemed to please himselfe in this , that he had restored a place to the true lord , which was held from him by rebells . and being extreame popish , he sent for priests to his company , which consisted of 1300 english and irish , to instruct them in the popish religion ; boasting that this should be the seminary legion , which should defend the roman religion with armes , as the seminary priests defend it with writings . to this purpose alan , who a little after was cardinall , sent priests presently to him , and wrote a booke also , wherein he commended this proditorious act , from the authoritie of the bull of pius v against queene elizabeth , and stirred vp others to such perfidiousnes , as if they were not bound to serue and obey a queene excommunicated . but looke i pray to the end . the spanyards set york and stanly together in contention one against the other ; and soone after they poyson york , and take his goods : his body after three yeares was digged vp by the commandement of the states , and hanged till it rotted . they drew stanly and his companies out of deventer , and tossing them from place to place they make them the obiect of all dangers , and so vsed them with all con●umelies , that some of them died for hunger , others secretly fled away . stanly himselfe went into spaine in hope of reward , and offred his helpe to invade ireland : but neither found he entertainment according to his expectation , neither could he be trusted ; for the spanyards vsed to say , that some honor might be given to a traytor , but no trust : it was now too late for him to learne , but yet he learned , that he had most of all betrayed himselfe . chapter xi . we are now come to that fatall yeare , which the astrologers called the marveilous yeare ; some said it was the climactericall yeere of the world . and they that trust not in the liuing god , but in superstitions tooke the opportunitie of this fatall yeare as they supposed , now vtterly to overthrow the church of england and state. which before they could not doe . the pope and spanyard layd vp all their hopes vpon this yeares destiny . the rumors of warre daily increased , at last it was certainly cōfirmed by the newes on all sides , that in spaine there was an invincible navy preparing against england ; that the most famous captaines in military knowledge , and the best souldiers were sent for into spaine , from italy , scicily , yea from america . for the pope , and some religious spanyards , and english fugitiues , now recalled the spanyard to the cogitation of surprising of england , which purpose was interrupted by the portugall warres . they exhorted him earnestly to doe god this service , that had done so much for him : now that he inioyed portugall , with the west indies , & many rich ilands : to adde england to all , were an especiall service of god , fit for his catholike maiestie . by this meanes he might adde these flourishing kingdomes to his empire , & so keepe the low-countries in peace , secure the navigatiō to both indies . that the preparations of spaine were so great that no power was able to resist it . they made him belieue that it was an easier matter to overcome england , then to overcome the dutch-land , because the navigation from spain to england was much shorter , then to the netherlands . and by surprising of england , the other would easily follow . herevpon the consultation began to be had , of the best way and meanes to oppresse england . alvarus ba●●anus , the marquess of s. crosse , who was chiefe commander in the navy , advised first to make sure some part of holland or zealand , by the land-forces of the duke of parma , and by sending before some spanish shippes , so to take some place on a suddain , where the spanish navy might haue a receptacle , and from whence the invasion might with cōvenience begin . for in the english sea , which is troublesome , the windes oft changing , the tydes vnknown , the navy could not be in safety . with him agreed parma , who much vrged this expedition . yet others disliked this counsell , as a matter of great difficultie and danger , of long time , of much labor , of great expence , of vncertaine successe . and that neither secretly nor openly it could be performed , and easily hindered by the english. these thought that with the same labour and expenses england might be wonne : and the victory would be sure , if a well prepared army from spaine , might with a strong navy be landed on thames side , and of a suddain surprise london the chiefe citty by an vnexspected assault . this seemed a thing most easie to be effected . and therefore all agreed vpon it . yet some among them thought good that a denuntiation of the warre should be made by an herald , which they held a politik devise , both to remoue suspition out of the minds of neighbour princes , and to force the queene as they supposed , to call to her helpe ●orrain mercenary souldiers , concelving , that according to the vsuall insolency of mercenaries , they would tumult and spoyle the country ; and so might the queene be brought into hatred of her owne people : that so all things in england would be brought into a confusion , which might be helped by the english catholikes . but neither could this advise be heard . for they being confident of their owne strength , thought it was sufficient to commend the invincible navy to the prayers of the pope , and of their other catholikes , and to the intercession of saints : and to set out a booke in print , to the terror of the english , in which booke , all the preparation was particularly related . which was so great through spain , italy , and scicily , that the spanyards themselues were in admiration of their owne forces , and therefore named it the invincible fleet. the duke of parma also in flanders , by the commandement of the spanyard , built ships , and a great company of small broad vessels , each one able to transport thirty horse , with bridges fitted for them severally . and hired mariners from the east part of germany . and provided long peeces of wood , sharpned at the end , and covered with iron , with ●ookes on the side . and twentie thousand vessels , with an huge number of fagots ; and placed an army ready in flanders , of 103 companies of foot , and 4000 horsemen . among these were 700 english fugitiues , which were had of all other in most contempt . neither was stanly respected or heard , who was set over the english , nor westmerland , nor any other who offered their helpe : but for their impiety towards their owne countrey , were shut out from all consultations , and as men vnominous reiected , not without detestation . and pope sixtus v. that in such a purpose would not be wanting , sent cardinall alan into flanders , and ren●ed the bulls declaratory of pius v. and ●rep xiii . he excommunicateth the queene , deposeth her , absolveth her subi●cts from all alleagance , and as if it had beene against the turks and inf●dels , he set forth in print a ●ruceat , wherein he bestowed plenary indulgences , out of the treasure of the church , vpon all that would ioyn their help against england . by which means the marquess a burgaw of the house of austria , the duke of pastrana , amady duke of sauoy , vespasian gonzaga , iohn medices , and divers other noble men were drawne into these warres . queene elizabeth , that she might not be surprised at vnawares , prepareth as great a navy as she could , and with singular care & providence maketh ready all things necessary for warre . and she her selfe , which was ever most i●dicious in discerning of mens wits , and aptnes , and most happy in making choise , when she made it out of her own iudgement , and not at the commandement of others , designed the best and most serviceable to each severall imployment . over the whole navy she appointed the lo : admirall charles howard . in whom she reposed much trust ; and sent him to the west parts of england , where captaine drake , whom she made viceadmirall , ioyned with him . she commanded henry seimor the second sonne to the duke of somerset , to watch vpon the belgick shore with 40 english and dutch shippes , that the duke of parma might not come out with his forces . albeit some were of opinion , that the enemy was to be expected , and set vpon by land forces , according as it was vpon deliberation resolved , in the time of henry the 8. when the french brought a great navy vpon the english shore . by land there was placed on the south shores , twenty thousand . and two armies besides were mustered of the choisest men for warre . the one of these which consisted of a thousand horse , twenty-two thousand foot , was the earle of leicester set over . and camped at tilbury on the side of thames . for the enemy was resolved first to set vpon london . the other army was governed by the lo : hunsdon , consisting of 34 thousand foot , and two thousand horse , to guard the queene . the lord grey , sr francis knolles , sr iohn norrice , sr richard bingham , sr roger williams , men famously knowne for military experience , were chosen to confer of the land fight . these thought fit that all those places should be fortified , with men & mu●ition , which were commodious to land in , either out of spaine , or out of flanders ▪ as milford hauen , falmouth , plimmouth , portland , the i le of wight , portsmouth , the open side of kent called the downs , the mouth of thames , harwich , yarmouth , hull , &c. that trained souldiers through all the maritim provinces should meet vpon warning given , to defend these places : that they should by their best means and power hinder the enemy to take land ; if he should take land , then should they wast the country all about , and spoile every thing that might be of any vse to the enemy , that so he might find no more vittals then what he brought vpon his shoulders with him . and that by continuall alarums the enemy should finde no rest day or night . but they should not try any battell , vntill divers captaines were mett together with their companies . that one captaine might be named in every shire which might command . at this time divers told the queene , that the spaniards were not so much to be feared without , as the papists within ; for the spaniards durst make no attempt vpon england , but vpon confidence of their helpe within . and therefore for the securitie of the whole , their heads were vpon some pretenses to be cut off . producing for this thing , the example of henry 8. for when the emperour & french king at the popes instigation , were combined and ready to invade england , king henry presently executed the marquess of exceter , the lord montacute , edward neuil , and others , whom he suspected to favour the enemies , which thing as soone as he had done , the intended invasion was stopped , and proceeded no further . but this advise the queene vtterly disliked , as being cruell , she thought it enough to commit some of the papists to wisbich castle in cu●tody ; and casting her eyes and mind on every side , she stirred vp her nobles with letters often , though they were carefull & watchfull of themselues . she certified fitz williams , lord deputy of ireland , what she would haue done there . she sent to the king of scots to warne him to take good heed of papists , and the spanish faction . but he knowing well what a tempest and desolation was hanging , and threatning both alike , having already set his heart vpon the maintenance of true religion , and resolving to take part with the truth in prosperitie and adversitie , which is onely able to saue and deliver her maintainers ; had a little before refused to heare the bishop of dumblan , sent th●ther from the pope : and had caused a league to be made among the protestants of scotland , for resistance of the spanyards : and himselfe comming to anandale with an army , besieged maxwell and tooke him , and committed him to prison , who was lately returned out of spaine against his faith and alleagance , and came with an intent to favor the spanish side ; he declared the spanyards should be held as enemies , and against them caused all with great alacritie to be ready in armes . among these preparations for warre , which were great on both sides , the councels of peace were not vtterly cast away . two yeares before , the duke of parma considering how hard a matter it was to end the belgick warre , so long as it was continually nourished and supported with ayd from the queene , he moued for a treaty of peace , by the meanes of sir iames croft one of the privy councell , a man desirous of peace , & andrew loe a dutch man , and professed that the spaniard had delegated authority to him for this purpose . but the queen fearing that there was some cunning in this seeking of peace , that the friendship betweene her and the confederate provinces might be dissolved , and that so they might secretly be drawne to the spanyard ; she deferred that treaty for some time . but now , that the warres on both sides prepared , might be turned away , she was content to treat of peace , but so as still holding the weapons in her hand . for this purpose in february delegates were sent into flanders , the earle of derby , the lo : cobham , sr iames croft , dr dale , and dr rogers . these were received with all humanity on the dukes behalfe , & they presently sent dr dale to him , that a place might be appointed for the treating , & that they might see the authoritie to him delegated from the spanish king. he appointed the place neare to ostend , not in ostend which then was holden of english against the king : his authority delegated , he promised then to shew when they were once met together . he wished them to make good speed in the businesse , least somwhat might fall out in the meane time , which might trouble the motions of peace . richardotus spake somewhat more plainly , that he knew not what in this interim should be done against england . not long after d. rogers was sent to the prince by an express commandement from the queene , to know the truth , whether the spanyard had resolved to invade england , which he and richardotus did seeme to signifie . he affirmed that he did not so much as thinke of the invasion of england , when he wished that the businesse might proceed with speed . and was in a maner offended with richardotus , who denied that such words fell from him . the 12 of april , the count aremberg , champigny , richardotus , d. mae●ius , & garnier , delegated from the prince of parma mett with the english , and yeelded to them the honor , both in walking and sitting . and when they affirmed that the duke had full authority to treat of peace : the english moued that first a truce might be made . which they denied , alledging that that thing must needs be hurtfull to the spanyard , who had for six moneths maintained great army , which might not be dismissed vpon a truce , but vpon an absolute peace . the english vrged that a truce was promised before they came into flanders . the spanyard against that held , that six moneths since a truce was promised ; which they granted , but was not admitted . neither was it in the queenes power to vndertake a truce for holland and zealand , who daily attempted hostility . the english mooued instantly that the truce might be generall , for all the queenes territories , and for the kingdome of scotland : but they would haue it but for foure dutch townes which were in the queenes hands , that is , ostend , flushing , bergen vp zom , & the briel ; and these onely during the treating , and twenty dayes after , and that in the meane time , it might be lawfull for the queene to invade spaine , or for the spanyard to invade england , either from spain or flanders . whilst these delayes were made concerning the truce and place , which at last was appointed at bourburg ; cr●ft vpon an earnest desire to peace , went privatly to bruxells without the knowledge of the other delegates , and privatly proposed some articles . for which afterward by leicesters motion , he was imprisoned : albeit those articles proposed by him were in the iudgement of the other commissioners not to be disallowed . but delegates haue their limits circumscribed , which they are not to passe . at last , when the english could not obtain an abstinence from armes , & could by no meanes see the charter by which the duke of parma had this authority granted to treat of peace : they proposed these things ; that the ancient leagues betweene the kings of england and the dukes of burgundy might be renued and confirmed ; that all the dutch might fully inioy their own priviledges ; that with freedome of cōscience they might serue god ; that the spanish and forrain souldiers might be put out of dutchland ; that neither the dutch , nor their neighbouring nations might feare them . if these things might be granted , the queene would come to equall conditions concerning the townes which now she held , ( that all might know that she tooke vp armes not for her own gain , but for the necessary defence both of the dutch , and of her selfe ) so that the money which is owing therefore be repayed . they answered : that for renuing the old leagues there should be no difficulty , when they might haue a friendly conference of that thing . that concerning the priviledges of the dutch , there was no cause why forrain princes should take care , which priviledges were most favourably granted , not onely to provinces and townes reconciled , but even to such as by force of armes are brought into subiection . that forrain souldiers were held vpon vrgent necessity , when as holland , england , and france , were all in armes . touching those townes taken from the king of spaine , and the repaying of the money , they answered that the spaniard might demand so many myriads of crowns to be from the queene repayed him , as the belgick warre hath cost him , since the time that she hath favoured and protected the dutch against him . at this time d. dale by the queenes command going to the duke of parma , did gently expostulate with him touching a booke printed there , set out lately by cardinall allen , wherin he exhorteth the nobles , and people of england & ireland to ioyne themselues to the king of spaines forces vnder the conduct of the prince of parma , for the execution of the sentence of sixtus v pope against the queene , declared by his bull . in which she is declared an heretick , illegitimate , cruel against mary the scots queene , & her subiects were commanded to helpe parma against her : ( for at that time a great number of those bulls & bookes were printed at antwerp to be dispersed through england . the duke denied that he had seene such a bull or booke , neither would he doe any thing by the popes authoritie , as for his owne king , him he must obey . yet he said that he so observed the queene for her princely vertues , that after the king of spaine , he offred all service to her . that he had perswaded the king of spaine to yeeld to this treaty of peace , which is more profitable for english , then spanish . for if they should be overcome , they would easily repaire their losse : but if you be overcome , the kingdome is lost . to whom dale replied : that our queene was sufficiently furnished with forces to defend the kingdom . that a kingdome will not easily be gotten by the fortune of one battell , seeing the king of spaine in so long a warre , is not yet able to recover his anciant patrimony in the netherlands . well , quoth the duke , be it so . these things are in gods hands . after this the delegates contended among themselues by mutuall replications , weauing and vnweauing the same webb . the english were earnest in this , a toleration of religion might be granted at least for two yeares to the confederate provinces . they answered , that as the king of spaine had not intreated that for english catholicks : so they hoped that the queene in her wisedome would not intreat any thing of the king of spaine which might stand against his honor , his oath , & his conscience . when they demanded the money due from the states of brabant , it was answered , that the money was lent without the kings authoritie or privitie . but let the accompt be taken , how much that money was , and how much the king hath spent in these warres , and then it may appeare , who should looke for repayment . by such answers they driue off the english of purpose , vntill the spanish fleet was come neare the english shore , & the noise of guns were heard from sea . then had they leaue to depart , & were by the delegates honorably brought to the borders neare to calis . the duke of parma had in the meane time brought all his forces to the sea shore : thus this conference came to nothing ; vndertaken by the queene , as the wiser then thought to avert the spanish fleet ; continued by the spaniard , that he might oppress the queen , being as he supposed vnprovided , and not expecting the danger . so both of them tried to sow the fox-skin to the lyons . chapter xii . the spanish fleet the best furnished with men , munition , engines , and all warlike preparation , that was ever seen vpon the ocean , and by that arrogant title , called invincible , did consist of 130 shippes , wherein there were 19 thousand , two hundreth ninety ; mariners 8350 : chain●d rowers 11080. great ordnance 11630. the chiefe commander was per●zius gusmannus , duke of medina sidonia . ( for antonius columna duke of palian , and marquess of s. crosse , to whom the chiefe governmēt was allotted , died whilst things were preparing ) . and vnder him iohannes martinus recaldus , a man of great experience in sea affaires . the 30 of may they loosed out of the ●iver tagus , and purposing to hold their course to the ●r●in in g●llitia , they were beaten and scattered by a tempest ▪ three gallies by the helpe of da●d c●in an english servant , and by the perfidiousnesse of the turks which rowed , were carried away into france . the fleet with much adoe after some dayes came to the groin and other harbours neare adioyning . the report was that the fleet was so shaken with this tempest , that the queene was perswaded , that she was not to expect that fleet , this yeare . and sir francis walsi●gham , secretary , wrote to the lord admirall , that he might send back foure of the greatest shippes , as if the warre had beene ended . but he did not easily giue credit to that report , but with a gentle answer intreated him to beleiue nothing hastily in so important a matter , that he might keep those ships with him , though it were vpon his owne charges . and finding a favourable winde turned sailes toward spaine , to surprise the enemies shaken shippes in their harbours . when he was not farre from the shore of spaine , the winde turned , & he being charged to defend the english shore , fearing that the enemies vnseene might by the same winde be drivē to england , he returned to plimmouth . with the same winde the 12 of iuly , the duke of medina with his fleet departed from the groin . and after one day or two , he sent rhodericus telius into flanders , to admonish the duke of parma , giving him notice that the fleet was approching , that he might be ready ▪ for medina his commission was to ioyne himselfe with the shippes and souldiers of parma , and vnder the protection of his fleet , to bring them into england , and to land his land forces vpon thames side . now as the relator of this story hath taken paines to declare what was done each day , i will follow him herein . the 16 day there was a great calme , and a thick cloud was vpon the sea till noon : then the north winde blowing roughly , & again the westwinde till midnight , and after that the east : the spanish navy was scattered , and hardly gathered together vntill they came within the sight of england the 19 day of iuly . vpon which day the lord admirall was certified by flemming ( who had beene a pyrat ) that the spanish fleet was entred into the english sea , which the mariners call the channell . and was descried neare to the lizard . the lord admirall brought forth the english fleet into the sea , but not without great difficultie , by the skill , labour , and alacritie of the souldiers and mariners , every one labouring ; yea the lord admirall himselfe had his hand at the worke . the next day the english fleet viewed the spanish fleet comming along with towers like castles in height , her front crooked like the fashion of the moone , the hornes of the front were extended one from the other about seaven miles asunder , sailing with the labour of the windes , the ocean as it were groaning vnder it ; their saile was but slow , and yet at full saile before the winde . the english gaue them leaue to hold on their course , and when they were passed by , came behinde them and got the helpe of the winde . the 21. of iuly , the lord admirall of england sent a pinnace before , called the defiance , to denounce the battell by shooting off some peeces . and being himselfe in the arch-royall , ( the english praetorian shippe or admirall , he set vpon a shippe which he tooke to be the spanish admirall , but it was the shippe of alfonsus leua . vpon that he bestowed much shot . presently drake , hawkins , forbisher , came in vpon the spanish hindmost shippes which recaldus governed . vpon these they thundred . recaldus laboured what he could to stay his men , who fled to their navy , vntill his shippe beaten and pearced with many shot , did hardly recover the fleet. at which time the duke medina gathered together his dissipated fleet , and setting vp more saile , they held their course . indeede they could doe no other , for the english had gotten the advantage of winde , and their shippes were much more nimble , and ready with incredible celeritie to come vpon the enemie with a full course , and then to turne , and returne , and be on every side at their pleasure . when they had fought two houres , and taken some triall of their owne courage and of the spanyards : the lord admirall thought good not to continue the fight any longer then , seeing that fortie ships were absent which were scarce drawne out of plimmouth haven . the night following s. catharin a spanish shippe being sore torne with the fight , was received into the midst of the navie to be mended . here a great cantabrian shippe of oquenda , wherein was the treasurer of the campe , by force of gunne-powder that had taken fire , was set on fire ; yet was the fire quenched in time by the shippes that came to helpe her . of these that came to helpe the fired shippe , one was a galeon , in which was petrus waldez ; the foremast of the galeon was caught in the tackling of another shippe , and broken . this was taken by drake , who sent waldez to dertmouth , the money fiftie-fiue thousand d●cats , he distributed among his souldiers . that night he was appointed to set forth light , but neglected it , and some german merchants ships comming by that night , he thinking them to be enemies , followed them so farre , that the english navy rested all night when they could see no light set forth . neither did he nor the rest of the navy finde the admirall vntill the next day at even . the admirall all the night preceding with the beare , and mary rose did follow the spanyardes with watchfulnesse . the duke was busied in ordering his navy . ●lfonsus leua was commanded to ioyne the first and last companies , every ship had his station assigned according to that prescribed forme which was appointed in spaine , it was present death to forsake his station . this done he sent gliclius an anceant to parma , which might declare to him in what case they w●re , and left that cantabrian ship of oquenda to the winde and sea , having taken out the money and mariners and put them in other shippes . yet it seemeth that he had not care of all : for that shippe the same day with fifty mariners and souldiers lamed , and hal●e burnt , fell into the hands of the english , and was carried to weimuth . the 23. of the same moneth , the spanyards having a favourable north winde turned sailes vpon the english ; the english being much readier in the vse of their ships , fett about a compasse for the winde , and having gotten advantage of the winde , they came to the fight on both sides . they fought a while confusedly with variable fortune : whilst on the one side the english with great courage delivered the london ships which were inclosed about by the spanyards ; on the other side the spanyards by valour freed recaldus from the extreame danger he was in : there was not greater effulminations by beating of ordnances at any time , then was this day . yet the losse fell vpon the spanish side , because their shippes were so high that the shot went over the english shippes , but the english having a faire marke at their great shippes , shot never in vaine . onely cock and english man b●ing caught in the midst of the spanish shippes , could not be recovered , he perished but with great honor revenged himself . thus a long time the english shippes with great agilitie , were somtimes vpon the spanyardes giving them the one side , and then the other , and presently were off againe , and tooke the sea to make themselues ready to come in againe . whereas the spanish heavie shippes were troubled , and hindred , and stood to be markes for the english bullets . for all that , the admirall would not admit the english to come to grapple and to boord their shippes , because they had a full armie in their shippes , which he had not ; their shippes were many in number , and greater , and higher , that if they had come to grapple , as some would haue had it , the english that were much lower then the spanish shippes must needes haue had the worse of them that fought from the higher shippes . and if the english had beene overcome , the losse would haue beene greater then the victory could haue beene ; for ours being overcome , would haue put the kingdome in hazard . the 24 day , they rested from fight on both sides . the admirall sent some small barkes to the next english shore , to supply the provision . and deuided all his navy into foure squadrons . the first was vnder his owne government ; the second drake governed ; the third , hawkins ; the fourth , forbisher . and he appointed out of every squadron certaine little shippes , which on divers sides might set vpon the spanyards in the night , but a suddain calme tooke them , and so that advise was without effect . the 25 day , being s. iames day , s. anne the galeon of portugall , not being able to hold course with the rest , was set vpon by some small english shippes . for whose ayd came in leua , and didacus telles enriques with three galeasses . : which the admirall and the lord thomas howard espying , made in against the galeasses ( the calme was so great , that they were drawne in by boates with cordes ) and did so beat vpon the galeasses with great shot , that with much adoe , and not without great losse , they hardly recouered the galeon . the spanyardes reported that the admirall of spaine was that day in the hindmost company , and being nearer the english shippes then before , was sore beaten with the english great ordinance , many men sla●e in her , her great mast overthrowne . and after that , the admirall of spaine , accompanied with r●caldus , & others , did set vpon the english admirall , who by the benefit of the winde turning , escaped . the spanyardes hold on their course againe , and send to the duke of parma , that with all speed he should ioyne his shippes with the kings fleet. these things the english knew not , who write that they had i●ricken the l●ntern from one of the spanish shippes , the stemme from another , and had sore beaten a third , doing much harme to her . that the non parigly , and the mary rose fought a good while with the spanyards , and the triumph being in danger , other shippes came in good time to helpe her . thus it is in battell , they who are present and actors report not alwayes the same of the same things ; each reporting what himselfe observed . the next day the lord admirall knighted the lord thomas howard , the lord sheffield , roger townsend , iohn hawkins , and martin forbisher , for their valour well imployed in the last fight . after this they resolued not to set vpon the enemy vntill they came into the straight of calis , where henry seimor and william winter stayed for their comming thus with a faire gale the spanish flee● goeth forward , and the english followed . this great spanish a mado was so farre from being 〈◊〉 invincible in the opinions of the english that many yong noble men and gentlemen ▪ in hope to be partakers of a famous victory against the sp●nyards , provided ships of their owne ch●rges , and ioyned themselues to the engl●sh f●eet , among whom was the earles of essex , of northumberland , of cumberland , thomas and robert c●cilles , h● brookes , charles blunt , walter raleigh , william hatton , robert cary , ambrose 〈◊〉 , thomas gerard , arthur gorge , and other gentlemen of name . the 27 day at even , the spanyardes cast anchors neare to calis , being admonished of their skilfull sea-men , that if they went any farther , they might be indangered by the force of the tyde to be driven into the north ocean . neare to them stood the english admirall with his fleet within a great guns shot . to the admirall seimor and winter now ioyne their shippes ; so that now there were 140 shippes in the english fleet , able and well furnished for fight , for saile , and to turne which way was needfull : and yet there were but 15 of these which bore the burden of the battell and repulsed the enemie . the spanyard , as often he had done before , so now with great earnes●nesse sent to the duke of parma to send fortie flie-boats without the which they could not fight with the english because of the greatnesse and slownesse of their owne shippes , and the agilitie of the english shippes . and intreating him by all meanes now to come to sea with his army , which army was now to be protected as it were vnder the wings of the spanish armado , vntill they tooke land in england . but the duke was vnprovided , and could not come out at an ins●ant . the broad ships with flat bottoms being then full of ●hinks must be mended . vittails wanted and must be provided , the mariners being long kept against their wills began to shrink away . the portes of du●kerke and newport , by which he must bring his army to the sea , were now so beset with the strong shippes of holland and zealand , which were furnished with great and small munition , that he was not able to come to sea , vnlesse he would come vpon his own apparant destruction , and cast himselfe and his men wilfully into a headlong danger . yet he omitted nothing that might be done , being a man eager and industrious , and inflamed with a desire of over-comming england . but queene e●izabeth her providence and care prevented both the diligence of this man , and the credulous hope of the spanyard . for by her commandement the next day the admirall took eight of their worst shippes , and dressed them with wild-fire , pitch , and rosen , and filled them full of brims●on , & some other matter fit for fire , and these being set on fire , by the ministery and guiding of yong and prowse were secretly in the night , by the helpe of the winde set full vpon the spanish fleet , as they lay at anchor . when the spaniards saw them come neare , the flame shining and giving light over all the sea : they supposing those ships , besides the danger of the fire , to haue bin also furnished with deadly engines , to make horrible destruction among them ; lifting vp a most hiddeous woefull cry , some pull vp anchors , some for ha●● cut their cables , they set vp their sailes , they apply their ores , and stricken with a pannick terror , in great hast they fled most con●usedly . among them the praetorian galeas floating vpon the seas ▪ her rudder being broken , in great danger of feare drew towards calis , and sticking in the sand , was taken by a●ias pres●on , thomas gerard , and ha●ue●● hugh moncada the governour was killed , the souldiers and mariners were either killed or drowned , in her there was found great store of gold , which fell to be the prey of the english. the ship and ordnance fell to the share of the governour of calis . the spanyards report , that the duke when he saw the fiery shippes comming , commanded all the fleet to pull vp their anc●ors , but so as the danger being past , every shippe might returne againe to his station . and he himselfe returned , giving a signe to the rest by shooting off a gun . which was heard but of a few , for they were farre off scattered , some into the open ocean , some through feare were driven vpon the shallowes of the shore of flanders . over against graueling the spanish ●leet began to gather themselues together . but vpon them came drake and fenner , and battered them with great ordnance : to these fenton , southwell , beeston , crosse , riman , and presently a●ter , the lord admirall , thomas howard , and sheffi●ld came in and all ioyned together . the duke medina , leua , oquenda , recaldus , and others with much adoe getting themselues our of the shallowes , susteined the english force , aswell as they might , vntill most of their ships were pearced and to●ne . the galeon s. mathew , governed by diego ●i●entellus , comming to ayd francis toletan being in the s. philip , was pearced and shaken with the r●iterated shots of seimor and winter , and driven to ostend , & was at last taken by the flushi●gers . the s. philip came to the like end . so did the galeo● of biscay , and diverse other . the last day of this moneth , the spanish sleet striving to recover the straights againe , were driven toward zealand . the english lest of pursuing of them , as the spaniards thought , because they saw them in a manner cast away . for they could not avoyd to be cast vpon the shallowes of zealand . but the winde turning , they got out of the shallowes , and then began to consult what were best for them to do . by common consent they resolved to returne into spaine by the northern seas , for they wanted many necessaries , especially shot , their ships were torne , & they had no hope that the duke of parma could bring forth his forces . and so they tooke the sea and followed the course towards the north. the english navy followed , & somtimes the spanish turned vpon the english , insomuch that it was thought by many that they would return back againe . vpon which report the queene came into the campe at tilbury , and mustered the army , riding among them with a leaders staffe in her hand , and did by her presence and speech animate both captains and souldiers with incredible courage . that day , wherein the last fight was , the duke of parma after his vowes offred to the lady of halla , came somewhat late to dunkerk , and was received with some opprobrious words of the spanyards , as if in favour of queen elizabeth he had slipped the fairest opportunitie that could be to doe the service . he to make some satisfaction , punished the purveiours that had not made provision ready : secretly smiling at the insolēcy of the spanyards , when he heard them glorying , that what way soever they came vpon england , they would haue an vndoubted victory ; that the english were not able to indure the sight of them . bernardinus mendoza did indeed by bookes in france , sing a foolish & lying triumphant song before the victory . the english admirall appointed seimor and the h●llanders to watch vpon the coasts of flanders , that the duke of parma should not come out ; himselfe followed the spanyards vpon their backes , vntill they were past edenborough frith . the spaniards seeing all hopes faile , & finding no other helpe for themselues but by flight , fled amaine and never made stay . and so this great navy being three yeares preparing with great cost , was within a moneth overthrown , and , after many were killed , being chased away : ( of english there were not one hundreth lost , nor one shippe lost , saving that of c●●ks ) was driven about all britain by scotland , orcades , ireland , tossed and shaken with tempests , and much lessened , & came home without glory . wherevpon some money was coyned with a navy slying away at full saile , and this inscription ; venit , vidit , fugit . other were coyned with the ships fired , the navy confounded , in honor of the queene , inscribed ; dux faeminafacti . as they fled , it is certain that many of their ships were c●st away vpō the shores of scotland & irelād . moe then 700 souldiers & mariners were cast vpō the scottish shore , who at the du : of parma his intercession with the scots king , the queene of england consenting , were af●er a yeare sent into fla●ders . but they that were cast vp vpō the irish shore by tempests , came to more miserable fortunes ; for some were killed by the wild irish ; others by the deputies cōmād ; for he searing that they might ioyne thēselues to the wild irish , & bingham the gouernour of connach being once or twice commanded to slay them hauing yeelded , but refusing to doe it : fowle the vnder-marshall was sent , and killed them ; which cruelty the queene much condemned , wherevpon the rest being afraid , sicke and hungry , with their torne shippes committed themselues to the sea , and many were drowned . queene elizabeth came in publike thankesgiuing to pauls church , her nobles accompanying her , the citizens were in their colours , the banners that were taken from the enemies were spred : she heard the sermon , and publike thankes were rendred vnto god with great ioy . this publike ioy was augmented when sir robert sidney returning out of scotland , brought from the king assurance of his noble minde and affection to the queene , and to religion : which as in sincerity he had established , so he purposed to maintaine , with all his power . sir robert was sent to him when the spanish fleet was comming to congratulate and to giue him thankes , for his propense affection towards the maintenance of the common cause ; and to declare how ready shee would be to helpe him , if the spaniards should land in scotland , and that hee might recall to memory with what strange ambition the spaniard had gaped for all britain , vrging the pope to excommunicate him , to the end that hee might be thrust from the kingdome of scotland , and from the succession in england : and to giue him notice of the threatning of mendoza and the popes nuntio , who had threatned his ruine if they could worke it ; and therefore warned him , to take especiall heed to the scottish papists . the king pleasantly answered , that he looked for no other benefit of the spaniard , then that which polyphaemus promised to vlisses , to d●uoure him last after all his fellowes were deuoured . now these things be such , as whensoeuer we thinke vpon them , wee cannot choose but lift vp our hearts to god ; for he hath put a song of ioy and thankesgiuing in our mouthes , and taught vs to lift vp our eyes to him from whence commeth our helpe , our helpe commeth from the lord which hath made the heauen and the earth , he will not suffer thy foote to slip , for he that keepeth thee will not slumber ; behold , he that keepeth israel , will neither slumber nor sleepe , the lord is thy keeper , the lord is thy defence at thy right ●and . then let others boast of their strength 〈…〉 power of god , to be for vs against them . now this being a thing confessed on all sides , that god was with vs against the spaniard , why will not our aduersaries that are men of vnderstanding , enter into the consideration of this cause which god hath so often , so mightily maintained ? the workes of the lord are great , and ought to bee had in remembrance of them that feare him . and this dutie is required of vs that haue seene the great workes of god , to declare them to other : for one generation shall praise thy workes to another generation , and declare thy power . the workes of god must bee sought out , had in remembrance , and declared to other . the word of god is the rule of our faith , a direction to vs , a lanterne to our feet , and a light to our pathes , but the word of god , being confirmed to vs by his workes is made more sweet to vs. this must needes be comfortable to vs that haue the word of god among vs , sent vnto vs , planted among vs by his owne hand ; we were as farre from deseruing this fauour , as they that sit in darkenesse and in the shadow of death ; for so wee sate in ●arkenesse , and in the shadow of death : so long as we fate in the ignorance of popery , but when it pleased god of his owne free mercy to send his light among vs , the truth of his gospell , and out of the same fountaine of his goodnesse and mercy raised beleeuing princes among vs which haue established his true religion in our land , a queene of such piety , a king of so great knowledge , and learning , and piety as knoweth the truth , and is so able to maintaine it : god i say hauing of his goodnesse raised such blessings to vs , hath ne●uer ceased to maintaine his owne worke . let vs neuer cease to giue him the glory . but can our aduersaries take any comfort in their doings ? the king of spaine may once enter into the consideration of things , he may remember how hee and his predecessours haue beene so many times beguiled by the pope , how often hath the pope and his iesuites consecrated his banners , promised him victory against vs , as against heretikes forsaken of god and man ; let them know that there is a god that ruleth the world , and not the pope . if they would haue their designes to prosper , they must follow the examples of our godly princes , who are blessed for the sincerity of religion which they imbrace . they must giue ouer iniustice and cruelty , for the cruelty of the spaniards haue lost them all that they lost in the netherlands : their pride and cruelty was highly raised against vs , but to their owne hurt and dishonour , not to ours , because we trust in god. they would haue extinguished the true lights of britain , ( which then did shine like two glorious . candles put in their sockets and held vp in the hand of christ , and as now , to the comfort of both nations , ioyned in one great light ) these they laboured to extinguish , and to tread down the soule of the turtle ; but our prayer is , giue not the soule of thy turtle doue vnto the beast , and ●orget not the congregation of the poore for euer . consider thy couenant , for the darke places of the earth are full of the habitation of the cruell : arise o lord and maintaine thine owne cause , remember the daily reproach of the foolish : forget not the voice of the enemie , for the tumult of them that rise against thee ascendeth continually . god saued the soule of his turtle , he remembred the congregation of the poore that trusted in him : he considered his couenant , hee maintained his owne cause , and of this we reioyce . but where are those darke places of the earth which are full of the habitation of the cruell , as the prophet saith ? surely let the iesuites looke to that , and let them expound those word● if they be able , for surely no man can expound those words , but he shall finde superstition and cruelty inseparably ioyned together ; their superstition maketh the places of their habitations darke places ; their superstition breedeth cruelty ; for greater cruelty the world hath not seene , then hath proceeded from them : truely then may wee sing with the psalmist , the the darke pla●es of the earth , are full of the habitations of the cruell . there is no hope to make these iesuites that haue giuen themselues ouer to the seruice of the man of sinne , and to the practise of impiety , of such i say there is no hope to perswade them , because they loue not the truth . but the kings and princes that haue beene so long abused and beguiled by them , may in time vnderstand the difference betweene truth and falshood , and may ioyne with our religious kings , against the great deceiuer , and our hope is , that they will vnderstand his deceits and illusions , and forsake him : for otherwise they must perish with him . they that are wise will vnderstand and consider the cause which god hath so long , so strongly maintained , they will consider the power , the fury , and rage of our aduersaries haue beene continually frustrated by gods power , they may consider that these extraordinary blessings vpon gods church among vs , and the memorable iudgements of the aduersaries , are but forerunners of some greater stroakes , and heauier iudgements of god against them , if they will not turne , and forsake superstitious vanities , and serue god with vs. which god grant , that the kingdome of christ may be inlarged , his true religion strongly maintained , his name glorified , his people comforted , and let all that worship not the lord iesvs , and loue not his comming , perish . chapter xiii . after this great tempest from spaine was past , the sunne did shine as pleasantly vpon england as before ; by all the spanish preparation , there was not a man called from his husbandry in england , not any artificer from his trade ; there was not so much as one cottage burned ; did euer the english make any ●ourney into spaine , and returned without doing no more harme then the spaniards did to vs ? the english made after this , two iourneyes into spaine , and in both , did that which they intended to doe ; that is , ransacked townes , and put to flight the armies which incountred them . but this beyond the limits of my purpose , which is onely to declare our deliuerances , and to giue thankes and honour to god for the same . the next danger intended and threatned , brake out in spaine by tyrone . they that haue written of tyrone , say that he was a bastard , a banished fugitiue , he lay lurking in spaine , promising to doe some seruice to the pope and spaniard , as some had done before ; he was raised to the honour of an earle by the queene , and being twice in danger ( once for a murther , and then for vsurping the title of o-neale ) was pardoned for both . hugh , baron of dungannon , now earle of tyrone , being set on by the spaniard to worke some mischiefe : an. dom. 1597. suddenly assailed the ●ort of black-water , which done , he wrote to kildare to side with him , and at the same instant to sir iohn norrice , ( who was then sent out lord generall i●o ireland , with thirteene hundreth of the n●therland ould souldiers , newly retired from the warres in britaine , ) to him tyrone wrote that he might be mildly dealt withall , and not be driuen headlong vpon the dangerous rockes of disloialty : in the meane time he was alwaies guarded with a thousand horse , and 6280. foot of vlster , besides 2300. of connaugh ; hereupon , he and all his partakers were proclaimed traitors . thus was the rebellion raised which was hardly quenched with much bloud . sir iohn norrice was a generall as well experienced in warre , as any that then liued : yet in the irish warres , he was not so acquainted . the aduantage of the enemy was such , that time was rather spent in taking of booties , and friuolous parlies , then in any memorable exploit . the one looking still for fitter opportunities , and the other expecting daily his promised succours from spaine . to spare the shedding of bloud , the queene commanded her commissioners , the treasurer , and chiefe iustice to conferre with tyrone ; who complained of wrongs offered to him by sir henry bagnall , marshall : and thereupon exhibited a petition in humble manner containing that himse●fe and all his followers might be pardoned , and be restored to their former estates : that they might freely exercise their romish religion ; that no garrison souldiers , shirriffe , or other officer should intermeddle within the iurisdiction of his earledome : that the company of fifty horsemen with the queenes pay might be restored to him , in the same state that formerly he had led them : that the spoilers of his countrey and people might be punished , and that sir henry bagnall should pay him a thousand pound , promised in dowry with his sister , whom tyrone had married , and who was now deceased . others also laid out their grieuances conceiued , such were odonell , brian mac hugh og● , mac mahun , and euer mac conly : they receiued reasonable answers to their demands . but vnto them the commissioners proposed certaine articles : that they should forthwith lay downe their armes , disperse their forces , subm●ssiuely acknowledge their disloialties , admit the queenes officers in their gouernment , re-edi●ie the forts they had defaced , suffer the garrison to liue without disturbance , make restitution of spoiles t●ken , confesse vpon their oathes how far they had dealt with forraine princes , and renounce all forraine aid . these propositions the rebels liked not , but departed with a resolution to maintaine their owne demands . which moued generall norrice , aided with the lord deputy , to march with his army to armagh ; when tyrone heard of his approach , in great perplexity he forsooke the fort of blacke-water , set on fire the villages about , and plucked downe the towne of dungannon , with part of his owne house , bewailing his state to be past re●ouery . the countrey thus wasted , and no victuals to be had , norrice set a garrison in the church of armagh , strengthned monahan , and proclaimed tyrone traitor in his owne territories . tyrone to gaine time , presented to him a fained petition , signed with his owne hand , cast himselfe downe at the queenes pictures feet , vngir●●s sword , and craued pardon vpon his knees . and in the meane time dealt for aides out of spaine ; wherein hee preuailed so farre , that king philip sent messengers with cap●tulations , that at a praefixed time h●● would send him a competent armie to ioyne with the irish , that all conditions of peace with the english should be reiected , and that the rebels should be furnished with munition from spaine . hereupon ( though there was a cessation from armes , he began to hurry , and wast the country , and burne villages , and driue away booties . and hauing done this , put on the vizard of dissimulation againe , & sued for pardon , which to effect , hee sent the letters of king philip his promises , to the lord deputy , with the causes of his owne discontents ; so he shuffled , that by his dissimulation , or by the negligence of others , most part of connaught and all vlster were reuolted and in a rebellion . in which estate thomas lord burrough was sent lord deputy into ireland ; he was no sooner arriued , but generall norrice being crossed at the court , or discontented , died as was thought , through griefe . the lord deputy set presently forward to meet with the rebels , whom hee encountred at moiry , and defeating them , tooke the fort of black-water . the enemies seeking to rescue it , were defeated by the earle of kildare , but tyrone thinking all his hope was gone if he lost that fort , beleaguerd it . the lord deputy preparing straightway to rescue the place , was suddenly taken with sicknesse and died . tyrone lay still before the fort of blacke-water ; for the raising of his siege sir henry bagnall was sent with fourteene ensignes of the choisest troupes . these the earle met neare to armagh , & being most eagerly bent against s ● . henry , by his exact care and diligence , or by the others negligence , he got the victory , wherein sir henry lost his life : the english had not receiued such an ouerthrow since their first setting foot in ireland . 15. captaines were killed , and 1500. souldiers were routed , and put to flight . the garrison of blacke-water hereupon surrendred , and the rebels were thereby furnished with munition and armour , and tyrones glory extolled . by this the strength of the rebellion was increased . in this desperate estate stood ireland , when robert earle of essex was sent thither lord lieuetenant , and lord gouernour generall ; he led twenty thousand soldiers , sixteene thousand foot , the rest horse-men : as soone as hee came , he called a councell touching the affaires ; it was thought fittest , that monster should bee first cleared of those petty rebels lying nearest , whereupon ( contrary to his owne opinion , and his directions receiued from the queene ) hee made first to monster , and cleared those parts , though with more losse of time and men , then was well liked of the state here : from thence he went into le●nster , against the o conars , and o neiles , whom he vanquished . thence he sent sir coniers clifford against orork , himselfe taking another way to distract the forces of tyrone . sir ●●niers clifford was defeated and slaine : whereupon the lord generall made towards vlster , and came to louth . tyrone shewed himselfe vpon the hills on the other side of the riuer . and falling vnto his wonted vaine of dissimulation , desired a parley with the lord lieuetenant , but hee reiected it ; answering , that if hee would conferre with him , hee should finde h●m the next morning in the head of his troupes , on which day after a light skirmish , a horseman of tyrones troupes , cryed with a loud voice , that tyrone was not willing to fight , but to parley vpon peace with the lord generall ; which thing was againe denied . the next day as the lord lieuetenant was in his march forward , one hagan sent from tyrone met him , and declared that the earle most humbly desired to haue the queenes mercy and peace , and besought that his lordship would be pleased to afford him audience , which if hee would grant , then would he with all reuerence attend at the foord of the riuer , not farre from louth . to this motion at last he consented : and sent to discouer the place , and hauing a troupe of horse vpon the next hill , came downe alone to the riuer . tyrone attending on the other side , as soone as he saw his approach , rode into the riuer vp to the saddle , and with semblance of reuerence , saluted the lord lieuetenant . and hauing had some conference together the space of an houre , both returned to their companies : after this tyrone making suit for a further conference , the lord lieuetenant taking with him the earle of southampton , sir george bourchier , sir warram saint leger , sir henry dan●ers , sir edward wingfield , and sir william constable , went to the foord ; where tyrone with his brother cormac , mac gennis , mac gui● , ener mac cowly , henry oui●gton , and o quin , attended their comming . and vpon conference it was concluded , that certaine commissioners should the next day meet for a treaty of peace , and in the meane time , there should be a cessation of warres from sixe weekes to sixe weekes , vntill the first of may , yet so as it might be free on both sides , after fourteene dayes warning giuen to resume hostility afresh . and if any of tyrones confederates would not thereto consent , to be prosecuted at the lord lieuetenants pleasure . chapter xiiii . the queene was presently informed , that in ireland , the spring , summer , and autumne were spent , without seruice vpon the arch-rebell , that her men were diminished , large summes of money consumed without doing that for which he was sent , that by this meanes the rebels were incouraged , and the kingdome of ireland laid at hazard to bee lost . whereupon the queene wrote somewhat sharpely to the lord lieuetenant ; which mooued him so much , as leauing his charge to bee managed by others , he came into england , hoping to pacifie the queene . when he came , he was commanded to keepe his chamber , and soone after was committed to the custody of the lord keeper . no sooner was the lord generall departed from ireland , but that tyrone ( notwithstanding the cessation from warre , drawing his forces together , tooke the field ; to whom sir william warren was sent , to charge him with breach of promise ; he answered , that his doings were according to couenants , hauing giuen warning before : his cause was iust , for that the lord lieuctenant was committed in england , vpon whose honor he reposed his whole estate , neither would hee haue any thing to doe with the councellors of ireland . hereupon presuming vpon spaine , hee sent odonel into connaught , receiued tumultuous persons , strengthened the weake , glorying euery where that hee would restore againe the ancient religion and liberty of ireland , and expell the english out of ireland . to which end , some money and munition was sent from spaine , and indulgences from rome . and for an especiall fauour the pope sent him a plume of phoenix feathers , for a trophy of his victories . tyrone vnder pretence of deuotion , in mid-winter went to the monastery of tipperary , to worship the crosse : from thence hee sent out mac guir with a number of rifeling robbers , to spoile and prey vpon the peaceable subiects , with whom sir warram saint leger met , and at the first incounter ranne mac guir through the body with a lance , and was likewise runne through with his lance. whereupon tyrone made ready to returne from monster sooner then was expected , or himselfe meant . at this time , charles blunt , lord mountioy , was sent lord lieuetenant generall into ireland . at his first comming , hearing that tyrone was to depart out of monster , hee hastened to stop his passage in feriall , and there to giue him battell , which the earle preuented by taking another way , hauing intelligence of the lord generall his designes . the spring drawing on , the deputy put himselfe in his march toward vlster , with purpose to driue the earle to a stand . in the meane time sir henry docwray at loughfoil , and sir ma●thew morgan at belishanon planted the garrisons , which they effected with small resistance , and repressed the rebels in diuers ouerthrowes . the lord generall likewise held tyrone very hard , and with light skirmishes euer put him to the worst : sothat he now perceiuing his fortunes to decline , withdrew himselfe backwards into his ould corners . the lord lieuetenant entred in lease , the place of refuge and receit of all the rebels in leinster , where hee shew ony mac rory-og , chiefe of the family of the o mores , a bloudy , bould , and desperate yong man : and so chased out the rest of his companions , as that neuer since they were seene in those parts . and though winter began to draw on , yet marched hee forward to the entry of the mairy , three miles beyond dundalk . the passage into vlster is euery way naturally cumbersome , and it was helped by the rebels who had fortified and blocked vp the entrance with fences of stakes stucke in the ground , with hurdles ioyned together , and stones in the midst , with turfes of earth laid betweene hills , woods and bogges , and manned the place with a number of souldiers . but the english brake through their pallisadoes , and beate backe the enemy . the lord deputy placed a garrison eight miles from armagh , where in memory of sir iohn norrice , he named the fort mount norrice . in his returne he had many skirmishes . at carlingford the enemies were assembled to stop his way , but were all discomfited , and put to flight . in the midst of winter hee entred the glinnes , that is , the vallies of leinster , a secure receptacle of the rebels . there he brought into subiection donel spanioh , phelim mac pheogh , and the o tooles ; of whom he tooke hostages . then went he to fereall , and draue tirell , the most approued warriour of all the rebels , from his fastnesse ( that is , his bogs and bushes ) vnto vlster , and after some other good seruices done here , the spring approaching , he marched into vlster , fortified armaugh , and remoued tyrone from the fort of blacke-water , where hee had fortified himselfe . in the meane time the pope and the king of spaine laboured to maintaine the rebellion in ireland , and to helpe tyrone . their agents were a spaniard elected archbishop of dublin by the pope , the bishop of clowfort , the bishop of killaloe , and archer a iesuite . these by prayers and promises of heauenly rewards , perswaded the spaniard to send succours into ireland , which hee did , vnder the generall , don iohn d' aquila , a man that conceiued great hopes , and was confident of much aid from the titular earle desmond , and florence mac carly , a rebell of great power ; wherein the man was much deceiued ; for sir george carew lord president of munster , had preuented all his designes , and sent them prisoners into england , where they were fast . don aquila with two thousand spaniards of old trained souldiers , with certaine irish fugitiues landed at kinsale in monster , the last of october , anno 1600. and presently published a writing , wherein he stiled himselfe master generall , and captaine of the catholike king in the warres of god , for holding and keeping the faith in ireland : this drew diuers distempered and cuill-affected persons on his side . the lord deputy gathering his companies , hasted to kinsale , and incamped neere vnto the towne , on the land side . in the meane time , sir richard leuison , with two of the queenes shippes , inclosed the hauen , to forbid all accesse to the spaniards . then on both sides the canon played vpon the towne . but newes was brought that two thousand spaniards more were arriued at bere hauen , baltimor , and castle hauen . sir richard leuison was imployed vpon them , in which seruice he sunke fiue of their shippes . vnto these new landed spaniards , whose leader was alfonso o-campo , o-donel ouer the ice by speedy iourneyes and vnknowne by-wayes repaired , vnseene of the english. and a few dayes after , tyrone himselfe , with o roik , raimund , burk , mac mahun , randall mac surly , tirrell , the barron of lixnawe , with the choise of the nobles , making sixe thousand foot , and fiue hundreth horse . all confident of victory , being fresh , strong , and more in number then the english , who were out-wearied with a winter siege with scarcity of victuals , their horse weake with fore trauell . in this hope tyrone vpon an hill not a mile from the english campe made a brauado two dayes together , intending to haue put these new supplies of spaniards , with eight hundreth irish , by night into kinsale , as did appeare by letters intercepted from don aquila . to preuent this , the lord deputy appointed eight ensignes to keepe watch , and himselfe with the president of monster , and the marshall , at the foot of the hill , chose out a conuenient plot to giue the earle battell ; who the next morning seeing the english so forward , by his bag-pipers sounded the retreat ; whom the lord generall followed , and forced them to a stand in the brinke of a bogge , where their horsemen were disordered and routed by the earle of clan-ricard . the maine battell was charged by the lord deputy himselfe , who discharged the parts of a prouide●t captaine , and of a valiant souldier . the rebels not able to withstand him , brake their arrayes , and fled confusedly in disorder : in the pursuit , many were slaine . tyrone , o-donel , and the rest flung away their weapons , and shifted for themselues by flight . alfonso ocampo , and sixe ensigne bearers were taken prisoners , nine of their ensignes were born away by the english , and twelue hundreth spaniards slaine . this victory obtained , dismaied both the spaniards in kinsale , and the rebels . tyrone was forced into his starting holes in vlster . o-donel fled into spaine . the rest of the rebels were driuen to hide themselues . the lord generall returning to the siege of kinsale , began to raise rampires , and to mount his cannons nearer the towne , in which worke sixe dayes were spent without any impeach from the spaniards . don aquila seeking now to get cleare and be gone , sent his lieuetenant with the drum-maior to the lord deputy ; wherein hee craued , that some gentleman of credit , might bee sent into the towne , with whom he might parly for peace . the lord deputy sent sir william godolphin , to whom don aquila signified , that hee had found the lord deputy , though his eager enemy , yet an honourable person : the irish of no valour , rude , and vnciuill , yea , and ( that which hee sore feared ) persidious and false . that hee was sent from the king of spaine his master , to aide two earles , and now he much doubted whether there were any such in rerum natura ; considering that one tempestuous puffe of warre had blowne the one of them into spaine , and the other into the north , so as they were no more to bee seene : willing therefore he was to treate about a pace , that might bee good for the english , and not hurtfull to the spaniards . albeit he wanted nothing requisite to the holding out of the siege , and expected euery day out of spaine , fresh supplies to finde the english worke and trouble enough . the matter thus proposed , the english being weake , and wearied with a winter-siege , the lord deputy consented to an agreement , vpon these articles . 1. that iohn d'aquila should quit the places which he held in the kingdome of ireland , as well in the towne of kinsale , as in the forts and castle of baltimar , ber●hauen , and castle-hauen , and should deliuer them vnto the lord deputy , or to whom hee should appoint . 2. that don d' aquila and his spaniards should depart with armes , money , munition , and banners displayed . the souldiers notwithstanding to beare no armes against the queene of england , till such time as they were vn●hipped in some part of spaine . 3. that ships and victuals should be granted to them in their departure , for their money , at such reasonable prises as the country could afford . 4. that if contrary windes inforced them into any other part of ireland , or england , they might bee intreated as friends , with safety of harbour and prouisions necessary for their money . 5. that a cessation should be from warre , a security from iniuries . 6. that the shippes in which they should be imbarked , might freely passe by other english shippes , without molestation , and the shippes arriuing in spaine , might safely returne backe againe without any impeachment of the spaniards . for security whereof , the said don d' aquila should deliuer for hostages such three of their captaines as the lord deputy would choose . tyrone seeing his hopes gone , his men slaine , his restlesse conscience gaue him no repose , hee shifted from place to place in much feare and perplexity . in the meane time , the lord deputy refreshed his weary and winter-beaten souldiers , repaired the decayes , renewed the garrisons in monster . this done , hee departed for dublin . from thence toward the spring , by an easie march well appointed , hee returned into vlster , meaning to belay the enemy on euery side , by planting his forts , so to take him in his toile : thus comming to blackwater hee transported his army ouer the riuer vpon floats , and beneath the ould fort , he erected a new ; which thing so terrified the rebell , that he set on fire his owne house at dunganon , and got himselfe farthe● from danger . the lord deputy followed him close , spoiled the corne-fields , and burnt the villages , and booties were brought in on euery side . the forts in lough crew , lough reogh , and magher lecond ; were yeelded vp , and gar●isons placed in lough , neaugh , or sidny , and in m●naghan ; whence with their continuall sallies , they kept the enemies in such feare , that they hid themselues in woods , complaining and exclaiming against tyrone , that had brought them all to ruine for his priuate discontents , and began to repent them so farre , as they made hast who should first come in to the lord deputy . the earle seeing how the world went , thought good to preuent the worst by his submission , which in humble letters he sent to the queene , who gaue the lord deputy authority to pardon his life , though hardly drawne to remit his offences , his friends daily solicited the lord deputy for his peace ; which at last was granted , to put his life and reuenues without any condition , to the will of the queene . whereupon all mellifont accompanied with two persons and no more , he had accesse to the chamber of presence , where the lord deputy sate in a chaire of estate . tyrone in base and poore array , with a deiected countenance , at the first entrance , fell downe vpon his knees , and so rested , till hee was commanded to arise ; and comming neerer , stepping two paces , he fell downe prostrate , and with great submiss●on acknowledged his sinnes against god , and his fault against her maiesty . the next day the lord deputy departing from dublin , tooke tyrone thither , meaning to transport him for england . but the death of queene elizabeth staied that designe , and king iames succeeding , and being receiued with admirable loue of all sorts , at his first entrance ●ardoned tyrone . and ireland hath beene since held in greater peace then euer in the memory of any stories hath beene formerly knowne . after all this , tyrone , a man not framed for a peaceable course , but onely for trouble , fell into his last pageant , in this manner . montgomery was made lord bishop of derry , ( who was after , lord bishop of meath ) and because the reuenues of that of derry and some other bishoprickes neare adioyning were so much impaired , that they were no way able to make a reasonable maintenance ; the bishop sought by lawfull meanes to get some lands taken without right or law from his bishopricke , and to recouer things desperately lost , if hee could . this thing could not be effected , without the offence of tyrone , who had gotten into his hands the greatest part of the bishoprick lands . in so much , that tyrone vnderstanding the bishop sought to recouer the lands of the bishopricke , told the bishop thus much : my lord you haue two or three bishoprickes , and yet you are not content with them , you seeke the lands of my earledome . my lord , quoth the bishop , your earledome is swolne so bigg with the lands of the church , that it will burst if it be not vented . the bishop intending in a lawfull course to recouer the lands lost , found that there was no man could giue him better light and knowledge of those things , then o cane , who had beene great with tyrone : and to make vse of him was a matter of difficulty ; yet some meanes being vsed to him , he came of his owne accord to the bishop , and tould him that he could helpe him to the knowledge of that which he sought , but he was afraid of tyrone : nay said the bishop , i will not trust you , for i know that one bottle of aqua vitae will draw you from me to tyrone . whereupon hee tooke a booke and laid it on his head , saying , ter liuro , ter liuro : which as my lord of meath said , ( who tould me this story ) is one of the greatest kinde of affirming a truth which the irish haue , and after this ceremony performed , they keepe their promise : o cane vsing this ceremony , promised to reu●ale all that hee knew in that matter , if hee would on the other side promise him to saue him from the violence of tyrone , and not to deliuer him into england ; which he promised to doe . whereupon the bishop resolued to bring him to the councell of ireland , there to take his confession ; as they came along by dungannon , tyrones sonne came forth with sixteene horsemen , but finding the bishop well appointed and guarded with men , tould him that he came forth onely to attend his lordship some part of the way , and so after , he rode with him a reasonable way , tooke his leaue and returned . the bishop feared that hee came to take o cane from him , and thought that he meant to doe it , if the bishop had not beene better prouided then he was . thus they comming peaceably to the councell , the confession of o cane was taken . after this , processe were sent to tyrone to warne him to come at an appointed time , to answere to the suit of the lord bishop of derry . there was no other intention then , but in a peaceable manner to bring the suit to a triall . but behold the burthen of an euill conscience . tyrone had entred into a new conspiracie , to raise another rebellion ; of this conspiracy was o cane . this thing was secret , the councell knew nothing of it . tyrone being serued with processe to answere the suit , began to suspect that this was but a plot to draw him in ; that surely all the treason was reuealed by o cane , whom he knew to be of the conspiracy : that the pretence was a processe , and a triall in law , but the intent was to haue his head . vpon this bare suspition , tyrone resolued with such other as was in the conspiracy to flye , & therupon fled out of ireland with his confederates , & lost al those lands in the north of ireland , which by his mies . autority , & the diligence of his mies . subiects which haue been vndertakers , are now planted with a more ciuill people , then before . this story of tyrone , being compared with that of stucley , & other irish commotions , may proue the implacable mind of the pope ; and the fauour of god in deliuering vs. stucley by the prouidence of god was turned another way , & came not into ireland , as he purposed : they who came were euer destroyed . but no enemy did euer more hurt there , then tyrone . but when the accompt is cast vp ; what haue all the aduersaries of england got in the end ? they haue , like secret serpents nibled at the heel . and indeed this hath bin the practise of the ould serpent , in troubling the church . and we haue both warning of his malice , & a promise of deliuerance , & in the end to tread on his head , that now biteth at our heels . the womans seed shal break the serpents head , but the serpent shal bruise his heel . the promise is fulfilled in christ iesus our head , and yet by the apostle extended to the church , rom. 16. 20. the god of peace shall tread satan vnder your feet shortly . it is true , that this is done in a spirituall battell , wherin satan & sin shall be ouerthrown : yet to comfort his church , and to teach vs to stay with patience the finall fulfilling of his promises , he doth in the meane time send many deliuerances to his church , and many times beateth down satan & satans instruments vnder the feet of his church . for is not this a treading down of satans head , when we see al the instruments that satan hath stirred vp to our destruction , to be by the hand of god beaten & trodden to dust ? verely , vnto vs it is a signe of comfort , & that from the lord , but to our aduersaries a sign of seare . the true church of god hath a priuiledge aboue others in this world , though persecuted in & by this euill world , yet there appeareth alwaies an eminent priuiledge of the church . whē the iewes were gods church , this appeared among them , what was their priuiledge ? they were called by god from & before al other nations , not because they were stronger or greater , or wiser , but because god would fulfill his promise to their fathers . and to them were committed the oracles of god ; & as the apostle doth inlarge the same thing , to them pertained the adoption , & theglory , & the couenants , and the giuing of the law , & the seruice of god , and the promises . in all which may appeare what god did for them , and what he doth for his church alwaies : but what are they to doe to god ? onely to worship him according to these oracles , this law , these couenants , these promises , which god hath giuen them . by these things then may the church be knowne , we may add another thing to these , whereby we finde that god would alwaies be knowne to be the god of his people , of his church ; that is , a miraculous protection of his church , and strange deliuerance out of dangers . this miraculous protection and deliuerance , god shewed to israel d●uers waies ; and this hath he like wise shewed to the church of christians , and then especially when the church hath beene most oppugned . and this mercy hath god declared to no church more , then to the church of england : wee haue the oracles of god among vs , and these wee labour to preserue without mixture , that no oracles of men may be ioyned with them in any equality . this we professe , and for this we suffer . this is our glory , that wee suffer as the church of god hath all waies suffered . this is our glory , that we are persecuted by a people that haue forsaken their god. for they that haue forsaken ●he onely preferment by the oracles of god committed to their trust , and haue against that trust , thrust in mens oracles , mens traditions to match the oracles of god in equall authority : they who worship not god according to gods oracles deliuered to them , but according to their owne inuentions ; these men haue forsaken their god. and these bee they that glory so much of the name of the catholike church against vs , god knoweth his church ; for the lord knoweth who are his : but our aduersaries deale not with god to please him , but with men to deceiue them . if they should deceiue some men with the maske , and with the empty title o● the catholike church , what haue they gotten thereby ? god is not deceiued , and god will in his time make it knowne where his catholike church is . god will not haue his catholike church maintained with lyes , with wicked and vngratious practises , with treasons and rebellions , with conspiracies ; they who practise such things , can neuer proue themselues to bee the catholike church ; but the true catholike church is knowne by holding the oracles of god , by worshipping god according to his own oracles , by suffering patiently the practises of wicked men , by committing their cause to god , by trusting in god , and in the power of his might , and by miraculous deliuerances out of danger by the onely hand and power of god. this holy and heauenly protection of god of the church of england , may plainely proue vnto all the world , that the church of england is a part and true member of that catholike church that serueth god in truth and sincerity , enioying those priuiledges and fauours which god doth vouchsafe to no people , sauing to his owne church . now let the pope goe on in his course , and fulfill his measure : let him honour wretched and wicked rebels , the scum of the earth : let him send a peacockes taile , as he did to stucley , let him send a plume of phoenix seathers , as hee did to tyrone ( if they were phoenix feathers , or if the pope did not collude in one thing , as that fryer did in another thing , who vndertooke to shew to the people a feather of the wing of the angell gahriell ; a plume of whose feathers was more befitting the pope to send , if his holinesse hath such command ouer angels , as they say he hath . ) let them i say proceed in the workes of darkenesse as they haue done , and as they continue to doe : let vs trust in the lord , who hath manifested to all the world by his great , mercifull , and manifold deliuerances , that hee hath taken the protection of vs. and as he hath done hitherto , assuredly he will doe to the end , if we faile not : for god will not forsake vs , if we forsake not him . indeed if we forsake him , and fall away from the truth of religion , in the church , and from the execution of iustice in the state ; and from obedience to the faith : then may wee loose our part in god , and loose our confidence in his helpe , and loose the blessed benefit of his protect● on . they can neuer preua●le against vs by any other way , then by our forsaking of god. when balac the king of moab , had sent for balaam the false prophet , and by him vnderstood that it was impossible for him to preuaile against israel , though balaam was sent to curse them : at last hee was informed by his false prophet balaam , that there was no hope to preuaile against israel , vnlesse there were some meanes deuised to draw israel into sinne against god , and so would god be offended with them , and then might their aduersaries preuaile against them : this aduise was most pernicious against israel . for the women of moab were sent among the israelites to intise them both to bodily and spirituall fornication . and this indeed prouoked gods anger : and therefore the lord commanded israel to vexe the midia●nites , and to smite them , for they trouble you with their wiles . the king of spaine hath proued balaam the false prophet , the pope of rome , to curse the church and state of england : hee hath beene as greedily bent to curse england , as euer balaam was to curse israel . his curses by gods goodnesse haue beene turned into blessings vpon vs. the more hee hath cursed , the more haue wee receiued blessings from god. the pope perceiuing that his curses cannot preuaile against vs , hath entred into the consultation of balaam the false prophet , to send among vs priests and iesuites secretly , who as they say , are well acquainted both with carnall and spirituall fornication . these come among vs and trouble vs with their wiles . and if by their wiles we be once drawn away from god , then may they preuaile , but not otherwise then as the d●uell hath sometimes permission to preuaile against gods people . but so long as wee stand the church of god , holding the oracles of god committed to vs , morshipping . god according to the rules of the holy doctrine , wee may with ioy of h●●rt expect the protection of god as we haue had . of these things what can our aduersaries deny ? can they deny that wee haue the oracles of god among vs , onely reuerencing them ? can they deny the miraculous pro●●ction of god ouer vs from time to time , against all their wicked practises ? let our enemies be iudges herein . can they deny that the pope hath runne the course of false balaam against vs ? can they deny that their priests and iesuites come creeping in among vs , to draw vs away from god to bee partakers with them in their superstition and idolatry ? these things are manifest to the world , and to their owne consciences : then we leaue them vnto the seruice of their balaam , let them leaue vs to the seruice of our god. chapter xv. qveene elizabeth after so many bloudy and dangerous practises attempted against her , being mightily protected by god , ended her dayes in peace and safety : the enemy was not permitted to hurt her , with all their bloudy and barbarous practises . after her , succeeded our peaceable salomon , king iames , who laboured to establish peace , if it might bee : but when hee spake of peace , they prepared themselues for warre . he was first encountred with such a practise , whereof because i know not the truth and bottome , i must follow such relations as i finde . king iames our●gracious soueraigne , being called into the right of his owne inheritance , by the great and admirable applause and affections of all good men from the highest to the lowest of england : and declaring his constant resolution for the maintenance of religion , deferred his coronation till saint iames day . in the meane time some vnquiet spirits entred into a conspiracy , ( their vaine hopes for aduancing of their religion , failing ) their designe as is said , was to surprize the king , and prince henry . of forces they presumed , meaning to retaine them prisoners in the tower , and with treasures therin to maintaine their intent , or to carry them to douer castle , and there by violence , either to obtaine their owne pardons , a tolleration of religion , and a remouall of some counsellors of state , or else to put some other proiect in execution . to conceale this treason , watson the priest deuised oathes for secrecie , and himselfe with clark , another priest taught ; that the act was lawfull , being done before the coronation : for that the king was no king before hee was annointed , and the crowne solemnly set vpon his head . the other persons inuolued in this practise , were henry brooke , lord cobham , thomas lord gray of wilton , sir walter ralegh , sir griffin markham , sir edward parham , george brooke , bartholomew brookesby , and anthony coply . all which were apprehended and committed . the sicknesse being then rife in london , the tearme was kept at winchester , the place designed for their arraignement , whether they were conueied vnder strong guard . the first brought to triall was george brooke , brother to the lord cobham , sir griffin markham , sir edward parham , brooksly , coply , watson and clark. the inditement was , that they had conspired , first to destroy the king ; then to raise rebellion , to alter religion , to subuert the state , to procure forraine inuasion . these their intents they had made known to the lord gray , whom they intended to make earle marshall of england , watson lord chancelour , georke brookes lord treasurer , markham secretary : that with the king the lords also should be surprized in their chambers at greenwich , and the lord maior and aldermen of london should be sent for , and so shut vp in the tower. george brooke answered , that he had commission from the king to doe that he did , onely to trie faithfull subiects ; but being required to shew his commission , hee could produce none . sir griffin markham , excepting onely the imputation of bloud , confessed his offence penitently ; alledging it was through a discontented minde , and desired the lords to bee a meane to the king for mercy watson and clark , ( the former of which confessed that he had drawne all those gentlemen into those plots ) like true roman priests , auerred that they held the king for no king , vntill hee was crowned : and therefore it could not be treason : alledging that saul was no king , till hee was chosen in mispeh , though hee had beene annointed in ramoth by the prophet samuel . neither ieroboam , who in the dayes of salomon had beene confirmed by the prophet to raigne ouer israel , vntill the people made him king , vpon the foolish answere of rehoboam : making no difference betweene the mediate and ordinary succession of lawfull kings in common-wealths established : and those which god himselfe extraordinarily aduanced to be scourges to an vngratefull land . it was tould them that in england the king neuer dieth , that there is no interregnum , that the coronation is but a ceremony to shew the king to the people . two dayes after was sir walter ralegh brought to the barre , hee was indited for combining with the lord cobham ( his accuser as it was said in the foresaid designes ) he pleaded , not guilty , and so stood for his purgation . hee pleaded for himselfe a long time , and with some admiration of men , who thought that a man of such vnderstanding would hardly bee drawne into a plot so foule , and so foolish : yet hee was found guilty , and had sentence of death . the like iudgement , a few dayes after , passed vpon the lord cobham and gray , arraigned on two seuerall dayes . the former was indited for combining with sir walter ralegh , and george brooke to procure forces from the king of spaine , and the arch-duke for inuasion : the other for ioyning with the foresaid priests , knights , and gentlemen in their conspiracies . sir edward parham was only acquitted by the iury. of the rest , onely three died . watson , clark , and george brooke . watson had before in print laid open at large the treasonable practises of the iesuites , and at his death left this suspition on them , that they in reuenge , had cunningly drawne him into this action , which brought him to his end . after this the lords cobham and gray , and sir griffin markham were by a warrant to be executed the friday next . but the king inclined to mercy , sent at the day appointed a pardon for them ; the manner whereof was such , as gaue vnexpected ioy to them that looked for nothing but death . the pardon was brought to the place where they were to be executed , by master gibb a gentleman , so secretly , that none present vnderstood any thing thereof : sir griffin markham was first brought to the scaffold ( erected in the castle greene , ) and made himselfe ready for the stroke of the axe . when secretly master gibb deliuered to the high shiriffe the kings warrant to the contrary ; who vnderstanding his maiesties intent , tooke backe the prisoner ( as if he were first to confront the two lords , vpon some seruice of the king ) and brought him vnto the castle hall. then was the lord gray brought forth , who hauing poured out his prayers vnto god , at length kneeling downe for the stroke of death , the sheriffe bad stay , telling the lord that some further seruice was expected of him ; and thereupon led him likewise into the castle hall. the lord cobham was last brought forth : who being in preparation , and prayers , the lord gray and sir gr●ffin were brought backe againe . all the three prisoners appearing together on the scaffold , the sheriffe notified his maiesties warrant for the stay of the execution . at which example of clemency , vnexpected both of the prisoners and spectators , there arose great shoutes of the people , crying , god saue the king. the condemned wished that they might sacrifice their liues to redeeme their faults , and to repurchase so mercifull a prince his loue . this attempt seemed to be a matter of lesse danger , because there appeared neither strength to act the businesse intended , nor heads to carry it . but our thankfulnesse must appeare to god for our least deliuerances . it is certaine by their confessions that a great mischiefe was intended , howso●uer they might seeme vnable to effect it . and this we may obserue , that no treason was euer attempted without a romish priest. the treasons attempted in england , haue that proper and peculiar marke , to haue a priest in the practise . chapter xvi . now i enter vpon a narration , which may fully open our aduersaries to the world : wherein appeareth the profundity of malice and cruelty , and vngodlinesse , and whereby all men may vnderstand by what spirit these men are led . the histories of former times containe no example like it . which sheweth that wicked inuentions are growne to a greater ripenesse in the romish generation . and when they are come to their full ripenesse● they themselues may vnderstand what they are to looke for . in the meane time let all men vnderstand the difference betweene the church of god , and that which in the scripture is called ecclesia malignantium . that church of the malignant may sufficiently appeare by all the former practises , but especially by this of the gunpowder treason . this treason was first thought on in the last yeare of queene elizabeth , when henry garnet the superiour of the malignants here , catesby , and others sent thomas winter into spaine , to negotiate with the spanish king in the name of the english catholikes : first to send an army to them , who were now in readinesse to ioyne their forces with his : secondly , to grantsome pensions to sundry persons deuoted to his seruice in england : and thirdly , winter was to giue aduertisement of the discontents that the young gentlemen and soldiers had conceiued vpon the death of essex , whereby a fit occasion was offered to forward the popish cause . to prosecute this businesse , hee made for his meanes , father creswell the leiger iesuite in spaine , don petro francesa second secretary to the state , and the duke of lerma : all which assured winter that the office of his imploiment would be very gratefull to his master . the place of landding concluded vpon by them was kent or essex if the kings army were great , if otherwise , then milford hauen in wales was held fittest . with these and other like pro●ects winter all this summer followed the king in his progresse . and lastly had answer by the count miranda , that the king would bestow an hundreth thousand crownes towards the expedition , halfe thereof to be payed that yeare , and the rest the next spring , when at the farthest hee meant to set foot in england . on whose behalfe hee willed the english catholikes to maintaine their promise , whom hee respected ( as was said ) as his owne proper castilians ; and further desired their continuall aduertisemonts ; if in the meane time it chanced the old queene to die . winter thus laden with hopes , returned from spaine , and acquainted garnet , catesby , and tresham , with what had passed , which they related to others . all were glad to heare the newes , and rested satisfied , expecting the day . but before the next spring , queene elizabeth died . to giue notice of her death , christopher wright was from catesby and others sent into spaine . guy fawkes was likewise sent from bruxells by sir william stanly into spaine , both of them to prosecute the former negotiation , assuring the spanish king , that king iames would runne the same course , and proceed as rigorously against the catholikes , as the late queene had done , for whose defence they desired instantly that some spaniards might bee transported vnto milford hauen . where the english papists would bee forward to assist them , hauing in a readinesse two thousand horse furnished for the enterprise . but the spa●iard would not now hearken to their motions , or proceed any further to any forcible enterprise in the meane while , the iesuites had beene tampering to disswade the acceptance of king iames into england , vrging it that death was rather to be indured , then to admit an heretike . and those that gaue him consent , they held liable to excommunication by the censure of pope clement 〈◊〉 . the papists seeing their great ankerhold to faile them from spaine , began to enter into more desperate courses . catesby tooke his ground from the doctrine of father parsons : that the whole schooles both of diuines and lawyers , take this position vn●oubtedly to bee beleeued , that if any christian prince shall manifestly turne from the catholike religion , and desire of seeke to reclaime others from the same , he presently falleth from all princely power and dignity , and that also by vertue and power of the law it selfe both diuine and humane , euen before any sentence pronounced against him by the supreame pastor and iudge . and that his subiects , of what estate or condition soeuer , are freed from all bond of oath of alleageance which at any time they had made vnto him as to their lawfull prince . nay , that they both may and ought ( prouided they haue competent strength and force ) cast out such a man from bearing rule among christians , as an apostata , an heretike , a back-slider , a reuolter from our lord christ , and an enemy to his owne state , and common-wealth ; least perhaps hee might infect others , or by his example or command , turne them from the faith : yea they affirme further , that if a prince shall but fauour or shew countenance to an heretike , he presently looseth his kingdome . by this fiery diuinity of their owne making , or receiuing it from the spirits of error and doctrines of diuels , ( for those things that are taught for doctrines , not being found in the word of god , are doctrines of diuels , much more they that are contrary to the doctrines of gods word ) by these doctrines the gunpowder-treason tooke strength . the parliament dissolued the seauenth of iuly , and was prorogued vntill the seauenth of february following , catesby being then at lambeth , sent for thomas winter , who had beene imployed into spaine , and brake with him vpon the blowing vp of the parliament house ; who answered , that indeed strooke at the root : but if it should not take effect , said hee , as most of this nature miscarrie , the scandall would be so great , which catholike religion might hereby sustaine , as not only our enemies , but our friends also would with good reason condemne vs. catesby answered , the nature of the disease required so sharpe a remedy , and asked him if hee would g●ue his consent . yes , said he , in this or what else soeuer , he would venture his life . but he proposed difficulties , as want of an house , and of one to carry the mine , noise in the working , and such like . catesby answered , let vs giue the attempt , and where it ●aileth , passe no further : but first quoth he , because wee will leaue no peaceable and quiet way vntried , you shall goe ouer , and informe the constable of the state of the catholikes here in england , intreating him to sollicite his mai●stie , that the penall lawes may bee recalled , and we admitted into the ra●ke of his other subiects . withall , you may bring ouer some confident gentlemen , such as you shall vnderstand best able for this businesse , and named vnto him master fawkes . shortly after , winter passed the seas , and found the constable at bergen neare dunkirk : where by helpe of master owen hee deliuered his message . whose answere was , that he had strict command from his master , to doe all good offices for the catholikes , and for his owne part hee thought himselfe bound in conscience so to doe , and that no good occasion should bee omitted , but hee spake to him nothing of this matter . returning to dunkirk with master owen they had speech whether the constable would faithfully helpe them , or no : owen said , he beleeued nothing lesse , and that they sought onely their own● ends , holding small accompt of catholikes . winter told him , that there were many gentlemen in england , who would not forsake their countrey vntill they had tried the vttermost . and to add one more to their company , as a fit man both for councell and execution of whatsoeuer they should resolue , wished for master fawkes , who as he had heard , was a man of good commendation . owen told him , the gentleman deserued no lesse , but was at brussels , and that if he came not , as happily he might before winters departure , hee would send him shortly after into england . winter went shortly after to ostend ; where sir william stanly as then was not , but came two dayes after . winter remained with him three or foure dayes . in which time he asked him , if the catholikes in england should doe any thing to helpe themselues , whether hee thought the arch-duke would second them ? he answered , no. for all those parts w●re so desirous of peace with england , as they would indure no speech of other enterprise . neither were it fit , said he , to set any pro●ect a foot , now the peace is vpon concluding ▪ winter told him there was no such resolution , and fell into other speech ; asking him of master fawkes , whom sir william much commended : and as they were in speech , fawkes came in . sir william told him , this is the gentleman you spake of ; and after they had imbraced , winter told fawkes , that some good friends of his wished his company in england , and appointed to meet at dunkirk , where they might conferre . meeting at dunkirk , they had conference , and resolued both to come into england . they came first to catesby : whether came master thomas percy . the first word he spake after he came into their companie , was , shall we alwaies , gentlemen , talke , and neuer doe any thing ? catesby tooke him aside , and had speech of somewhat to be done , so as first they might all take an oath of secrecy ; which within few dayes after , they did . the oath was this : you shall sweare by the blessed trinity , and by the sacrament you now purpose to receiue , neuer to disclose , directly nor indirectly , by wo●d or circumstance , the matter that shall he proposed to you to keepe secret , nor desist from the execution thereof , vntill the rest shall giu● you leaue . this oath was first taken by catesby , percy , wright and fawkes , behinde saint clements . after the oath taken , they went into the next roome and heard masse , and receiued the sacrament vpon it . that done , catesby disclosed to percy , and winter and iacke wright to fawkes the businesse , for which they tooke the oath , which they approued . then was percy sent to take the house , which they vnderstood did belong to one ferris ; which with some difficulty in the end he obtained , and became tenant to whinyard , as ferris was before . fawkes vnderwent the name of master percy his man , calling himselfe iohnson ; because his face was most vnknowne , and receiued the keyes of the house , vntill they heard that the parliament was adiourned to the 7. of february . at which time they all departed seuerall wayes into the countrey , to meet againe at the beginning of michaelmas tearme . it was thought conuenient to haue a house to receiue prouision of powder and wood for the mine ; from which house the prouision might be conueied to that house which percy had taken : this was taken in lambeth , and keyes was appointed the trusty keeper thereof . when they were agreed to begin and set things in order for the mine , they were staied a while , because the scottish lords were appointed to sit in conference of the vnion in percy his house . the time of their sitting being past , they entred vpon the mine , hauing prouided themselues of baked meats , the lesse to need sending abroad . whilst they were together , they fell into discourse what they should doe after this deede was done . the first question was , how they might surprise the next heire . the prince happily would be at parliament with the king , his father : how should they then be able to seaze vpon the duke ? this burden percy vndertook , that by his acquaintance , he with other gentlemen would enter the chamber without suspition , and hauing some doozen others at seuerall doores to expect his comming , and two or three on horsebacke at the court gate to receiue him , he would vndertake ( the blow being giuen , vntill which hee would attend in the dukes chamber ) to carry him safe away : for he supposed most of the court would be absent , and such as were there , not suspecting , or vnprouided for any such matter . for the lady elizabeth , it were easie to surprise her in the country , by drawing friends together at an hunting neare the lord harringtons , and asby master catesby his house being not farre off , was a fit place for preparation the next was for money and horses , which if they could prouide in any reasonable measure ( hauing the heire apparant ) and the first knowledge by foure or fiue dayes was oddes sufficient . then what lords they should saue from the parliament , which was first agreed in generall , as many as they could that were catholikes , or so disposed ; but after they descended to speake of particulars . next what forraine princes they should acquaint with this before , or ioyne with after . for this point they agreed , that first they could not inioyne princes to that secrecy , nor oblige them by oath , so to be secure of their promise ; beside , they knew not whether they will approue the proiect or dislike it . and if they doe allow therof , to prepare before , might beget suspition : and not to prouide vntill the businesse were acted ; the same letter that carried the newes of the thing done , might as well intreat their helpe and furtherance . spaine is too slow in their preparations to hope any good from the first extremities , and france too neere and to dangerous , who with the shipping of holland , we feared of all the world might make away with vs. while they were in the middle of these discourses , they heard that the parliament would be anew adiourned vntill after michaelmas , vpon which tidings they brake off both discourse and working . about candlemas they brought ouer in a boat the powder which they had prouided at lambeth , and laid it in master percy his house ; because they would haue all their danger in one place . then falling to their worke in the mine , they came against the stone wall , which was very hard to beat through , at which time they called kit wright to their company ; but as they were working vpon the wall they heard a rushing in a cellar , of remouing of coales . whereupon they feared that they had beene discouered , and they sent fawkes to goe to the cellar ; who finding that the coales were a selling , and that the cellar was to bee let , viewing the opportunity thereof for their purpose , percy went and hired the same for yearely rent . they had before this prouided twenty barrels of powder , which they remoued into the cellar , and couered them w●th billets and faggots which they had prouided for that purpose . after this they thought fit to send fawkes to acquaint sir william stanly , and master owen with this matter , but so that they might receiue the oath of secrecy . the reason why they desired sir william stanly should be acquainted herewith , was to haue him with them so soone as he could . and for master owen , he might hold good correspondencies after with forraine princes . master fawkes departed about easter for flanders , and returned in the end of august . he brought word that sir william stanly was not returned from spaine , so as he vttered the matter onely to owen , who seemed well pleased with the businesse , but told him that surely sir william wou●d not bee acquainted with any plot as hauing businesse now a foot in the court of england ; but he himselfe would be alwaies ready to tell him , and send him away so soone as it were done . about this time master percy and catesby met at the bathe . where they agreed that the company being yet but few , catesby should haue the others authority to call in whom hee thought best . whereupon he called in sir euerard digby , and after that master tresham . the first promised fifteene hundreth pounds , the second two thousand pounds . master percy promised all that he could get of the earle of northumberlands rents , which was about foure thousand pounds , and to prouide many galloping horses , to the number of ten . meane while , fawkes and winter bought somenew powder , as suspecting the first to bee danke , and conueied it into the cellar , and set it in order , as they resolued it should stand . then was the parliament anew prorogued vntill the fifth of nouember . so that all of them went down till some tenne dayes before . when catesby camevp with fawks to an house by enfield-chase , called white-webs ; whether winter came to them . catesby willed winter to inquire whether the young prince came to the parliament . winter told him that hee heard that his grace thought not to be there . then said catesby , must we haue our horses bey●nd the water , and prouision of more company to surprise the prince , and eaue the duke alone . all things thus prepared : the saturday of the weeke immediately praeceding the kings returne , which was vpon thursday ( being but ten dayes before the parliament ) the lord monteagle , sonne and heire to the lord morley , being in his owne lodging ready to goe to supper at seauen of the clocke at night , one of his footmen , whom hee had sent of an errand ouer the street , was met by an vnknowne man of a reasonable tall personage , who deliuered him a letter , charging him to put it into my lord his masters hands : which my lord no sooner receiued , but that hauing broken it vp , and perceiuing the same to bee of an vnknowne , and somewhat vnlegible hand , and without either date or subscription ; did call one of his men to him for helping him to reade it . but no sooner did he conceiue the strange contents thereof , although he was somewhat perplexed what construction to make of it , ( as whether of a matter of consequence , as indeede it was , or whether some foolish deuised pasquill by some of his enemies , to skarre him from his attendance at the parliament ) yet did hee as a most dutifull and l●iall subiect , conclude not to conceale it , what euer might come of it . whereupon notwithstanding the latenesse and darkenesse of the night in such a season of the yeare , he presently repaired to his maiesties pallace at white hall , and there deliuered the same to the earle of salisbury his maiesties principall secretary . the earle hauing read the letter , and heard of the manner of comming of it to his hands , did greatly incourage and commend the lord for his discretion ; te●ling him plainely , that whatsoeuer the purpose of the letter might proue hereafter , yet did this accident put him in mind of diuers aduertisements hee had receiued from beyond the seas , wherewith he had acquainted as well the king himselfe , as diuers of his priuy councellours , concerning some businesse the papists were in , both at home and abroad , making preparation for some combination among them against this parliament time : for inabling them to deliuer at that time to the king some petition for tolleration of religion , which should be deliuered in some such order , and so well backed , as the king should be loath to refuse their requests ; like the sturdy-beggars crauing almes with one open hand , but carrying a stone in the other in case of refusall . and therefore did the earle of salisbury conclude with the lord monteagle , that he would in regard of the kings absence impart the same letter to some more of his maiesties councell . whe●eof the lord monteagle liked well , onely adding this request , by way of protestation , that whatsoeuer the euent hereof might proue , it should not be imputed to him , as proceeding from too light and too sodaine an apprehension , that hee deliuered this letter being onely moued thereto for demonstration of his ready deuotion and care for preseruation of his maiestie and the state. and thus did the earle of salisbury presently acquaint the lord chamberlaine with the said letter . whereupon they two in the presence of the lord monteagle , calling to minde the former intelligence already mentioned , which seemed to haue some relation with this letter ; the tender care which they euer had to the preseruation of his maiesties person , made them apprehend , that some perillous attempt did thereby appeare to be intended against the same , which did the more neerely concerne the lord chamberlaine to haue care of , in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his office , to ouersee as well all places of assembly where his maiesty is to repaire , as his highnesse owne priuate houses . and therefore did the said two councellors conclude , that they should ioyne vnto them three more of the councell , to wit , the lord admirall , the earles of worcester and northampton , to be also particularly acquainted with this accident . who hauing all of them concurred together to the re-examination of the contents of the said letter , they did conclude , that how slight a matter it might at the first appeare to be , yet was it not absolutely to be contemned , in respect of the care which it behoued them to haue of the preseruation of his maiesties person . but yet resolued for two reasons , first to acquaint the king himselfe with the same , before they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter , as well for the expectation and experience they had of his maiesties fortunate iudgement in clearing and soluing of obscure riddles and doubtfull mysteries , as also because the more time would in the meane while bee giuen for the practise to ripen , if any was , wherby the discouery might be the more cleare and euident , and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe , iust , and easie . and so according to their determination did the earle of salisbury repaire to the king in his gallery vpon friday , being alhallow day , in the afternoon , which was the day after his maiesties arriuall , and none but himselfe being present with his highnesse at that time : where without any other speech or iudgement giuen of the letter , but onely relating simply the forme of the deliuery thereof , he presented it to his maiesty ; the contents of the letter are as followeth . my lord , out of the loue i beare to some of your friends , i haue a care of your preseruation . therefore i would aduise you , as you tender your life , to deuise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this parliament . for god and man haue concurred to punish the wickednesse of this time . and thinke not slightly of this aduertisement , but retire your selfe into your country , where you may expect the euent in safety : for though there be no appearance of any stirre , yet i say , they shall receiue a terrible blow this parliament , and yet they shall not see who hurt them . this counsell is not to be contemned , because it may doe you good , and can doe you no harme : for the danger is past as soone as you shall haue burned this letter . and i hope god will giue you the grace to make good vse of it . to whose holy protection i commend you . the king no sooner read the letter , but after a little pause , and then reading it ouer again , he deliuered his iudgement of it in such sort , as he thought it was not to bee contemned . for that the stile of it seemed to be more quicke and pithy , then is vsuall to be in a pasquill or libell , ( the superfluities of idle braines . ) but the earle of salisbury perceiuing the king to apprehend it deeplier then he looked for , knowing his nature ; told him , that he thought by one sentence in it , that it was like to be written by some fool or mad man , reading to him this sentence in it : for the danger is past as soone as you haue burned the letter : which he said was like to be the saying of a foole . for if the danger was past so soone as the letter was burnt , then the warning behooued to be of little auaile , when the burning of the letter might make the danger to bee eschewed . but the king by the contrary considering the former sentence in the letter . that they should receiue a terrible blow at this parliament , and yet should not see who hurt them : ioyning it to the sentence immediately following already alleadged , did thereupon coniecture , that the danger mentioned , should bee some sudden danger by blowing vp of powder : for no other insurrection , rebellion , or whatsoeuer other priuate or desperate attempt could be committed , or attempted in time of parliament , and the authors thereof v●seene , except it were onely by a blowing vp of powder , which might be performed by one base knaue in a darke corner . whereupon he was moued to interpret and construe the latter sentence in the letter , ( alleadged by the earle of salisbury ) against all ordinary sense and construction in grammer , as if by these words , for the danger is past as soone as you haue burned the letter , should be closely vnderstood the sudden and quicknesse of the danger , which should be as quickly performed , and at an end , as that paper should be of bleasing vp in the fire ; turning that word , as soone , to that sense of , as quickly . and therefore wished that before his going to parliament , the vnder-roomes of the parliament house might be well and narrowly searched . it must be confessed that god put this vnderstanding in the kings heart . for albeit now vpon the euent made knowne , a man may easily see that no other construction can bee made of the letter , then that which the king made : yet before the euent was knowne , the wisest did not apprehend that vnderstanding . and therefore we must acknowledge that god would haue it knowne and brought to knowledge by the king himselfe , that all the body of the kingdome might rest most vnder god , beholding to the king , their head for the generall deliuerance . the earle of salisbury wondring at his maiesties commentary , which hee knew to be farre contrary to his ordinary and naturall disposition , who did rather euer sinne vpon the other side , in not apprehending nor trusting due aduertisments of practises and perils when hee was duely informed of them , whereby hee had many times drawne himselfe into many desperate dangers , and interpreting rightly this extraordinary caution at this time to proceed from the vigilant care he had of the whole state , more then of his owne person , which could not but haue all perished together if this designement had succeeded : he thought good to dissemble still vnto the king that there had beene any iust cause of such apprehension . and ending the purpose with some merry ieast vpon this subiect , as his custome is , tooke his leaue for that time . but though hee seemed so to neglect it to his maiestie , yet his customable and watchfull care of the king and the state still boyling within him ; and hauing with the blessed virgin mary , laid vp in his heart the kings so strange iudgement and construction of it , he could not bee at rest till hee acquainted the foresaid lords what had passed betweene the king and him in priuate . whereupon they were all so earnest to renew againe the memory of the same purpose to his maiestie , as it was agreed , that he should the next day being saturday repaire to his highnesse . which hee did in the same priuy gallery , and renewed the memory thereof , the lord chamberlaine then being present with the king. at which time it was determined that the said lord chamberlaine should according to his custome and office , view all the parliament houses both aboue and below , and consider what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them . but yet as well for staying of idle rumors , as for being the more able to discerne any mystery the nearer that things were in readinesse , his iourney thither was ordained to be deferred till the afternoone before the sitting downe of the parliament , which was vpon the munday following . at what time he ( according to his conclusion ) went to the parliament house , accompanied with the lord monteagle , being in zeale to the kings seruice earnest and curious to see the euent of that accident , whereof he had the fortune to be the first discouerer . where hauing viewed all the lower roomes , he found in the vault vnder the vpper house great store of prouision of billets , faggots , & coales . and inquiring of whinyard keeper of the wardrop , to what vse hee had put those lower roomes , and cellars : he told him that thomas percy had hired both the house and part of the cellar or vault vnder the same . and that the wood and coale therein was the said gentlemans owne prouision . whereupon the lord chamberlaine casting his eye aside , perceiued a fellow standing in a corner there , calling himselfe the said percy his man , and keeper of that house for him , which was guido fawkes , the instrument which should haue acted that monstrous tragedy . the lord chamberlaine looking vpon all things with an heedfull eye , yet in outward appearance with but a carelesse and racklesse countenance , he presently addressed himselfe to the king in the said priuy gallery , where in the presence of the lord treasurer , the lord admirall , the earles of worcester , northampton , and salisbury , he made his report what he had seene and obserued there . noting that monteagle had told him , that hee no sooner heard thomas percy named to be the possessour of that house , but considering both his backwardnesse in religion , and the old dearenesse in friendship betweene himselfe and the said percy , he did greatly suspect the matter , and that the letter should come from him . the lord chamberlaine also told , that he did not wonder a little at the extraordinary great prouision of wood and coale in that house , where thomas percy had so seldome occasion to remaine : as likewise it gaue him in his minde that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow . this could not but increase the kings former apprehension and iealousie . whereupon he insisted , as before , that the house was narrowly to bee searched , and that those billets and coales would bee searched to the bottome , it being most suspitious that they were laid there onely for couering of the powder . of this same minde also were all the councellors then present . but vpon the fashion of making the search , was it long debated . for on the one side they were all so iealous of the kings safety , that they all agreed , that there could not be too much caution vsed for preuenting the danger : and yet on the other part , they were all extreame loath and dainty , that in case this letter should proue to be nothing but the euaporation of an idle braine , then a curious search being made , and nothing found , should not onely turne to the generall scandall of the king and the state , as being so susp●tious of euery light and friuolous toy , but likewise lay an ill-fauoured imputation vpon the earle of northumberland , one of his maiesties greatest subiects and councellors , this thomas percy being his kinseman , and most confident familiar . and the rather were they curious vpon this point , knowing how farre the king detested to be thought suspitious or iealous of any of his good subiects , though of the meanest degree . and therefore though they all agreed vpon the maine ground , which was to prouide for the security of the kings person , yet did they much differ in circumstances , by which this action might bee best carried with lea●t dinne and occasion of slander . but the king himselfe still persisting that there were diuers shrewd appearances , and that a narrow search of those places could preiudice no man that was innocent , he at last plainely resolued them , that either must all the parts of those roomes be narrowly searched , and no possibility of danger left vnexamined , or else hee and they all must resolue not to meddle in it at all , but plainely to goe the next day to the parliament , and leaue the successe to fortune , which he beleeued they would be loath to take vpon their consciences : for in such a case as this , an halfe-doing was worse then no doing at all . whereupon it was at last concluded , that nothing should be left vnsearched in those houses . and yet for the better colour and stay of rumor , in case nothing were found , it was thought meet , that vpon a pretence of whinyards missing some of the kings stuffe or hangings which he had in keeping , all those roomes should bee narrowly ripped for them . and to this purpose was sir thomas kneuet , ( a gentleman of his maiesties priuie chamber ) imployed , being a iustice of peace in westminster , and one , of whose ancient fidelity both the late queene , and our now soueraigne haue had large proofe . who according to the trust committed vnto him , went about the midnight next after , to the parliament house , accompan●ed with such a small number as was fit for that ●rrand . but before his entry into the house , finding thomas percyes alleadged man standing without the doores , his cloathes and bootes on at so dead a time of night , he resolued to apprehend him , as he did , and the●eafter went forward to the searching of the house . where after hee had caused to be ouerturned some of the billets and coales , he first found one of the small barrels of powder , and after , all the rest , to the number of thirty sixe barrels great and small . and thereafter searching the fellow whom he had taken , found three matches ; and all other instruments fit for blowing vp the powder , ready vpon him ; which made him instantly confesse his owne guiltinesse : declaring also vnto him ▪ that if hee had happened to be within the house , when he tooke him , as he was immediately before ( at the ending of his wo●ke ) hee would not haue failed to haue blowne him vp , house and all . thus after sir thomas had caused the wretch to be surely bound , and well guarded by the company he had brought with him , he himselfe returned back to the kings pallace , and gaue warning of his successe to the lord chamberlaine , and earle of salisbury , who immediately warning the rest of the councell that lay in the house , as soone as they could get themselues ready , came with their fellow councellors to the kings bed-chamber , being at that time neere foure of the clocke in the morning . and at the first entry of the kings chamber doore , the lord chamberlaine being not any longer able to conceale his ioy for the preuenting of so great a danger , told the king in a confused hast , that all was found and discouered , and the traitor in hands and fast bound . then order being first taken for sending for the rest of the councell that lay in the to●ne , the prisoner himselfe was brought into the house . where in respect of the strangenesse of the accident , no man was staied from the sight in speaking with him : and within a while after the counce●● did examine him . who seeming to put on a roman-resolution , did both to the councell , and to euery other person that spake to him that day , appeare so constant and set●ed in his grounds , as they all thought they had found a new mutius scaeuola borne in england . for notwithstanding the horrour of the fact , the guilt of his conscience , his sudden surprising , the terrour which should haue strucken him by comming into the presence of so graue a councell , and the restlesse and confused questions that euery man all that day did vexe him with ; ●et was his countenance so farre from being deiected , as hee often smiled in scornefull manner , not onely auowing the fact , but repenting onely , with the said scaeuola , his failing in the execution thereof ; whereof hee said , the diuell and not god , was the discouerer : answering quickly to euery mans obiections , scoffing at any idle questions which were propounded to him , and iesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him . all that day could the councell get nothing out of him touching his complices , refusing to answer to any such questions which he thought might discouer his plot , & laying all the blame vpon himselfe . whereunto , he said , he was moued onely for religion and conscience sake , denying the king to be his lawfull soueraigne , or the annointed of god , in respect he was an heretike , and giuing himselfe no other name then iohn iohnson , seruant to thomas percy . but the next morning being carried to the tower , hee did not there remaine aboue two or three dayes , being twice or thrice in that space re-examined , and the racke onely offered , and shewed vnto him , when the maske of his romi●h fortitude did visibly begin to weare and slide off his face . and then did he begin to confesse part of the truth , and thereafter to open the whole matter . out of his conscience , and especially out of the confession of thomas winter haue we drawne the praeceding narration . the confession of fawkes was taken presently after his apprehension . the confession of winter was taken the 23. of nouember , before the lords of the councell . they that were first in the treason , and laboured in the mine , were robert catesby , robert winter , esquires , thomas percy , thomas winter , iohn wright , christopher wright , guido fawkes , gentlemen ; and bates , catesbyes man. they that were made acquainted with it , though not personally labouring in the mine , nor in the cellar , were euerard digby knight , ambrose rookewood , francis tresham , esquires . iohn grant gentleman , and robert keies . the newes was no sooner spread abroad that morning , which was vpon a tuesday , the 5. of nouember , and the first day designed for that session of parliament : but some of those conspirators , namely winter , and the two wrights , brethren , thought it high time for them to hasten out of the towne , ( for catesby was gone the night before , and percy at foure of the clocke in the morning the same day of the discouery ) and all of them held their course , with more hast then good speed to warwicke-shire toward couentry , where the next day morning being wednesday , and about the same houre that fawkes was taken in westminster , one grant , a gentleman , hauing associated to him some others of his opinion , all violent papists , and strong recusants , came to a stable of one benock a rider of great horses , and hauing violently broken vp the s●me , carried along with them all the great horses that were therein , to the number of seauen or eight , belonging to diuers noblemen & gentlemen of that country , who had put them into the riders hands to be mad● fit for their seruice . and so both that company of them which fled out of london , as also grant and his complices met altogether at dunchurch at sir euerard digby his lodging the tuesday at night after the discouery of this treacherous attempt . the which digby had likewise for his part appointed a match of hunting to haue beene hunted the next day , which was wednesday , though his minde was nimrod-like vpon a farre other manner of hunting , more bent vpon the bloud of reasonable men , then of bruit beasts . this company and hellish society thus conuened , finding their purpose discouered , and their treachery preuented , did resolue to runne a desperate course , and since they could not preuaile by so priuate a blow , to practise by a publike rebellion , either to attain● to their intents , or at least to saue themselues in the throng of others . and therefore gathering all the company they could vnto them , and pretending the quarell of religion , hauing intercepted such prouision of armour , horses , and powder , as the time could permit , thought by running vp and downe the country , both to augment peece by peece their number : ( dreaming to themselues that they had the vertue of a snow-ball , which being little at the first , and tumbling downe a great hill , groweth to a great quantity , by increasing it selfe with the snow that it meeteth in the way ) and also that they beginning first this braue shew in one part of the country should by their sympathy and example stir vp and incourage the rest of their religion in other parts in england to rise , as they had done there . but when they had gathered their force to the greatest , they came not to the number of fourescore . and yet were they troubled all the houres of the day to keepe and containe their owne seruants from stealing from them . who notwithstanding of all their care , dai●y left them , being farre infer●our to gedeons host in number , but f●rre more in faith and iustnesse of the quarrell . and so after that this catholike troupe had wandred a while through warwickshire ▪ to worcestershire , and from thence to the edge and borders of staffordshire , this gallantly armed band had not the honour at the last to be beaten with a kings lieutenant or extraordinary commissioner sent down for the purpose , but onely by the ordinary sheriff● of worcestershire were they all beaten , killed , taken , and dispersed . wherein ye haue to note this following circumstance so a●mirable , and so ●iuely displaying the greatnesse of gods iustice , as it could not be concealed without betraying in a manner the glory due to the almighty for the same . although diuers of the kings proclamations were posted downe after these traitors with all speed possible ; declaring the odiousnesse of the bloudy attempt , the necessity to haue had percy preserued aliue , if it had beene possible , and the assembly of that rightly-damned crew , now no more darkened conspirators , but open and auowed rebels : yet the farre distance of the way , ( which was aboue an hundreth miles ) together with the extreame deepnesse thereof , ioyned also with the shortnesse of the day , was the cause that the hearty and louing affections of the kings good subiects in those parts preuented the speed of his proclamations . for vpon the third day after the flying downe of these rebels , which was vpon the friday next after the discouery of their plot , they were most of them all surprised by the sheriffe of worcestershire at holbeach , about the noone of the day , in manner following . grant , of whom mention was made before , for the taking of the great horses , who had not all the praeceding time stirred from his owne house till the next morning after the attempt should be put in execution , he then laying his accompt without his host , ( as the prouerbe is ) that their plott had , without failing , receiued the day before their hoped-for successe , tooke , or rather stole out those horses for inabling him , and so many of that soul-lesse society that had still remained in the country neare about him , to make a sudden surprise vpon the kings elder daughter , the lady elizabeth , hauing her residence neare to that place , whom they thought to haue vsed for the colour of their treacherous designe ( his maiestie her father , her mother , and male-children being all destroyed aboue . ) and to this purpose also had that nimrod digby prouided his hunting-match against the same time , that numbers of people being flocked together vpon the pretence thereof , they might the easilier haue brought to passe the sudden surprise of her person . now the violent taking away of those horses long before day , did seeme to be so great a riot in the eyes of the common people , that knew of no greater mystery : and the bold attempting thereof did ingender such a suspition of some following rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort , as both great and small began to stirre and arme themselues , vpon this vnlooked-for accident . among whom sir fulk greuil the elder , knight , as became one both so ancient in yeeres , and good reputation , and by his office being deputy lieuetenant of warwickshire , though vnable in his body , yet by the zeale and true feruency of his minde , did first apprehend this foresaid riot to bee nothing but the sparkles or sure indices of a following rebellion . whereupon both stoutly and honestly he took order to get into his owne hands the munition and armour of all such gentlemen about him , as were either absent from their owne houses , or in doubtfull guard , and also sent such direction to the townes about him , as thereupon did follow the striking of winter by a poore smith , who had lik●wise beene taken by those vulgar people , but that he was rescued by the rest of his company , who perceiuing that the country before them had notice of them , hastened away with losse in their owne sight , sixteene of their followers being taken by the townesmen , and sent presently to the sheriffe at warwicke , and from thence to london . but before twelue or sixteene houres past , catesby , percy , the winters , wrights , rookwood , and the rest , bringing then the assurance that their maine plot was failed , and bewrayed , whereupon they had builded the golden mountaines of their glorious hopes : they then tooke their last desperate resolution , to flock together in a troupe , and wander as they did , for the reasons aforetold . but as vpon the one part , the zealous dutie to their god and their soueraigne was so deepely imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people ( although then knowing of no farther mysterie , then such publike misbehauiours , as their owne eyes taught them ) as notwithstanding their faire shewes and pretence of their catholike cause , no creature , man or woman through all the country , would once so much as giue them willingly a cup of drinke , or any sort of comfort or support , but with execrations detested them . so on the other part , the sheriffes of the shires where-through they wandred , conuening their people with all speed possible , hunted as hotly after them , as the euilnesse of the way , and the vnprouidednesse of their people vpon that sudden could permit them . and so at last after sir richard verney sheriffe of warwickeshire had carefully and straightly beene in chase of them to the confines of his county , part of the meaner sort being also apprehended by him : sir richard walsh sheriffe of worcestershire did likewise dutifully and hotly pursue them through his shire . and hauing gotten sure triall of their taking harbour at the house aboue-named , he sent trumpetters and messengers to them , commanding them in the kings name to render to him , his maiesties minister ; and knowing no more at that time of their guilt , then was publikely visible , did promise vpon their dutifull and obedient rendring to him , to intercede at the kings hands for the sparing of their liues ; who receiued onely from them this scornefull answere ( they being better witnesses to themselues of their inward euil consciences ) that he had need of better assistance , then of those few numbers that were with him , before hee could be able to command or controll them . but here fell the wondrous worke of gods iustice , that while this message passed betweene the sheriffe and them : the sheriffe and his peoples zeale being iustly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answer , and so they preparing themselues to giue a furious assault : and the other party making themselues ready within the house to performe their promise by a defence as resolute ; it pleased god that in the mending of the fire in their chamber , one small sparke should flye out , & light among lesse then two pound weight of powder , which was drying a little from the chimney : which being thereby blowne vp , so maimed the faces of some of the principall rebels , and the hands and sides of other of them ( blowing vp with it also a great bag full of powder , which notwithstanding neuer tooke fire ) as they were not onely disabled and discouraged hereby from any farther resistance , in respect catesby himselfe , rookwood , grant , and diuers others , of greatest accompt among them , were thereby made vnable for defence , but also wonderfully stricken with amazement in their guilty consciences , calling to memory how god had iustly punished them with that same instrument , which they should haue vsed for the effectuating of so great a sinne ; according to the ould saying , in quo peccamus , in eodem plectimur . inasmuch as they presently ( see the wonderfull power of gods iustice vpon guilty consciences ) did all fall downe vpon their knees praying god to pardon them for their bloudy enterprise . and after that , giuing ouer any further debate , opened the gate , suffered the sheriffes people to rush in furiously among them , and desperately sought their owne present destruction ; the three specialls of them ioyning backs together , catesby , percy , and winter ; whereof two with one shot , catesby and percy , were slaine , winter was taken and saued aliue . and thus these resolute and high-aspiring catholikes , who dreamed of no lesse then the destruction of kings and kingdomes , and promised to themselues no lower estate , then the gouernment of great and ancient monarchies , were miserably defeated and quite ouerthrowne in an instant , falling into the pit which they had prepared for others ; and so fulfilling that sentence which his maiestie did in a manner prophesie of them , in his oration to the parliament : some presently slaine , others deadly wounded , stripped of their cloathes , left lying miserably naked , and so dying rather of cold , then of the danger of their wounds ; and the rest that either were whole , or but lightly hurt , taken and led prisoners by the sheriffe , the ordinary minister of iustice , to the go●le , the ordinary place euen of the basest malefactors ; where they remained ti●l their sending vp to london , being met with a huge confluence of people of all sorts , desirous to see them , as the rarest sort of monsters : fooles to laugh at them , women and children to wonder , all the common people to gaze , the wiser sort to satisfie their curiositie in seeing the outward cases of so vnheard-of a villany ; and generally all sorts of people to satiate and fill their eyes with the sight of them , whom in their harts they so farre admired and detested , seruing so for a fearefull and publick spectacle of gods fierce wrath and iust indignation . they liued blindely , they practisea diuellishly , they dyed desperately ; their memory is cursed throughout all generations . now what haue our aduersaries to say to these , or what can wee say to these things , but that there is a god in heauen , that destroyeth all the purposes of the pope on earth ? whatsoeuer haue beene attempted against vs , the pope is firme on their side ; god hath manifested himselfe many waies to be on our side . what cause haue we then , & how many waies are we prouoked to trust in god , to loue him , to worship him , that so miraculously hath defended vs ? to cleaue with all singlenes of heart to that cause that hath bin so mightily maintayned by gods hand and power ? and what cause haue our adu●rsaries to examine themselues , and more narrowly to examine the cause which god by so many iudgements hath condemned ? the people of israel were mightily protected by the hand of god , & so long as they truely serued god al their aduersaries could neuer preuaile against them , they were defended by power from aboue , god did watch ouer them ; but when they fell from god , god did suffer them to fall into the hands of their enemies . there will hardly be found any president euen among the people of god , that for so many yeeres together they haue bin continually deliuered from so many , so cruelly intended , so dangerous assaults . the deepest deuises of malice , reaching euen from hell vnto hellish men vpon earth haue beene practised against vs , as this last which came from the deepenesse of satan : wherein without sword or speare , without any shew of warlike preparations , their hellish deuise was at one blow to root out religion , to destroy the state , the head with the body , the king with the stat● , the father of our country , the mother of our country , the oliue branches the hopefull succession of our king , the reuerend clergy , the honourable nobility , the faithfull councellors , the graue iudges , the greatest part of our knights and gentry , the choisest burgesses , the officers of the crowne , councell , signet , s●ales , and of other seates of iudgement , the learned lawyers , with an infinite number of common people , the hall of iustice , the houses of parliament , the church vsed for the coronation of our kings , the monuments of our former princes , all records of parliament , and of euery particular mans right , with a great number of charters , and other things of this nature , all these things had the diuell by his agents deuised at one secret blow to destroy . if the lord had not beene on our side , may israel now say , if the lord had not beene on our side when men rose vp against vs , they had then swallowed vs vp quicke , when their wrath was kindled against vs : praised be the lord which hath not giuen vs vp a prey to their teeth , our soule is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers ; the snare is broken , and we are deliuered : our helpe is in the name of the lord , which hath made heauen and earth . we labour against the papists to proue our church a true church of god : they on the other side labour to proue themselues the onely catholike church , and our assemblies to be , as they call them , assemblies of heretikes . god hath determined this controuersie most euiden●ly by his word , and most powerfully from heauen , by his continuall protection of vs , and destruction of all the wicked practises which they haue attempted against vs. was there euer any cause in the world so strongly ma●ntained on the one side , as our cause hath beene ? was there euer any execrable practises in the world so pow●rfu●ly condemned from heauen , as their practises haue beene ? god open their eyes , that they may see and vnderstand that they fight against god. the church of rome , so long as it stood the church of god , did neuer practise either by open warres , or by secret conspiracies to destroy kings , and subuert kingdomes : but by the preaching of gods word , by examples of piety , and sanctimony , laboured to draw the ignorant vnto the knowledge and obedience of the truth : that course is now vtterly forsaken of them ; for how can they teach the truth to others , that are themselues in ignorance and in the shadow of death ? or how can they giue examples of an holy life , whose whole practise and conuersation is in bloud , in malice , in wicked and wretched actions ? and will they neuer vnderstand that they who practise such things can not inherit the kingdome of god ? cannot be the church of god ? cannot pray to god , or expect any blessing from him vpon their execrable practises ? there is a manifest change of their church , and they will not see it . they aske vs , when was this change , vnder what king , vnder what emperour , vnder what pope ? but if they were wise , they would first inquire whether there be a change or no ? and then inquire further of the time and manner of it . we say that which no man can deny , that there is a notorious change : this is euident , for the church of old neuer allowed the cruelty , the impiety , the execrable wickednesse which is daily practised by the great masters of the church of rome , and allowed and approued by the pope . then there is a change , & it is euident to all . but this is a change of manners of the church , not of the doctrines . if therefore they demand of vs , how a change of the doctrines may be proued : we are able to point out from time to time that the doctrines which they haue inuented , were neuer heard of in the church before such times as wee are able to point at . master iewell the reuerend bishop of salisbury , for piety and learning the mirrour of his time , hath made full and faire proofe , that of those articles wherein he challenged all the learne● of the church of rome , not one of them was euer taught in the church before the 〈◊〉 of christ 600. his proofes stand vnanswered to this day though master 〈◊〉 ha●● . done his best to examine them , who wanted neither learning nor eloquence , bu● onely trut● wanting on his side , the challenge is still made good . we are also able to point to another time , before the year of christ 1000. many of the gr●atest & grossest errors in popery was neuer taught or heard ●n the church : as the doctrines of transubstantiatio● , of the reall presence , as it is vnderstood in the church of rome , of the popes power to depose kings , and absolue their subiects f●o● their allegeance , or to war●ant their subiects to rebell ●gainst them , of he doctrines of grace , and iustification as now they are taught in the church of rome , of the doctrine of merits whether ex congruo , or condigro , of the seauen sacraments , and many other of this nature , of which we are assured that not one of them can be proued euer to haue beene taught or heard of in the church before the yeare of christ one thousand . wee are further able to point to another time , before which the rule of faith was neuer changed in the church , this was their last attempt in the points of doctrine , a desperate attempt against the truth . for from the apostles time , till the councell of trent , the rule of faith was euer held in the church one and the same ; that is , the doctrine contained in the sacred canonicall scriptures : that this onely rule of faith was held in the church till the councell of tr●nt , it is euidently proued by the full consent of the ancient fathers , and moreouer by the confession of all writers in the church of rome before the councell of trent : such as were a bernard , b peter lumbard c thomas aquin●s , d iohann●s scotus , e durandus , f clemens 1. pope , g cardinalis cameracensis , i iohn gerson , k c●nradus clingius , l ios. acosta . m alfonsus de castre , and many others . to repeat the testim●n●es of al● , would bee tedious . let it suffice to repeate one testimonie of aquinas . wherein all the rest agree . aquinas in the first place cited saith : prophetarum & apostolorum doctr●na dicitur canonica , quia est regula intellectus nostri , & ideo nullus aliter debet docere ; that is , the doctrine of the prophets and apostles is called canonicall , because it is the rule of our vnderstanding , and therefore no man ought to teach otherwise . and in the second place cited , he saith : innititur fides nostra reuelationi apostolis & prophetis factae ; that is , our faith resteth vpon the reuelation made to the apos●les and prophets . then , traditions was neuer accounted the rule of our vnderstanding , or that whereupon our faith must rest , though the same be more fully pr●ued out of the scriptures themselues , and from a full consent of the ancient fathers , as is otherwhere manifested : yet this i thought here might suffice to declare the opinions of them that liued in the church of rome next before the councell of trent , as many of these did , which i haue before named . so that this is euident , the rule of faith was neuer altered in the church of rome before the councell of trent . then did they alter this rule , by putting traditions of their church into the rule of faith , and lucifer-like matching , equalizing and mating the wisedome of god with their owne follies . then all is changed , when the manners of the church , the doctrines of the church , and the very rule of faith is changed . what greater change may be looked for hereafter in the church of antichrist , i know not ; but this is sufficient to moue vs to forsake them as the congregation of the impious , the church of the malignant . and because they haue forsaken god and his truth , therefore by the iust iudgement of god are they permitted to runne into so many foule errors , and such wicked and execrable practises , that neither christians nor heathen , guided onely by the light of nature could euer approue . if they say , that we also haue our faults and sinnes : i answere , that when w● turne our selues to consider our sinnes against god , wee all finde our selues guilty , and not able to answere one of a thousand that he ma● iustly charge vs withall . our vnthankefulnesse to him is so great for his manifold blessings , and wonderfull protection ; our sinnes we conceale not from him , wee acknowledge vnto god , that if he lay his rod vpon vs as we haue deserued , if he should cast our l●nd ba●ke againe into that former blindnesse wherein it lay in popery , god is iust , wee haue d●serued great punishments . but if wee turne our selues vnto another consideration , comparing our religion with theirs , our practises with theirs , then i say , though we cannot iustifie our selues before god , yet are we able to iustifie our selues in respect of them . let our enemies be our iudges . when euill is committed among vs , it is punished , and therein we reioyce , that euill is punished . it was neuer found that execrable practises were approued by vs , for that were to forsake religion : but the most wicked practises that haue beene heard of , are not onely committed by them , but approued , yea and commended : as the killing of henry 3. of france was practised by a fryer , and commended by the pope . these bee the sinnes that doe ripen them for gods iudgements . for the time will come when great babylon shall come in remembrance before the lord , to giue vnto her the cup of wine of the fiercenesse of his wrath : and againe , therefore shall her plagues come at one day , death , and sorrow , and famine , and she shall bee burnt with fire ; for strong is the lord god which will condemne her . in the meane time we wait vpon god , and we doe in humblenesse of heart offer vp to god the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiuing , that it pleased him of his goodnesse and vnsearchable mercies towards vs , to call vs out of babylon , to giue vs hearts to obey his calling , to make choise of this church which himselfe hath planted in great britaine , to inable it to stand against all the furious rage and wicked practises of the pope and his adherents . the conclusion . some considerations proposed to such as are not well affected to religion . 1 kings and states , when they are miraculously protected by the hand of god , and deliuered from great dangers , may vnderstand what blessing they haue by a church planted in their state. the church bringeth the blessing to the state : because god regardeth them that are faithfull to him , and for their fakes blesseth the whole . 2 this church that bringeth such a blessing to states , is much questioned now , where it is , and how to finde it : for diuers striue for it , and the true church is but one. 3 that is t●e true church that hath h●●d the ru●e of fa●th , from the apostles time : that is the false church , that ha●h changed that ru●e . 4 who hold this rule , and who n●t , may be knowne by the holy doctrines contained in the scripture , ex consanguinitate doctrinae . 5 learni●g is nec●ssary to inable a man to iudge aright of these th●●gs : but learning may be also in men that are corrupt and vng●dly . and therefore a man can neuer be we●l ●nabled to iudge of these things , without the spirit of god directing his learning . 6 th● true church is ruled by the spirit of god , and preserued from errours and heresies , against which the gates of hell shall not preuaile : 7 a lay man , that hath the spirit of god , is better able to iudge of the church , and of the members thereof ▪ then a man in ecclesiasticall function , that hath not the spirit of god. 8 they that are contentious , seditious , cruel● , m●licious , vncle●ne , adulterers , idolaters , murt●er●rs , or such like , haue not the spirit of god the reason is euident , because these , and such like , are the fr●its of the flesh , contrary to the fruits of the spirit . 9 from these principles if the princes that are of the romish religion wou●d be pleased to ex●m●ne themselues , their religion , their best learned and religious men , their doctrines , their pr●ctis●s ; ●hey might b● a ●enerous search easily finde w●ere is gods church , and where is gods spirit . 10 withall they may be pleased to consider the workes of god , his protection and miraculous defence of his church ; which miraculous defence hath appeared here ouer the church of england , as also elsewhere ; but more conspicuous here , more illustrious examples of gods mercy will hardly be found any where : god hath for many yeeres deliuered this church , preserued vs in peace when all the nations about vs haue beene in bloudy warres . 11 it cannot be proued that god did euer in such manner , and so many waies defend a nation , but onely there where he had a people of his owne , his t●ue church . 12 it can neuer be proued that they that professe and practise malice , cru●lty , sedition , idolatrie , and such other workes of the flesh , are the true church of christ. 13 they that make falshood their refuge , and hide themselues vnder vanitie , haue no cause to boast themselues to be the catholike church . if wee should rehearse the strange lyes which they haue invented against luther , caluin , beza , against d●uers reuerend bishops , whereof some are departed , some yet liuing , against the church and state of england , it would fill a booke to speake of their particular lyes . they vnderstand wel● enough whom they serue herein , their practise is to lye , their hope is that euery lye cannot be examined by the common people , they care not though it be found out to be a lye by some , so it be not found by the multitude , whom to de●ciue is their chiefe care ; not respecting god , nor truth , nor gods church , which is the pillar of truth , and may not bee maintained with lyes . 14 how the pope , the iesuites , the whole church of rome is well knowne by the fruits of the flesh , and how the fruits of the spirit of god could neuer for these many hundreth yeares be obserued in them , i leaue to the consciences of all to consider , but especially to the great iudge that must iudge them and vs. whose blessed and ioyfull comming , the true chur●h doth loue and wait-for in faith and patience . finis . errata . in the summarie cap. 14. for who inforced the bishop , r. who informed the bishop . page 11. for e●communicate , r. excommunication . p. 4. ● . for sweare , r. sware p. 76 for did tare , r. did teare . p. 78. for othermens , r. other meanes . p. 166. for all mellifont , r. at mellifont . p. 206. for out of his conscience , r. out of his confession . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a17981-e2700 she entred anno. 1558. 1 sam. 2. 30. an. dō . 1560. this bull was dated anno dom. 1569. quinto cal : mar● . notes for div a17981-e3900 apoc. 6. 10. psal. 59. 5. psal. 124. 6. an. dō . 1569. an. dō . 1569. notes for div a17981-e6260 an ▪ dō . 1569. an : dō . 1570. an : dō 1571. an ▪ dō . 1572. an : dō . 1576. an : dō . 1577. he died anno dom. 1578. notes for div a17981-e8280 an : dō . 1572. gregor . 13. an : dō . 1578. notes for div a17981-e9580 an : dō 1579. an. dō . 1579. an : dō . 1580. 2 thes. 2. notes for div a17981-e12430 an : dō . 1580. an : dō . 1582. lib. 1. cap. 9. contr . epist. parmen . math. 5. ibid. t●p . 10. gal. 5. 19. an : dō . 1584. throgmorton . an : dō . 1584. notes for div a17981-e16250 psal. 58. 11. an : dō . 1585. notes for div a17981-e18580 an : dō . 1586. notes for div a17981-e23140 an : dō . 1587. notes for div a17981-e24440 a. d. 1588. octogesimus octavus mirabilis annus . notes for div a17981-e27770 psal. 121. psal. iii. psal. 74. 19. notes for div a17981-e31970 a●●● 1597. anno 1598. notes for div a17981-e33390 anno 1599. anno 1600. anno 1601. charles mount. gen. 3. 15. rom. 3. 2. rom. 9. 4. numb . 25. 17. notes for div a17981-e37930 anno 1603. notes for div a17981-e39150 odiui ecclesi●m malignantium . psal. 25. ● . in edit . vul●ata . in his booke philopater . sect. 2. nouemb. 5. anno 1605. anno 1605. holbeach in staffordshire , the house of stephen littleton . psal. 124. a i● cant . ca●t . serm . 30 b lib. 1. sent . dist . 1 c in ● ad timoth. cap. 6. et sum. par . 1. q. 1. a● . 8. d in prolog sent. q 2. e praef in sent. f distinct. 37. c. 14. g 1 sent q. 1. art . 3. cor●●l lit . h. i dec. m : sub vtraque specie . k locor . lib. 3. c. 29. l dereuelat antichr . apud posseuin biblioth , sel●ct . lib. 2. cap. 2● . m lib 13. verbo , scriptura . apoc. 16. 19. apoc. 18. 8. the second part, or a continuance of poly-olbion from the eighteenth song containing all the tracts, riuers, mountaines, and forrests: intermixed with the most remarkable stories, antiquities, wonders, rarities, pleasures, and commodities of the east, and northerne parts of this isle, lying betwixt the two famous riuers of thames, and tweed. by michael drayton, esq. poly-olbion. part 2 drayton, michael, 1563-1631. 1622 approx. 1660 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 107 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a20849 stc 7229 estc s121634 99856805 99856805 22434 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a20849) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 22434) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1201:1b) the second part, or a continuance of poly-olbion from the eighteenth song containing all the tracts, riuers, mountaines, and forrests: intermixed with the most remarkable stories, antiquities, wonders, rarities, pleasures, and commodities of the east, and northerne parts of this isle, lying betwixt the two famous riuers of thames, and tweed. by michael drayton, esq. poly-olbion. part 2 drayton, michael, 1563-1631. [10], 168 p., [12] folded plates : maps printed by augustine mathewes for iohn marriott, iohn grismand, and thomas dewe, london : 1622. in verse. a variant (stc 7230) lacks author's name on title. identified as part of stc 7228 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -description and travel -poetry -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-03 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2005-03 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the second part , or a continvance of polyolbion from the eighteenth song . containing all the tracts , riuers , mountaines , and forrests : intermixed with the most remarkable stories , antiquities , wonders , rarities , pleasures , and commodities of the east , and northerne parts of this isle , lying betwixt the two famous riuers of thames , and tweed . by michael drayton , esq. london , printed by augustine mathewes for iohn marriott , iohn grismand , and thomas dewe . 1622. to the high and mightie , charles prince of wales . the first part of this poeme ( most jllustrious prince ) i dedicated to your deceased brother of most famous memorie , whose princely bountie , and vsage of mee , gaue me much encouragement to goe on with this second part , or continuance thereof ; which now as his successor , j owe to your highnesse . if meanes and time faile me not , being now ariued at scotland , i trust you shall see mee crowne her with no worse flowers , then j haue done her two sisters , england , and wales : and without any partialitie , as i dare bee bold , to make the poets of that kingdom my iudges therin . if i ariue at the orcades , without sinking in my flight , your highnesse cannot but say , that i had no ill perspectiue that gaue mee things so cleerely , when i stood so farre off . to your highnesse most humbly deuoted . michael drayton . to any that will read it . when i first vndertooke this poeme , or as some very skilfull in this kind , haue pleased to tearme it , this herculean labour . i was by some vertuous friends perswaded , that i should receiue much comfort and incouragement therein ; and for these reasons : first , that it was a new , cleere way , neuer before gone by any ; then , that it contained all the delicacies , delights , and rarities of this renowned isle , interwouen with the histories of the britanes , saxons , normans , and the later english : and further that there is scarcely any of the nobilitie , or gentry of this land , but that he is some way or other , by his blood interressed therein . but it hath fallen out otherwise ; for instead of that comfort , which my noble friends ( from the freedome of their spirits ) proposed as my due , i haue met with barbarous ignorance , and base detraction ; such a cloud hath the deuill drawne ouer the worlds iudgement , whose opinion is in few yeares fallen so farre below all ballatry , that the lethargy is incurable ; nay some of the stationers , that had the selling of the first part of this poeme , because it went not so fast away in the sale , as some of their beastly and abominable trash , ( a shame both to our language and nation ) haue either despightfully left out , or at least carelessely neglected the epistles to the readers , and so haue cousoned the buyers with vnperfected bookes ; which these that haue vndertaken the second part , haue beene forced to amend in the first , for the small number that are yet remaining in their hands . and some of our outlandish , vnnaturall english , ( i know not how otherwise to expresse them ) sticke not to say , that there is nothing in this island worthy studying for , and take a great pride to bee ignorant in any thing thereof ; for these , since they delight in their folly , i wish it may be hereditary from them to their posteritie , that their children may bee beg'd for fooles to the fift generation , vntill it may be beyond the memory of man to know that there was euer any other of their families : neither can this deterre mee from going on with scotland , if meanes and time doe not hinder me , to performe as much as i haue promised in my first song : till to the sleepy maine , to thuly i haue gone , and seene the frozen isles , the cold deucalidon , amongst whose iron rocks , grim saturne yet remaines , bound in 〈◊〉 gloomy caues with adamantine chaines . and as for those cattell whereof i spake before , odi profanum vulgus & arceo , of which i account them , bee they neuer so great , and so i leaue them . to my friends , and the louers of my labors , i wish all happinesse . michael drayton . to my honor'd friend m r. drayton . englands braue genius , raise thy head ; and see , we haue a muse in this mortalitie of vertue yet suruiues ; all met not death , when wee intoomb'd our deare elizabeth . immortall sydney , honoured colin clout , presaging what wee feele , went timely out . then why liues drayton , when the times refuse , both meanes to liue , and matter for a muse ? onely without excuse to leaue vs quite , and tell vs , durst we act , he durst to write . now , as the people of a famish'd towne , receiuing no supply , seeke vp and downe for mouldy corne , and bones long cast aside , wherewith their hunger may bee satisfide : ( small store now left ) we are inforc'd to prie and search the darke leaues of antiquitie for some good name , to raise our muse againe , in this her crisis , whose harmonious straine was of such compasse , that no other nation durst euer venture on a sole translation ; whilst our full language , musicall , and hie , speakes as themselues their best of poesie . drayton , amongst the worthi'st of all those , the glorious laurell , or the cyprian rose haue euer crown'd , doth claime in euery lyne , an equall honor from the sacred nyne : for if old time could like the restlesse maine , roule himselfe backe into his spring againe , and on his wings beare this admired muse , for ouid , virgil , homer , to peruse . they would confesse , that neuer happier pen , sung of his loues , his countrey , and the men. william browne . to his noble friend , michael drayton , esquire , vpon his topo-chrono-graphicall poeme . from cornwal's foreland to the cliffs of dover , o're hilly cambria , and all england ouer , thy muse hath borne me ; and ( in foure dayes ) showne more goodly prospects , then i could haue knowne in foure yeares trauailes ; if i had not thus beene mounted , on thy winged pegasvs . the famous riuers , the delight some fountaines ; the fruitfull vallies , the steepe-rising mountaines ; the new built towres , the ancient-ruin'd walls ; the wholsome baths , the bedds of mineralls ; the nigh-worne monuments of former ages ; the workes of peace , the marks of ciuill-rages ; the woods , the forrests , and the open plaines , with whatsoe're this spacious land containes , for profit , or for pleasure : io're-looke , ( as from one station ) when i read thy booke . nor doe mine eyes from thence behold alone , such things , as for the present there are done ; ( or places , as this day , they doe appeare ) but actions past , and places as they were a hundred ages since , as well as now : which , he that wearies out his feet to know , shall neuer finde , nor yet so cheape attaine ( with so much ease and profit ) halfe that gaine . good-speed be fall thee ; who hast wag'd a taske , that better censures , and rewards doth aske , then these times haue to giue . for , those that should the honor of true poesy vphold , are ( for the most part ) such as doe preferre the fawning lynes of euery pamphleter , before the best-writ poems . and their sight or cannot , or else dares not , eye the flight of free-borne nvmbers ; least bright virtve's fame , which flies in those , reflect on them , their shame . t is well ; thy happy iudgement , could deuise , which way , a man this age might poetize , and not write satyrs : or else , so to write that scape thou mayst , the clutches of despight . for , through such woods , and riuers , trips thy mvse , as , will or loose , or drowne him , that pursues . had my inuention ( which i know too weake ) enabled been , so braue a flight to make ; ( should my vnlucky penn haue ouer gone so many a prouince , and so many a towne ) though i to no mans wrong had gone astray , i had been pounded on the kings hye way . but thou hast better fortune , and hast chose so braue a patron , that thou canst not lose by this aduenture . for , in him , suruiues his brother henrie's virtues : and hee liues to be that comfort to thy mvse , which hee had nobly ( e're his death ) begun to be . yet , ouer much presume not , that these times , will therefore value thy heroick rymes , according to their merit . for , although , hee , and some fewe , the worth of them shall know : this is their fate . ( and some vnborne , will say , i spake the truth ; what e're men thinke to day ) ages to come , shall hugg thy poesy , as we our deare friends pictures , when they dye . those that succeed vs , draytons name shall loue , and , so much this laborious peece approoue ; that such as write beereafter , shall to trim their new inuentions , pluck it limbe from limbe . and our great-grandsonnes childrens-children may , ( yea shall ) as in a glasse , this isle suruay , as wee now see it : and as those did to , who liued many hundred yeares agoe . for , when the seas shall eat away the shore , great woods spring vp , where plaines were heretofore ; high mountaines leueld with low vallyes lye ; and riuers runne where now the ground is drie : this poeme shall grow famous , and declare what old-things stood , where new-things shall appeare . and hereunto his name subscribeth he , who shall by this praediction , liue with thee . george wither . to my worthy friend michael drayton , esquire . an acrosticke sonnet vpon his name . mvst albion thus bee stellified by thee , in her full pompe , that her the world may praise , cheerefull , braue isle , yea shall i liue to see him thus to decke , and crowne thy front with bayes , and shall i not in zeale , and merit too expresse to thee my ioy , my thankes to him ; lesse ( sure ) then this i may not , will not doe . drayton , 〈◊〉 still parnassus thou doest clime , right like thy selfe , whose heauen-inspired muse , as doth the phenix still her selfe renewing , yee into other the like life infuse ; thou his rich subiect , he thy fame pursuing . ohadst thou lou'd him , as 〈◊〉 thee hath done , no land such honor , ( to all times ) had wonne . iohn reynolds . poly-olbion . the nineteenth booke . the argvment . the muse , now ouer thames makes forth , vpon her progresse to the north , from cauney with a full carrere , shee vp against the streame doth beare ; where waltham forrests pride exprest , shee poynts directly to the east , and shewes how all those riuers straine through essex , to the german mayne ; when stoure , with orwels ayd prefers , our brittish braue sea-voyagers ; halfe suffolke in with them shee takes , where of this song an end shee makes . beare brauely vp my muse , the way thou went'st before , and crosse the kingly thames to the essexian shore , stem vp his tyde-full streame , vpon that side to rise , where * cauncy , albions child in-iled richly lyes , which , though her lower scite doth make her seeme but meane , of him as dearly lou'd as shepey is or greane , and him as dearly lou'd ; for when he would depart , with hercules to fight , she tooke it so to heart , that falling low and flat , her blubberd face to hide , by thames shee welneere is 〈◊〉 euery tyde : and since of worldly state , she neuer taketh keepe , but onely giues her selfe , to tend , and milke her sheepe . but muse , from her so low , diuert thy high-set song to london-wards , and bring from lea with thee along the forrests , and the floods , and most exactly show , how these in order stand , how those directly flow : for in that happy soyle , doth pleasure euer wonne , through forrests , where cleere rills in wild meanders runne ; where daintie summer bowers , and arborets are made , cut out of busshy thicks , for coolenesse of the shade . fooles gaze at painted courts , to th' countrey let me goe , to climbe the easie hill , then walke , the valley lowe ; no gold-embossed roofes , to me are like the woods ; no bed like to the grasse , nor liquor like the floods : a citie 's but a sinke , gay houses gawdy graues , the muses haue free leaue , to starue or liue in caues : but waltham forrest still in prosperous estate , as standing to this day ( so strangely fortunate ) aboue her neighbour nymphs , and holds her head aloft ; a turfe beyond them all , so sleeke and wondrous soft , vpon her setting side , by goodly london grac'd , vpon the north by lea , her south by thames embrac'd . vpon her rising point , shee chaunced to espie , a daintie forrest-nymph of her societie . faire hatfield , which in height all other did surmount , and of the dryades held in very high account ; yet in respect of her stood farre out of the way , who doubting of her selfe , by others late decay , her sisters glory view'd with an astonish'd eye , whom waltham wisely thus reprooueth by and by . deare sister rest content , nor our declining rue , what thing is in this world ( that we can say ) is new ; the ridge and furrow shewes , that once the crooked plow , turn'd vp the grassy turfe , where okes are rooted now : and at this houre we see , the share and coulter teare the full corne-bearing gleabe , where sometimes forrests were ; and those but caitifes are , which most doe seeke our spoyle , who hauing sold our woods , doe lastly sell our soyle ; t is vertue to giue place to these vngodly times , when as the fostred ill proceeds from others crimes ; gainst lunatiks , and fooles , what wife 〈◊〉 spend their force ; for folly headlong falls , when it hath had the course : and when god giues men vp , to wayes abhor'd and vile , of vnderstanding hee depriues them quite , the while they into errour runne , confounded in their sinne , as simple fowles in lyme , or in the fowlers gynne . and for those prettie birds , that wont in vs to sing , they shall at last forbeare to welcome in the spring , when wanting where to pearch , they sit vpon the ground , and curse them in their notes , who first did woods confound . deare sister hatfield , then hold vp thy drooping head , we feele no such decay , nor is all succour fled : for essex is our dower , which greatly doth abound , with euery simple good , that in the i le is found : and though we goe to wracke in this so generall waste , this hope to vs remaines , we yet may be the last . when hatfield taking heart , where late she sadly stood , sends little roding foorth , her best-beloued flood ; which from her christall fount , as to enlarge her fame , to many a village lends , her cleere and noble name , which as she wandreth on , through waltham holds her way , with goodly oken wreaths , which makes her wondrous gay ; but making at the last into the warry marsh , where though the blady grasse vnwholesome be and harsh , those wreaths away she casts , which bounteous waltham gaue , with bulrush , flags , and reed , to make her wondrous braue , and her selues strength diuides , to sundry lesser streames , so wantoning shee falls into her soueraigne thames . from whose vast beechy bankes a rumor straight resounds , which quickly ran it selfe through the essexian grounds , that crouch amongst the rest , a riuers name should seeke , as scorning any more the nickname of a creeke , well furnisht with a streame , that from the fill to fall , wants nothing that a flood should be adorn'd withall . on * benge's batfull side , and at her going out , with walnot , foulnesse faire , neere watred round about . two iles for greater state to stay her vp that stand , thrust farre into the sea , yet fixed to the land ; as nature in that sort them purposely had plac'd , that shee by sea and land , should euery way be grac'd . some sea-nymphs and besides , her part ( there were ) that tooke , as angry that their crouch should not be cald a brooke ; and bad her to complaine to neptuns of her wrong . but whilst these grieuous stirres thus hapned them among , choice chelmer comes along , a nymph most neatly cleere , which welneere through the midst doth cut the wealthy sheere , by dunmow gliding downe to chelmsford hold her chase , to which she giues the name , which as she doth imbrace cleere can comes tripping in , and doth with chelmer close : with whose supply ( though small as yet ) she greater growes . she for old * maldon makes , where in her passing by , shee to remembrance calls that roman colony , and all those ominous signes her fall that did foregoe , as that which most expres'd their fatall ouerthrow ; crown'd victory reuerst , fell downe whereas shee stood , and the vast greenish sea , discoloured like to blood . shreeks heard like peoples cries , that see their deaths at hand ; the pourtratures of men imprinted in the sand . when chelmer scarce arriues in her most wished bay , but blakwater comes in , through many a crooked way , which pant was call'd of yore ; but that , by time exild , shee froshwell after hight , then blakwater instil'd , but few , such titles haue the british floods among . when northey neere at hand , and th'ile of ousey rung with shouts the sea-nymphs gaue , for ioy of their arriue , as either of those iles in curtesie doe striue , to tethis darlings , which should greatest honor doe ; and what the former did , the latter adds thereto . but colne , which frankly lends faire colechester her name , ( on all the essexian shore , the towne of greatest fame ) perceiuing how they still in courtship did contend , quoth she , wherefore the time thus idly doe you spend ? what is there nothing here , that you esteeme of worth , that our big-bellied sea , or our rich land brings forth ? thinke you our oysters here , vnworthy of your praise ? pure * walfleet , which doe still the daintiest pallats please : as excellent as those , which are esteemed most . the cizic shels , or those on the lucrinian coast ; or cheese , which our fat soyle to euery quarter sends ; whose tacke the hungry clowne , and plow-man so commends . if you esteeme not these , as things aboue the ground , looke vnder , where the vrnes of ancient times are found : the roman emp'rours coynes , oft dig'd out of the dust , and warlike weapons now consum'd with cankring rust : the huge and massy bones , of mighty fearefull men , to tell the worlds full strength , what creatures liued then ; when in her height of youth , the lustie fruitfull earth brought foorth her big-limb'd brood , euen gyants in their birth . thus spoke shee , when from sea they suddenly doe heare a strong and horrid noyse , which struck the land with feare : for with their crooked trumps , his tritons , neptune sent , to warne the wanton nymphs , that they incontinent should straight repaire to stour , in orwells pleasant road ; for it had been divulg'd the ocean all abroad , that orwell and this stour , by meeting in one bay , two , that each others good , intended euery way , prepar'd to sing a song , that should precisely show , that medway for her life , their skill could not out-goe : for stour , a daintie flood , that duly doth diuide faire suffolke from this shire , vpon her other side ; by clare first comming in , to sudbury doth show , the euen course she keepes ; when farre she doth not flow , but breton a bright nymph , fresh succour to her brings : yet is she not so proud of her superfluous springs , but orwell comming in from ipswitch thinkes that shee , should stand for it with 〈◊〉 , and lastly they agree , that since the britans hence their first discoueries made , and that into the east they first were taught to trade . besides , of all the roads , and hauens of the east , this harbor where they meet , is reckoned for the best . our voyages by sea , and braue discoueries knowne , their argument they make , and thus they sing their owne ; in seuerns late tun'd lay , that empresse of the west , in which great arthurs actes are to the life exprest : his conquests to the north , who norway did inuade , who groneland , iseland next , then lapland lastly made his awfull empires bounds , the britans acts among , this god-like heroes deeds exactly haue beene sung : his valiant people then , who to those countries brought , which many an age since that , our great'st discoueries thought . this worthiest then of ours , our * argonauts shall lead . next malgo , who againe that conquerors steps to tread , succeeding him in raigne , in conquests so no lesse , plow'd vp the frozen sea , and with as faire successe , by that great conquerors claime , first orkney ouerran ; proud denmarke then subdu'd , and spacious norway wan , ceasd iseland for his owne , and goteland to each shore , where arthurs full-saild fleet had euer toucht before . and when the britans raigne came after to decline , and to the cambrian hils their fate did them confine , the saxon swaying all , in alfred , powerfull raigne , our english octer put a fleet to sea againe , of th'uge norwegian hilles , and newes did hither bring , whose tops are hardly wrought in twelue dayes trauailing . but leauing norway then a sterboard , forward kept , and with our english sayles that mightie ocean swept , where those sterne people wonne , whom hope of gaine doth call , in hulkes with grapling hooks , to hunt the dreadfull whall ; and great duina downe from her first springing place , doth roule her swelling waues in churlish neptunes face . then woolstan after him discouering dansig found , where wixels mighty mouth is powrd into the sound , and towing vp his streame , first taught the english oares , the vsefull way of trade to those most gainefull shores . and when the norman stem here strong and potent grew , and their successefull sonnes , did glorious acts pursue , one nicholas nam'd of lyn , where first he breath'd the ayre , though oxford taught him art , and well may hold him deare ; i th' mathematicks learnd , ( although a fryer profest ) to see those northerne climes , with great desire possest , himselfe he thither ship'd , and skilfull in the globe , tooke euery seuerall height with his true astrolobe ; the whirlpooles of the seas , and came to vnderstand , from the foure card'nall winds , foure indraughts that command ; int'any of whose falls , if th'wandring barque doth light , it hurried is away with such tempestuous flight , into that swallowing gulfe , which seemes as it would draw the very earth it selfe into th' infernall maw . foure such immeasur'd pooles , phylosophers agree , i th foure parts of the world vndoubtedly to bee ; from which they haue supposd , nature the winds doth raise , and from them to proceed the flowing of the seas . and when our ciuill warres began at last to cease , and these late calmer times of oliue-bearing peace , gaue leasure to great minds , farre regions to descry ; that braue aduentrous knight , our sir hugh willoughby , ship'd for the northren seas , mongst those congealed piles , fashioned by lasting frosts , like mountaines , and like iles , ( in all her fearefulst shapes saw horror , whose great mind , in lesser bounds then these , that could not be confin'd , aduentured on those parts , where winter still doth keepe ; when most the icy cold had chaind vp all the deepe ) in bleake arzina's road his death neere lapland tooke , where kegor from her scite , on those grim seas doth looke . two others follow then , eternall fame that wonne , our chancellor , and with him , compare we ienkinson : for russia both imbarqu'd , the first ariuing there , entring duina's mouth , vp her proud streame did steere to volgad , to behold her pompe , the russian state , moscouia measuring then ; the other with like fate , both those vast realmes suruay'd , then into bactria past , to boghors bulwarkt walls , then to the liquid wast , where oxus roleth downe twixt his farre distant shores , and o're the caspian maine , with strong vntyred oares , aduentured to view rich persias wealth and pride , whose true report thereof , the english since haue tride . with fitch , our eldred next , deseru'dly placed is ; both trauailing to see , the syrian tripolis . the first of which ( in this whose noble spirit was showne ) to view those parts , to vs that were the most vnknowne , on thence to ormus set , goa , cambaya , then , to vast zelabdim , thence to echubar , agen crost ganges mighty streame , and his large bankes did view , to baccola went on , to bengola , pegu ; and for mallaccan then , zeiten , and cochin cast , measuring with many a step , the great east-indian wast . the other from that place , the first before had gone , determining to see the broad-wald babylon , crost euphrates , and row'd against his mightie streame ; licia , and gaza saw , with great hierusalem , and our deare sauiours seat , blest bethlem did behold , and iourdan , of whose waues , much is in scriptures told . then macham , who ( through loue to long aduentures led ) mederas wealthy iles , the first discouered , who hauing stolne a mayd , to whom he was affi'd , yet her rich parents still her marriage rites deni'd , put with her foorth to sea , where many a danger past , vpon an i le of those , at length by tempest cast ; and putting in , to giue his tender loue some ease , which very ill had brook'd , the rough and boystrous seas ; and lingring for her health , within the quict bay , the mariners most false , fled with the ship away , when as it was not long , but shee gaue vp her breath ; when he whose teares in vaine bewayld her timelesse death : that their deserued rites her funerall could not haue , a homely altar built vpon her honoured graue . when with his folke but few , not passing two or three , there making them a boat , but rudely of one tree , put foorth againe to sea , where after many a flaw , such as before themselues , scarce mortall euer saw ; nor miserable men could possibly sustaine , now swallowed with the waues , and then spu'd vp againe ; at length were on the coast of sun-burnt affrick throwne : t' amaze that further world , and to amuse our owne . then windham who new wayes , for vs and ours to trie , for great morrocco made , discouering barbarie . lock , towerson , fenner next , vast guiney forth that sought , and of her iuory , home in great abundance brought . the east-indian voy'ger then , the valiant lancaster , to buona esperance , comara , zanziber , to nicuba , as hee to gomerpolo went , till his strong bottome strucke molluccos continent ; and sayling to brazeel another time he tooke olynda's chiefest towne , and harbour farnambuke , and with their precious wood , sugar , and cotton fraught , it by his safe returne , into his countrie brought . then forbosher , whose fame flew all the ocean o'r , who to the northwest sought , huge china's wealthy shore , when nearer to the north , that wandring sea-man set , where hee in our hotst mon'ths of iune and iuly met with snow , frost , haile , & sleet , and found sterne winter strong , vvith mighty iles of ice , and mountaines huge and long . vvhere as it comes and goes , the great eternall light , makes halfe the yeare still day , and halfe continuall night . then for those bounds vnknown , he brauely set againe , as he a sea-god were , familiar with the maine . the noble fenton next , and lackman we preferre , both voyagers , that were with famous forbosher . and dauies , three times forth that for the northwest made ; still striuing by that course , t' inrich the english trade : and as he well deseru'd to his eternall fame . there by a mightie sea , imortaliz'd his name . with noble gilbert next , comes hoard who tooke in hand to cleere the course scarse knowne into the new-found land , and view'd the plenteous seas , and fishfull hauens , where our neighbouring nations since haue stor'd them euery yeare . then globe-engirdling drake , the nauall palme that wonne , who stroue in his long course to emulate the sunne : of whom the spaniard vs'd a prophecie to tell , that from the british isles should rise a dragon fell , that with his armed wings , should strike th' iberian maine , and bring in after time much horror vpon spaine . this more then man ( or what ) this demie-god at sea , leauing behind his backe , the great america , vpon the surging maine his wel-stretch't tacklings flewd , to fortie three degrees of north'ly 〈◊〉 ; vnto that land before to th' christian world vnknowne , vvhich in his countries right he nam'd new albion ; and in the vvesterne inde , spight of the power of spaine , hee saint iago tooke , domingo , cartagene : and leauing of his prowesse , a marke in euery bay , saint augustins surpriz'd , in terra florida . then those that foorth for sea , industrious rawleigh wrought , and them with euery thing , fit for discouery fraught ; that amadas , ( whose name doth scarsely english sound ) with barlow , who the first virginia throughly found . as greenvile , whom he got to vndertake that sea , three sundry times from hence , who touch'd virginia . ( in his so rare a choyce , it well approou'd his wit ; that with so braue a spirit , his turne so well could fit . o greenvile , thy great name , for euer be renown'd , and borne by neptune still , about this mightie round ; whose nauall conflict wanne thy nation so much fame , and in th' iberians bred feare of the english name . nor should fame speake her low'dst , of lane , shee could not lie , who in virginia left , with th' english colony , himselfe so brauely bare , amongst our people there , that him they onely lou'd , when others they did feare . and from those barbarous , brute , and wild virginians wan such reuerence , as in him there had been more then man. then he which fauoured still , such high attempts as these , rawleigh , whose reading made him skil'd in all the seas , imbarqu'd his worthy selfe , and his aduenturous crue , and with a prosperous sayle to those faire countries flew , where o renoque , as he , on in his course doth roule , seemes as his greatnes meant , grim neptune to controule ; like to a puisant king , whose realmes extend so farre , that many a potent prince his tributaries are . so are his branches seas , and in the rich guiana , a flood as proud as he , the broad-brim'd orellana : and on the spacious firme manoas mightie seat , the land ( by natures power ) with wonders most repleat . so leigh , cape briton saw , and rameas iles againe ; as tompson vndertooke the voyage to new-spaine : and hawkins not behind , the best of these before , who hoysing sayle , to seeke the most remotest shore , vpon that new nam'd spaine , and guinny sought his prize , as one whose mighty mind small things could not suffice , the sonne of his braue syre , who with his furrowing keele , long ere that time had touch'd the goodly rich brazeel . couragious candish then , a second neptune here , whose fame fild euery mouth , and tooke vp euery eare . what man could in his time discourse of any seas , but of braue candish talk'd , and of his voyages ; who through the south seas past , about this earthly ball , and saw those starres , to them that onely rise and fall , and with his silken sayles , stayn'd with the richest ore , dar'd any one to passe where he had been before . count cumberland , so hence to seeke th' asores sent , and to the westerne-inde , to porta ricco went , and with the english power it brauely did surprize . sir robert dudley then , by sea that sought to rise , hoyst sayles with happy winds to th'iles of trinidado : paria then he past , the ilands of granado ; as those of sancta cruz , and porta ricco : then amongst the famous ranke of our sea-searching men , is preston sent to sea , with summers foorth to finde , aduentures in the parts vpon the westerne-inde ; port santo who surpriz'd , and coches , with the fort of coro , and the towne , when in submissiue sort , cumana ransome crau'd , saint iames of le on sack'd ; iamica went not free , but as the rest they wrack'd . then sherley , ( since whose name such high renowne hath won ) that voyage vndertooke , as they before had done : he saint iago saw , domingo , margarita , by terrafirma sayl'd to th'ilands of iamica , vp rio dolce row'd , and with a prosperous hand , returning to his home , touch'd at the new-found-land , where at iamicas iles , couragious parker met with sherley , and along vp rio dolce set , where bidding him adue , on his owne course he ran , and tooke campeches towne , the chief'st of iucatan . a freegate , and from thence did home to britan bring , with most strange tribute fraught , due to that indian king , at mightie neptunes beck , thus ended they their song , vvhen as from harwich all to louing-land along , great claps and shouts were heard resounding to the shore , wherewith th' essexian nymphs applaud their loued stour , from the suffolcean side yet those which stour preferre their princely orwell praise , as much as th' other her : for though cleare briton be rich suffolkes from her spring , which stour vpon her way to harwich downe doth bring , yet deben of her selfe a stout and stedfast friend , her succour to that sea , neere orwels road doth send . when waueney to the north , rich suffolks onely meere , as stour vpon the north , from essex parts this sheere ; lest stour and orwell thus might steale her nymphes away , in neptunes name commands , that here their force should stay : for that her selfe and y ar in honor of the deepe , were purposed a feast in louing-land to keepe . the twentieth song . the argvment . the muse that part of suffolke sings , that lyes to norfolke , and then brings the bright norfolcean nymphes , to ghest to louing-land , to neptunes feast ; to ouze the lesse then downe shee takes , where shee a flight at riuer makes : and thence to marsh-land shee descends , with whose free praise this song shee ends . from suffolke rose a sound , through the norfolcean shore that ran it selfe , the like had not bin heard before : for he that doth of sea the powerful trident weld , his tritons made proclaime , a * nymphall to be held in honor of himselfe , in louing-land , where he the most selected nymphes appointed had to be . those seamayds that about his secret 〈◊〉 doe dwell , which tend his mightie heards of vvhales , and fishes fell , as of the riuers those , amongst the meadowes ranke , that play in euery foar'd , and sport on euery banke , were summon'd to be there , in paine of neptunes hate : for he would haue his feast , obseru'd with god-like state , when those suffolcean floods , that sided not with stoure , their streames but of themselues into the ocean powre , as or , through all the coast a flood of wondrous fame , whose honored fall begets a * hauen of her name . and blyth a daintie brooke , their speedy course doe cast , for neptune with the rest , to louing-land to hast : when waueney in her way , on this septentriall side , that these two easterne shires doth equally diuide , from * laphamford leads on , her streame into the east , by bungey , then along by beckles , when possest of louing-land , 'bout which her limber armes she throwes , vvith neptune taking hands , betwixt them who inclose , and her an iland make , fam'd for her scite so farre . but leaue her muse awhile , and let vs on with y ar , vvhich gariena some , some hier , some y ar doe name ; vvhorising from her spring not farre from walsingham , through the norfolcean fields seemes wantonly to play , to norwich comes at length , towards yarmouth on her way , vvhere wentsum from the south , and bariden doe beare vp with her , by whose wealth she much is honored there , to intertaine her y ar , that in her state doth stand , with townes of high'st account , the fourth of all the land : that hospitable place to the industrious dutch , whose skill in making stuffes , and workmanship is such , ( for refuge hither come ) as they our ayd deserue , by labour sore that liue , whilst oft the english starue ; on roots , and pulse that feed , on beefe and mutton spare , so frugally they liue , not gluttons as we are . but from my former theame , since thus i haue digrest , i le borrow more of time , vntill my nymphs be drest : and since these foods fall out so fitly in my way , a little while to them i will conuert my lay. the colewort , colifloure , and cabidge in their season , the rouncefall , great beanes , and early ripening peason ; the onion , scallion , leeke , which housewiues highly rate ; their kinsman garlicke then , the poore mans mithridate ; the sauory parsnip next , and carret pleasing food ; the skirret ( which some say ) in sallats stirres the blood ; the turnip , tasting well to clownes in vvinter weather . thus in our verse we put , roots , hearbs , and fruits together . the great moyst pumpion then , that on the ground doth lie , a purer of his kind , the sweet muske-million by ; vvhich dainty pallats now , because they would not want , haue kindly learnt to set , as yearely to transplant : the radish somewhat hote , yet vrine doth prouoke ; the cucumber as cold , the heating artichoke ; the citrons , which our soyle not easly doth affourd ; the rampion rare as that , the hardly gotten gourd . but in these triuiall things , muse , wander not too long , but now to nimble y ar , turne we our actiue song , which in her winding course , from norwich to the mayne , by many a stately seat lasciuiously doth straine , to yarmouth till she come , her onely christned towne , whose fishing through the realme , doth her so much renowne , vvhere those that with their nets still haunt the boundles lake , her such a sumptuous feast of salted herrings make , as they had rob'd the sea of all his former store , and past that very howre , it could produce no more . her owne selues harbour here , when y ar doth hardly win , but kindly she againe , saluted is by thrin , a faire norsolcean nymph , which gratifies her fall . now are the * tritons heard , to louing-land to call , which neptunes great commaunds , before them brauely beare , commanding all the nymphs of high account that were , which in fat holland lurke amongst the queachy plashes , or play them on the sands , vpon the fomy washes , as all the watry brood , which haunt the german deepes , vpon whose briny curles , the dewy morning weepes , to louing-land to come , and in their bestattires , that meeting to obserue , as now the time requires . when erix , neptunes sonne by venus , to the shore to see them safely brought , their herault came before , and for a mace he held in his huge hand , the horne of that so much esteem'd , sea-honoring vnicorne . next proto wondrous swift , led all the rest the way , then she which makes the calmes , the mild cymodice , with god-like dorida , and galatea faire , with daintie nets of pearle , cast o'r their braided haire : analijs which the sea doth salt , and seasoned keepe ; and batheas , most supreame and soueraigne in the deepe , brings cyane , to the waues which that greene colour giues ; then atmis , which in fogs and mistie vapours liues : phrinax , the billowes rough , and surges that bestrides , and rothion , that by her on the wilde waters rides ; with icthias , that of frye the keeping doth retaine , as pholoë , most that rules the monsters of the maine : which brought to beare them out , if any need should fall , the dolphin , sea-horse , gramp , the wherlpoole , and the whall . an hundred more besides ; i readily could name , with these as neptune wil'd , to louing-land that came . these nymphs trick'd vp in tyers , the sea-gods to delight : of currall of each kind , the blacke , the red , the white ; with many sundry shels , the scallop large , and faire ; the cockle small and round ; the periwinkle spare , the oyster , wherein oft the pearle is found to breed , the mussell , which retaines that daintie orient seed : in chaines and bracelets made , with linkes of sundry twists , some worne about their wasts , their necks , some on the wrists . great store of amber there , and ieat they did not misse ; their lips they sweetned had with costly ambergris . scarcely the * neriad's thus arriued from the seas , but from the fresher streames the brighter * niades , to louing-land make haste with all the speed they may , for feare their fellow-nymphes should for their comming stay . glico the running streames in sweetnesse still that keepes , and clymene which rules , when they surround their deepes . spio , in hollow bankes , the waters that doth hide : with opis that doth beare them backward with the tyde . semaia that for sights doth keepe the water cleare : zanthe their yellow sands , that maketh to appeare , then drymo for the okes that shaddow euery banke , phylodice , the boughs for garlands fresh and ranke . which the cleare naiades make them * anadems withall , when they are cald to daunse in neptunes mightie hall . then ligea , which maintaines the birds harmonious layes , which fing on riuers banks amongst the slender sprayes , vvith rhodia , which for them doth nurse the roseat sets , ioida , which preserues the azure violets . anthea , of the flowers , that hath the generall charge , and syrinx of the reeds , that grow vpon the marge . some of these louely nymphes wore on their flaxen haire fine chaplets made of flaggs , that fully flowred were : vvith water-cans againe , some wantonly them dight , vvhose larger leafe and flower , gaue wonderfull delight to those that wistly view'd their beauties : some againe , that soueraigne places held amongst the watry traine , of cat-tayles made them crownes , which from the sedge doth which neatly wouen were , and some to grace the show , ( grow , of lady-smocks most white , doe rob each neighbouring mead , vvherewith their looser locks most curiously they breyd . now thus together com'n , they friendly doe deuise , some of light toyes , and some of matters graue and wise . but to breake off their speech , her reed when syrinx sounds , some cast themselues in rings , and fell to hornepipe rounds : they ceasing , as againe to others turnes it falls , they lustie galiards tread , some others iiggs , and braules . this done , vpon the banke together being set , proceeding in the cause , for which they thus weremet , in mightie neptunes praise , these sea-borne virgins sing : let earth , and ayre , say they with the high praises ring , of saturne by his ops , the most renowned * sonne , from all the gods but ioue , the diadem that wonne , whose ofspring wise and strong , deare nymphes let vs relate , on mountaines of vast waues , know he that sits in state , and with his trident rules , the vniuersall streame , to be the onely syre of mightie polypheme . on fayre thoofa got old 〈◊〉 loued child , who in a fained shape that god of sea beguild . three thousand princely sonnes , and louely nymphs as we , were to great neptune borne , of which we sparing be : some by his goodly queene , some in his lemmans bed ; chryasor grim begot , on sterne medusas head . swart brontes , for his owne so mightie neptune takes , one of the cyclops strong , ioues thunder-bolts that makes . great neptune , nelius got , ( if you for wisedome seeke ) who was old nestors syre , the grau'st and wisest greeke . or from this king of waues , of such thou lou'st to heare , of famous nations first , that mightie founders were ; then cadmus , who the plot of ancient thebes contriu'd , from neptune god of sea , his pedigree deriu'd , by agenor his old syer , who rul'd phenicia long : so inachus , the chiefe of argiues great and strong claim'd kinred of this king , and by some beautious neece , so did pelasgus too , who peopled ancient greece . a world of mightie kings and princes i could name , from our god neptune sprung ; let this suffice , his fame incompasseth the world ; those starres which neuer rise , aboue the lower south , are neuer from his eyes : as those againe to him doe euery day appeare , continually that keepe the northerne hemisphere ; who like a mightie king , doth cast his watched robe , farre wider then the land , quite round about the globe . vvhere is there one to him that may compared be , that both the poles at once continually doth see ; and gyant-like with heauen as often maketh warres ; the ilands ( in his power ) as numberlesse as starres , he washeth at his will , and with his mightie hands , he makes the euen shores , oft mountainous with sands : whose creatures , which obserue his wide emperiall seat , like his immeasured selfe , are infinite and great . thus ended they their song , and off th' assembly brake , when quickly towards the west , the muse her way doth take ; whereas the swelling soyle , as from one banke doth bring this * wauency sung before , and * ouse the lesse , whose spring towards ouse the greater poynts , and downe by thetford glides , vvhere shee cleere thet receiues , her glory that diuides , with her new-named towne , as wondrous glad that shee , for frequency of late , so much esteemd should be : where since these confluent floods , so fit for hauking lye , and store of fowle intice skil'd falkoners there to flye . now of a flight at brooke shall my description be : what subiect can be found , that lies not faire to me . of simple shepheards now , my muse exactly sings , and then of courtly loues , and the affaires of kings . then in a buskind straine , the warlike speare and shield , and instantly againe of the disports of field ; what can this i le produce , that lyes from my report , industrious muse , proceed then to thy hawking sport . when making for the brooke , the falkoner doth espie on riuer , plash , or mere , where store of fowle doth lye : whence forced ouer land , by skilfull falconers trade : a faire conuenient flight , may easily be made . he whistleth off his hawkes , whose nimble pincons streight , doe worke themselues by turnes , into a stately height : and if that after * check , the one or both doe goe , sometimes he them the lure , sometimes doth water show ; the trembling fowle that heare the iigging hawk-bels ring , and find it is too late , to trust then to their wing , lye flat vpon the flood , whilst the high-mounted hawks , then being lords alone , in their etheriall walkes , aloft so brauely stirre , their bells so thicke that shake ; which when the falkoner sees , that scarce one * plane they make : the gallant'st birds saith he , that euer flew on wing , and sweares there is a flight , were worthy of a king. then making to the flood , to force the fowles to rise , the fierce and eager hawkes , downe thrilling from the skies , make sundry * canceleers e'r they the fowle can reach , which then to saue their liues , their wings doe liuely stretch . but when the whizzing bels the silent ayre doe cleaue , and that their greatest speed , them vainly doe deceiue ; and the sharpe cruell hawkes , they at their backs doe view , themselues for very feare they instantly * ineawe . the hawkes get vp againe into their former place ; and ranging here and there , in that their ayery race : still as the fearefull fowle attempt to scape away , with many a stouping braue , them in againe they lay . but when the falkoners take their hawking-poles in hand , and crossing of the brooke , doe put it ouer land : the hawke giues it a souse , that makes it to rebound , well neere the height of man , sometime aboue the ground ; oft takes a leg , or wing , oft takes away the head , and oft from necke to tayle , the backe in two doth shread . with many a wo ho ho , and iocond lure againe , when he his quarry makes vpon the grassy plaine . but to my floods againe : when as this ouze the lesse hath taken in cleere thet , with farre more free accesse to ouze the great shee goes , her queene that commeth crown'd , as such a riuer fits , so many miles renown'd ; and poynting to the north , her christall front she dashes against the swelling sands of the surrounded washes ; and neptune in her armes , so amply doth imbrace , as she would rob his queene , faire thetis of her place . which when rich marsh-land sees , least she should loose her state , with that faire riuer thus , shee gently doth debate . disdaine me not , deare flood , in thy excessiue pride , there 's scarcely any soyle that sitteth by thy side , whose turfe so batfull is , or beares so deepe a swath ; nor is there any marsh in all great britaine , hath so many goodly seats , or that can truely show such rarities as i : so that all marshes owe much honor to my name , for that exceeding grace , which they receiue by me , so soueraigne in my place . though rumney , as some say , for finenesse of her grasse , and for her daintie scite , all other doth surpasse : yet are those seas but poore , and riuers that confine her greatnesse but meane rills , be they compar'd with mine . nor hardly doth shee tyth th'aboundant fowle and fish , which nature giues to me , as i my selfe can wish . as amphitrite oft , calls me her sweet and faire , and sends the northrene winds to curle my braided haire , and makes the * washes stand , to watch and ward me still , lest that rough god of sea , on me should worke his will. old wisbitch to my grace , my circuit sits within , and neere my banks i haue the neighbourhood of lyn. both townes of strength and state , my profits still that vent : no marsh hath more of sea , none more of continent . thus marsh-land ends her speech , as one that throughly knew , what was her proper praise , and what was ouzes due . with that the zealous muse , in her poetique rage , to walsingham would needs haue gone a pilgrimage , to view those farthest shores , whence little niger flowes into the northrene maine , and see the gleabe where growes that saffron , ( which men say ) this land hath not the like , all europe that excels : but here she sayle doth strike . for that apollo pluckt her easly by the eare ; and told her in that part of norfolke , if there were ought worthy of respect , it was not in her way , when for the greater ouze , her wing she doth display . the one and twentieth song . the argvment . now from new market comes the muse , whose spacious heath , shee wistly viewes , those ancient ditches and surueyes , which our first saxons here did raise : to gogmagog then turnes her tale , and shewes you ring-tailes pleasant vale . and to doe cambridge all her rites , the muses to her towne inuites . and lastly , elies praise shee sings , an end which to this canto brings . by this our little rest , thus hauing gotten breath , and fairely in our way , vpon newmarket-heath : that great and ancient * ditch , which vs expected long , inspired by the muse , at her arriuall song : o time , what earthly thing with thee it selfe can trust , when thou in thine owne course , art to thy selfe vniust ! dost thou contract with death , and to obliuion giue thy glories , after them , yet shamefully dar'st liue ? o time , hadst thou preseru'd , what labouring man hath done , thou long before this day , mightst to thy selfe haue wonne a deitie with the gods , and in thy temple plac'd , but sacriligious thou , hast all great workes defac'd ; for though the things themselues haue suffered by thy theft , yet with their ruines , thou , to ages mightst haue left , those monuments who rear'd , and not haue suffred thus posteritie so much , t' abuse both thee and vs. i , by th' east angles first , who from this heath arose , the long'st and largest ditch , to check their mercian foes ; because my depth , and breadth , so strangely doth exceed , mens low and wretched thoughts , they constantly decreed , that by the deuils helpe , i needs must raised be , wherefore the deuils-ditch they basely named me : when ages long before , i bare saint edmonds name , because vp to my side , ( some haue supposed ) came the liberties bequeath'd to his more sacred shrine . therefore my fellow dykes , ye ancient friends of mine , that out of earth were raisd , by men whose minds were great , it is no maruaile , though obliuion doe you threat . first , * flemditch next my selfe , that art of greatest strength , that doest extend thy course full seauen large mile in length : and thou the * fiuemile cald , yet not lesse deare to me ; with * brenditch , that againe is shortest of the three , can you suppose your selues at all to be respected , when you may see my truth 's bely'd , and so neglected : therefore deare heath , liue still in prosperous estate , and let thy wel-fleec'd flocks , from morne to euening late , ( by carefull shepheards kept ) reioyce thee with their praise ; and let the merry larke , with her delicious layes , giue comfort to thy plaines , and let me onely lye , ( though of the world contemn'd ) yet gracious in thine eye . thus said , these ancient dykes neglected in their ground , through the sad aged earth , sent out a hollow sound , to gratulate her speech ; when as we met againe , with one whose constant heart , with cruell loue was slaine : old gogmagog , a hill of long and great renowne , which neere to cambridge set , o'rlookes that learned towne . of balshams pleasant hilles , that by the name was knowne , but with the monstrous times , he rude and barbarous growne , a gyant was become ; for man hee cared not , and so the fearefull name of gogmagog had got : who long had borne good will to most delicious grant : but doubting lest some god his greatnesse might supplant . for as that daintie flood by cambridge keepes her course , he found the muses left their old beotian source , resorting to her banks , and euery little space , he saw bright phoebus gaze vpon her christall face , and through th'exhaled fogs , with anger looked red , to leaue his loued nymph , when he went downe to bed . wherefore this hill with loue , being fouly ouergone : and one day as he found the louely nymph alone , thus wooes her ; sweeting mine , if thou mine owne wilt be , c'haue many a pretty gaud , i keepe in store for thee . a nest of broad-fac'd owles , and goodly vrchins too ; nay nymph take heed of me , when i begin to wooe : and better yet then this , a bulchin twa yeares old , a curld-pate calfe it is , and oft could haue beene sold : and yet beside all this , c'haue goodly beare-whelps twa , full daintie for my ioy , when shee 's dispos'd to play , and twentie sowes of lead , to make our wedding ring ; bezides , at sturbridge fayre , i hill buy thee many a thing : i hill zmouch thee euery morne , before the sunne can rise , and looke my manly face , in thy sweet glaring eyes . thus said , he smug'd his beard , and stroked vp his hayre , as one that for her loue he thought had offered fayre : which to the muses , grant did presently report , wherewith they many a yeare shall make them wondrous sport . when ringdale in her selfe , a most delicious dale , who hauing heard too long the barbarous mountaines tale , thus thinketh in her selfe , shall i be silenc'd , when rude hills , and ditches , digg'd by discontented men , are ayded by the muse ; their mind 's at large to speake : besides my sister vales supposing me but weake , iudge meanly of my state , when she ńo longer stayd , but in her owne behalfe , thus to the other said . what though betwixt two sheeres , i be by fortune throwne , that neither of them both can challenge me her owne , yet am i not the lesse , nor lesse my fame shall be : your figures are but base , when they are set by me ; for nature in your shapes , notoriously did erre , but skillfull was in me , cast pure orbiculer . nor can i be compar'd so like to any thing , by him that would expresse my shape , as to a ring : for nature bent to sport , and various in her trade , of all the british vales , of me a circle made : for in my very midst , there is a swelling ground , about which ceres nymphs dance many a wanton round . the frisking fairy there , as on the light ayre borne , oft runne at barley-breake vpon the eares of corne ; and catching drops of dew in their lasciuious chases , doe cast the liquid pearle in one anothers faces . what they in largenesse haue , that beare themselues so hie , in my most perfect forme , and delicacie , i , for greatnesse of my graine , and finenesse of my grasse ; this ilc scarce hath a vale , that ringdale doth surpasse . when more she would haue said , but suddenly there sprung , a confident report , that through the countrey rung , that cam her daintiest flood , long since entituled grant , whose fountaine ashwell crown'd , with many a vpright plant . in sallying on for ouze , determin'd by the way , to intertaine her friends the muses with a lay. wherefore to shew her selfe er'e she to cambridge came , most worthy of that towne to which she giues the name , takes in her second head , from linton comming in , by shelford hauing slid , which straightway she doth win : then which , a purer streame , a delicater brooke , bright phoebus in his course , doth scarcely ouerlooke . thus furnishing her bankes ; as sweetly she doth glide towards cambridge , with rich meads layd forth on either side ; and with the muses oft , did by the way conuerse : wherefore it her behooues , that something she reherse , the sisters that concern'd , who whispered in her eare , such things as onely shee , and they themselues should heare , a wondrous learned flood ; and she that had been long , ( though silent , in her selfe , yet ) vexed at the wrong done to apollo's priests , with heauenly fire infused , oft by the worthlesse world , vnworthily abused : with whom , in their behalfe , hap ill , or happen well , shee meant to haue a bout , euen in despight of hell , when humbly lowting low , her due obedience done , thus like a satyre shee , deliberatly begun . my inuectiue , thus quoth she , i onely ayme at you , ( of what degree soe'r ) ye wretched worldly crue , in all your brainlesse talke , that still direct your drifts against the muses sonnes , and their most sacred gifts , that hate a poets name , your vilenesse to aduance , for euer be you damn'd in your dull ignorance . slaue , he whom thou dost thinke , so meane and poore to be , is more then halfe diuine , when he is set by thee . nay more , i will avow , and iustifie him then , he is a god , compar'd with ordinary men . his braue and noble heart , here in a heauen doth dwell , aboue those worldly cares , that sinks such sots to hell : a caitife if there be more viler then thy selfe , if he through basenesse light vpon this worldly pelfe , the chimney-sweepe , or he that in the dead of night , doth emptie lothsome vaults , may purchase all your right ; when not the greatest king , should he his treasure raine , the muses sacred gifts , can possibly obtaine ; no , were he monarch of the vniuersall earth , except that gift from heauen , be breath'd into his birth . how transitory be those heaps of rotting mud , which onely to obtaine , yee make your chiefest good ? perhaps to your fond sonnes , your ill-got goods yee leaue , you scarcely buried are , but they your hopes deceiue . haue i not knowne a wretch , the purchase of whose ground , was valued to be sould , at threescore thousand pound ; that in a little time , in a poore threed-bare coat , hath walk'd from place to place , to beg a silly groat ? when nothing hath of yours , or your base broods been left , except poore widdowes cries , to memorize your theft . that curse the serpent got in paradise for hire , descend vpon you all , from him your deuillish sire , groueling vpon the earth , to creepe vpon your breast , and licke the lothsome dust , like that abhorred beast . but leaue these hatefull heards , and let me now declare , in th' helliconian 〈◊〉 , who rightly christned are : not such as basely sooth the humour of the time , and slubberingly patch vp some slight and shallow rime , vpon pernassus top , that striue to be instal'd , yet neuer to that place were by the muses call'd . nor yet our mimick apes , out of their bragging pride , that faine would seeme to be , what nature them denide ; whose verses hobling runne , as with disioynted bones , and make a viler noyse , then carts vpon the stones ; and these forsooth must be , the muses onely heires , when they but bastards are , and foundlings none of theirs , inforcing things in verse for poesie vnfit , mere filthy stuffe , that breakes out of the sores of wit : what poet reckes the praise vpon such anticks heap'd , or enuies that their lines , in cabinets are kept ? though some fantasticke foole promoue their ragged rymes , and doe transcribe them o'r a hundred seuerall times , and some fond women winnes , to thinke them wondrous rare , when they lewd beggery trash , nay very gibbrish are . giue me those lines ( whose touch the skilfull eare to please ) that gliding flow in state , like swelling euphrates , in which things naturall be , and not in falsely wrong : the sounds are fine and smooth , the sense is full and strong , not bumbasted with words , vaine ticklish eares to feed ; but such as may content the perfect man to read . what is of paynters said , is of true poets rife , that he which doth expresse things neerest to the life , doth touch the very poynt , nor needs he adde thereto : for that the vtmost is , that art doth striue to doe . had orpheus , whose sweet harpe ( so musically strung ) intised trees , and rocks , to follow him along : th'moralitie of which , is that his knowledge drew the stony , blockish rout , that nought but rudenesse knew , t' imbrace a ciuill life , by his inticing layes . had he compos'd his lines , like many of these dayes , which to be vnderstood , doe take in it disdaine : nay , oedipus may fayle , to know what they would meane . if orpheus had so play'd , not to be vnderstood , well might those men haue thought the harper had been wood ; who might haue fit him downe , the trees and rockes among , and been a veryer blocke , then those to whom he sung . o noble cambridge then , my most beloued towne , in glory flourish still , to heighten thy renowne : in womans perfect shape , still be thy embleme right , whose one hand holds a cup , the other beares a light. phocis bedew'd with drops , that from pernassus fall , let cirrha seeke to her , nor be you least of 〈◊〉 , yee faire beotian thebes , and thespia still to pay my cambridge all her rites : cirrhea send this way . o let the thrice-three maids , their dewes vpon thee raine , from aganippa's fount , and hoofe-plow'd hyppocrene . mount pindus , thou that art the muses sacred place in thessaly ; and thou , o pimpla , that in thrace they chose for their owne hill , then thou pernassus hye , vpon whose by-clift top , the sacred company about apollo sit ; and thou o flood , with these pure hellicon , belou'd of the pierides . with tempe , let thy walks , and shades , be brought to her , and all your glorious gifts vpon my towne conferre . this said , the louely grant glides eas'ly on along , to meet the mighty ouze , which with her watry throng , the cantabrigian fields had entred , taking in th'in-iled elies earth , which strongly she doth win from grants soft-neighbouring grounds , when as the fruitfull i le , much wondring at her selfe , thought surely all this while , that by her silence shee had suffred too much wrong . wherefore in her selfe praise , loe thus the iland sung . of all the marshland iles , i ely am the queene : for winter each where sad , in me lookes fresh and greene . the horse , or other beast , o'rway'd with his owne masse , lies wallowing in my fennes , hid ouer head in grasse : and in the place where growes ranke fodder for my neat ; the turffe which beares the hay , is wondrous needfull peat : my full and batning earth , needs not the plowmans paines ; the rils which runne in me , are like the branched vaines in humane bodies seene ; those ditches cut by hand , from the surrounding meres , to winne the measured land , to those choyce waters , i most fitly may compare , wherewith nice women vse to blanch their beauties rare . hath there a man beene borne in me , that neuer knew of watersey the leame , or th' other cal'd the new. the frithdike neer'st my midst , and of another sort , who euer fish'd , or fowl'd , that cannot make report of sundry meres at hand , vpon my westerne way , as ramsey mere , and vg , with the great whittelsey : of the aboundant store of fish and fowle there bred , which whilst of europes iles great britaine is the head. no meres shall truely tell , in them , then at one draught , more store 〈◊〉 either kinds hath with the net been caught : which though some pettie iles doe challenge them to be their owne , yet must those iles likwise acknowledge me their soueraigne . nor yet let that islet ramsey shame , although to 〈◊〉 . mere shee onely giues the name ; * nor huntingdon , 〈◊〉 me though she extend her grounds , twit me that i at all vsurpe vpon her bounds . those meres may well be proud , that i will take them in , which otherwise perhaps forgotten might haue bin . besides my towred phane , and my rich citied seat , with villages , and dorpes , to make me most compleat . thus broke she off her speech , when as the muse awhile , desirous to repose , and rest her with the i le , here consumates her song , and doth fresh courage take , with warre in the next booke , the muses to awake . the two and twentieth song . the argvment . the muse , ouze from her fountaine brings along by buckingham , and sings : the earth that turneth wood to stone , and t'holy wells of harlweston : then shewes wherefore the fates doe grant , that shee the ciuill warres should chant : by huntingdon shee waybridge meetes , and thence the german ocean greetes . inuention as before , thy high-pitcht pinions rouze , exactly to set downe how the far-wandring ouze , through the bedfordian fields deliciously doth strain , as holding on her course , by huntingdon againe , how brauely shee her selfe betwixt her bankes doth beare , e'r ely shee in-ile , a goddesse honored there ; from brackley breaking forth , through soiles most heauenly sweet , by buckingham makes on , and crossing watling-street , shee with her lesser ouze , at newport next doth twin , which from proud chiltern neere , comes eas'ly ambling in . the brooke which on her banke doth boast that earth alone : ( which noted ) of this i le , conuerteth wood to stone . that little aspleyes earth we anciently instile , mongst sundry other things , a wonder of the i le : of which the lesser ouze oft boasteth in herway , as shee her selfe with flowers doth gorgeously aray . ouze hauing ouleney past , as shee were waxed mad , from her first stayder course immediatly doth gad ; and in meandred gyres doth whirle herselfe about , that , this way , here , and there , backe , forward , in , and out , and like a wanton girle , oft doubling in her gate , in labyrinth-like turnes , and twinings intricate , through those rich fields doth runne , till lastly in her pride , the shires hospitious towne , shee in her course diuide , where shee her spacious breast in glorious bredth displayes ; and varying her cleere forme a thousand sundry wayes , streakes through the verdant meads ; but farre she hath not gone , when i vell a cleare nymph from shefford sallying on , comes deftly dauncing in through many a daintie slade , crown'd with a goodly bridge , arriu'd at bickleswade , encouraged the more her mistris to pursue , in whose cleere face the sunne delights himselfe to view : to mixe her selfe with ouze , as on she thus doth make , and louingly at last hath hapt to ouertake ; shee in her chrystall armes her soueraigne ouze doth cling , which flood in her allie , as highly glorying , shoots forward to saint neots , into those nether grounds , towards huntingdon , and leaues the lou'd bedfordian bounds . scarce is she entred yet vpon this second sheere , of which she soueraigne is , but that two fountaines cleere , at harlweston neere hand , th' one salt , the other sweet , at her first entrance , thus her greatnesse gently greet . once were we two faire nymphs , who fortunatly prou'd , the pleasures of the woods , and faithfully belou'd of two such syluan gods , by hap that found vs here ; for then their syluan kind most highly honoured were , when this whole countries face was forresty , and we liu'd loosely in the weilds , which now thus peopled be . oft interchang'd we sighs , oft amorous lookes we sent , oft whispering our deare loues , our thoughts oft did we vent amongst the secret shades , oft in the groues did play , and in our sports our ioyes , and sorrowes did bewray . oft cunningly we met , yet coyly then imbrac't , still languish'd in desire , yet liu'd we euer chast . and quoth the saltish spring , as one day mine and i , set to recount our loues , from his more tender eye the brinish teares drop'd downe , on mine impearced breast , and instantly therein so deeply were imprest , that brackish i became : he finding me depriu'd of former freshnesse quite , the cause from him deriu'd , on me bestow'd this gift , my sweetnesse to requite , that i should euer cure the dimnesse of the sight . and , quoth the fresher spring , the wood-god me that woo'd , as one day by my brim , surpriz'd with loue he stood , on me bestow'd this gift , that euer after i should cure the painfull itch , and lothsome leprosie . held on with this discourse , shee on not farre hath runne , but that shee is ariu'd at goodly huntingdon ; where shee no sooner viewes her darling and delight , proud portholme , but became so rauish'd with the sight , that shee her limber armes lasciuously doth throw about the islets waste , who b'ing imbraced so , her flowry bosome shewes to the inamored brooke ; on which when as the ouze amazedly doth looke on her braue damask'd breast , bedeck'd with many a flowre ( that grace this goodly mead ) as though the spring did powre her full aboundance downe , whose various dyes so thicke , are intermixt as they by one another sticke , that to the gazing eye that standeth farre , they show like those made by the sunne in the celestiall bow. but now t' aduaunce this flood , the fates had brought to passe , as shee of all the rest the onely riuer was : that but a little while before that fatall warre , twixt that diuided blood of yorke and lancaster , neere harleswood , aboue in her bedfordian trace , by keeping backe her streame , for neere three furlongs space , laying her bosome bare vnto the publique view , apparantly was prou'd by that which did ensue , in her prophetique selfe , those troubles to foresee : wherefore ( euen as her due ) the destinies agree , shee should the glory haue our ciuill fights to sing , when swelling in her bankes , from her aboundant spring , her sober silence shee now resolutely breakes , in language fitting warre , and thus to purpose speakes . with that most fatall field , i will not here begin , where norman william first the conqueror , did win the day at * hastings , where the valiant harold slaine , resign'd his crowne , whose soyle the colour doth retaine , of th' english blood there shed , as th' earth still kept the skarre : which since not ours begot , but an inuasiue warre , amongst our home-fought fields , hath no discription here : in normandy nor that , that same day fortie yeare , that bastard william brought a conquest on this i le , twixt robert his eld'st sonne , and henry , who the while , his brothers warlike tents in palestine were pight , in england here vsurp'd his eld'st borne brothers right ; which since it forraine was , not strucke within this land , amongst our ciuill fights here numbred shall not stand . but lincolne battell now we as our first will lay , where maud the empresse stood to trie the doubtfull day , with stephen , when he here had welneere three yeares raign'd , where both of them their right couragiously maintain'd , and marshalling their troups , the king his person put , into his well-arm'd maine , of strong and valiant foot : the wings that were his horse , in th' one of them he plac'd young alan that braue duke of britaine , whom he grac'd vvith th'earles of norsolke , and northampton , and with those , he mellent in that wing , and warren did dispose . the other no whit lesse , that this great day might sted ; the earle of aubemerle , and valiant ipres led . the empresse powers again , but in two squadrons were : the vaward chester had , and gloucester the reare ; then were there valiant welsh , and desperate men of ours , that when supplies should want , might reinforce their powers . the battels ioyne , as when two aduerse seas are dasht against each others waues , that all the plaines were washt with showers of sweltring blood , that downe the furrowes ran , ere it could be discern'd which either lost or wan . earle baldwin , and fitzvrse those valiant knights , were seene to charge the empresse horse , as though dread mars had beene there in two sundry shapes ; the day that beautious was , twinckled as when you see the sunne-beames in a glasse , that nimbly being stirr'd , flings vp the trembling flame at once , and on the earth reflects the very same . with their resplendent swords , that glistred gainst the sunne ; the honour of the day , at length the empresse wonne . king stephen prisoner was , and with him many a lord , the common souldiers put together to the sword . the next , the battell neere saint edmundsbury fought , by our * fitz-empresse force , and flemings hither brought by th' earle of leister , bent to moue intestine strife , for yong king henries cause , crown'd in his fathers life ; which to his kingly syre much care and sorrow bred , in whose defiance then that earle his ensignes spred , back'd by hugh bigots power , the earle of norfolke then , by bringing to his ayd the valiant norfolke men . gainst bohun , englands great high constable that swayd the royall forces , ioyn'd with lucy for his ayd chiefe iustice , and with them the german powers , to expell the earles of cornewall came , gloster , and arundell , from bury , that with them saint edmonds banner bring , their battels in aray ; both wisely ordering the armies chanc'd to meet vpon the marshy ground , betwixt saint edmunds towne , and fornham ( fitly found ) the bellowing drummes beat vp a thunder for the charge , the trumpets rend the ayre , the ensignes let at large , like wauing flames farre off , to either hoste appeare : the bristling pykes doe shake , to threat their comming neere ; all clouded in a mist , they hardly could them view , so shaddowed with the shafts from either side that flew . the wings came wheeling in , at ioyning of whole forces , the either part were seene to tumble from their horses , which emptie put to rout , are paunch'd with gleaues and pyles , lest else by running loose , they might disranke their 〈◊〉 . the bilmen come to blowes , that with the cruell thwacks , the ground lay strew'd with male , and shreds of tatterd iacks : the playnes like to a shop , lookt each where to behold . vvhere limbes of mangled men on heaps lay to be sold ; sterne discontented warre did neuer yet appeare with a more threatning brow , then it that time did there . o leicester ( alas ) in ill time wast thou wonne to ayd this gracelesse youth , the most ingratefull sonne against his naturall syre , who crown'd him in his dayes , vvhose ill requited loue did him much sorrow raise , as le'ster by this warre against king henry show'd , vpon so bad a cause , o courage ill bestow'd ; vvho had thy quarrell beene , as thou thy selfe was skild in braue and martiall feats , thou euermore hadst fild this i le with thy high deeds , done in that bloody field : but bigot and this lord , inforc'd at length to yeeld them to the other part , when on that fatall plaine , of th' english and the dutch , ten thousand men lay slaine . as for the second fight at lincolne , betwixt those vvho sided with the french , by seeking to depose henry the sonne of iohn , then young , and to aduaunce the daulphin lewes , sonne to philip king of france , vvhich lincolne castle , then most straightly did besiege ; and william marshall earle of pembroke for his liege , ( who led the faithfull lords ) although so many there , or in the conflict slaine , or taken prisoners were ; yet for but a surprize , no field appointed fight , mongst our set battels here , may no way claime a right , the field at lewes then , by our third henry fought , vvho edward his braue sonne vnto that conflict brought ; vvith richard then the king of almaine , and his sonne young henry , with such lords as to his part he wonne , vvith him their soueraigne liege , their liues that durst engage . and the rebellious league of the proud barronage , by symon mounford earle of le'ster their chiefe head , and th' earle of gloster , clare , against king henry led ; for th' ancient freedomes here that bound their liues to stand , the aliens to expulse , who troubled all the land , whilst for this dreadfull day , their great designes were meant ; from edward the young prince , defiances were sent to mountfords valiant sonnes , lord henry , sim , and guy , and calling vnto him a herauld , quoth he , flie to th' earle of leisters tents , and publikely proclame defiance to his face , and to the montfords name , and say to his proud sonnes , say boldly thus from me ; that if they be the same , that they would seeme to be , now let them in the field be by their band roules knowne , where as i make no doubt , their valour shall be showne . which if they dare to doe , and still vphold their pride , there will we vent our spleenes , where swords shall it decide . to whom they thus replide , tell that braue man of hope , he shall the mountfords find in t'head of all their troupe , to answere his proud braues ; our bilbowes be as good as his , our armes as strong ; and he shall find our blood sold at as deare a rate as his ; and if we fall , tell him wee le hold so fast , his crowne shall goe withall . the king into three fights his forces doth diuide , of which his princely * sonne the vaward had to guide : the second to the king of almaine , and his sonne , young henry he betooke , in the third legion of knights , and men of armes , in person he appeares . into foure seuerall fights , the desperate barons theirs . i' th first those valiant youths , the sonnes of leister came , of leading of the which , lord henry had the name : the earle of gloster brought the second battell on , and with him were the lords mountchency , and fitz-iohn : the third wherein alone the londoners were plac'd , the stout lord segraue led ; the greatest , and the last , braue leicester himselfe , with courage vndertooke . the day vpon the host affrightedly doth looke , to see the dreadfull shocke , their first encounter gaue , as though it with the rore , the thunder would out-braue . prince edward all in gold , as he great ioue had beene : the mountfords all in plumes , like estriges were seene , to beard him to his teeth , toth' worke of death they goe ; the crouds like to a sea seemd wauing to and fro . friend falling by his friend , together they expire : he breath'd , doth charge afresh ; he wounded , doth retyre . the mountfords with the prince vye valour all the day , which should for knightly deeds excell , or he , or they , to them about his head , his glistring blade he throwes , they waft him with their swords , as long with equall showes : now henry , simon then , and then the youngest guy , kept by his brothers backe , thus stoutly doth reply , what though i be but young , let death me ouerwhelme , but i will breake my sword vpon his plumed helme . the younger bohun there , to high atchiuements bent , with whom two other lords , lucy , and hastings went , which charging but too home , all sorely wounded were , vvhom liuing from the field , the barons stroue to beare , being on their partie fixd ; whilst still prince edward spurres ; to bring his forces vp to charge the londoners , t'whom cruell hate he bare , and ioyning with their force , of heauy-armed foot , with his light northerne horse , he putting them to flight , foure miles in chase them slew : but ere he could returne , the conquest wholly drew to the stout barons side : his father fled the field , into the abbay there , constrained thence to yeeld . the lords fitz-warren slaine , and wilton that was then chiefe iustice ( as some say ) with them fiue thousand men ; and bohun that great earle of her'ford ouerthrowne , with bardolfe , somery , patshull , and percie knowne . by their coat-armours then , for barons , prisoners ta'n ; though henry ware the crowne , great le'ster yet did raigne . now for the conflict next , at chesterfield that chanc'd gainst robert that proud earle of darby , who aduanc'd his ensignes gainst the king , ( contrary to his oath ) vpon the barons part , with the lord deuell , both surpriz'd by henry prince of almain with his power , by comming at so strange an vnexpected hower : and taking them vnarmd ; since meerely a defeat , with our well-ordered fights , we will not here repeat . the fatall battell then at fertile eusham struck , though with the selfe same hands , not with the selfe same luck : for both the king and prince at lewes prisoners taken , by fortune were not yet so vtterly forsaken ; but that the prince was got from le'ster , and doth gather his friends , by force of armes yet to redeeme his father ; and th' earle of glo'ster wonne , who through the mountfords pride disgrac'd , came with his power to the emperiall side . when now those lords , which late at lewes wonne the day , the sacrament receiu'd , their armes not downe to lay , vntill the king should yeeld th' old charter to maintaine . king henry and his sonne prince edward swore againe , they would repeale those lawes that were at oxford made , or through this bloody warre to their destruction wade . but since the king remain'd in puissant lei'sters power , the remnant of his friends , whom death did not deuoure at lewes battell late , and durst his part partake . the prince excites againe , an armie vp to make , whom roger bigot , earle of norfolke doth assist , englands high marshall then , and that great martialist , old henry bohun , earle of her'ford , in this warre , gray , basset , and saint-iohn , lisle , percie , latimer , all barons , which to him their vtmost strengths doe lay , vvith many a knight for power their equall euery way ; and william valence , earle of pembroke , who had fled from lewes field , to france , thence with fresh succour sped . young humphrey bohun still , doth with great le'ster goe , vvho for his countries cause becomes his fathers foe . fitz-iohn , gray , spencer , strange , rosse , segraue , vessey , gifford , wake , lucy , vipount , vaux , clare , marmion , hastings , clifford . in that blacke night before his sad and dismall day , vvere apparitions strange , as drad heauen would bewray the horrors to ensue , o most amazing fight ! two armies in the ayre , discerned were to fight , vvhich came so neere to earth , that in the morne they found the prints of horses feet remaining on the ground , which came but as a show , the time to entertaine , till th' angry armies ioyn'd , to act the bloody sceane . shrill shouts , and deadly cries , each way the ayre do fill , and not a word was heard from either side , but kill : the father gainst the sonne , the brother gainst the brother , with gleaues , swords , bills , and pykes , were murthering one another . the full luxurious earth , seemes surfitted with blood , vvhilst in his vnckles gore th' vnnaturall nephew stood ; vvhilst with their charged staues , the desperate horsmen meet , they heare their kinsmen groane vnder their horses feet . dead men , and weapons broke , doe on the earth abound ; the drummes bedash'd with braines , doe giue a dismall sound . great le'ster there expir'd , with henry his braue sonne , vvhen many a high exployt they in that day had done . scarce was there noble house , of which those times could tell , but that some one thereof , on this , or that side fell ; amongst the slaughtered men , that there lay heap'd on pyles : bohuns , and beauchamps were , basets , and mandeviles : segraues , and saint-iohns seeke , vpon the end of all , to giue those of their names their christian buriall . ten thousand on both sides were ta'n and slaine that day : prince edward gets the gole , and beares the palme away . all edward long shankes time , her ciuill warres did cease , who stroue his countries bounds by conquest to increase . but in th' insuing raigne of his most riotous sonne , as in his fathers dayes , a second warre begun ; when as the stubborne heires of the stout barons dead , who for their countries cause , their blood at eusham shed , not able to endure the spencers hatefull pride , the father and the sonne , whose counsels then did guide th'inconsiderate king , conferring all his graces , on them who got all gifts , and bought and sold all places , them raising , to debase the baronage the more for gauaston , whom they had put to death before . which vrg'd too farre , at length to open armes they brake , and for a speedy warre , they vp their powers doe make . vpon king edwards part , for this great action bent , his brother edmund came , the valiant earle of kent , with richmount , arundell , and pembroke , who engage , their powers , ( three powerfull earles ) against the baronage . and on the barons side , great master of the warre , was thomas ( of the blood ) the earle of lancaster , with henry bobun , earle of hereford , his peere , with whom ( of great command and martialists ) there were lyle , darcy , denvile , teis , beach , bradburne , bernvile , knovile , with badlesmer , and bercks , fitz-william , leyburne , louell , tuchet , and talbot stout , doe for the barons stand , mandute , and mowbray , with great clifford that command their tenants to take armes , that with their landlords runne ; with these went also hugh , and henry willington ; redoubted damory , as audley , elmesbridge , wither , earles , barons , knights , esquiers , embodied all together , at burton vpon trent who hauing gathered head , towards them with all his power the king in person sped ; who at his neere approach ( vpon his march ) discri'd , that they against his power the bridge had fortifi'd : which he by strong assault , assayes from them to win , where as a bloody fight doth instantly begin , when he to beat them off , assayes them first by shot ; and they to make that good , which they before had got , defend them with the like , like haylestones from the skie , from crosse-bowes , and the long , the light-wingd arrowes flie : but friended with the flood , the barons hold their strength , forcing the king by boats , and pyles of wood at length , t' attempt to land his force vpon the other side . the barons , that the more his stratagems defide , withstand them in the streame , when as the troubled flood , ( with in a little time ) was turned all to blood ; and from the boats and bridge , the mangled bodies feld , the poore affrighted fish , their watry walks expeld . vvhile at the bridge the fight still strongly doth abide , the king had learnt to know , that by a skilfull guide , he by a fourd not farre might passe his power of horse , vvhich quickly he performes , which draue the barons force from the defended bridge , t' affront th'approching foe , imbattelling themselues , when to the shocke they goe , ( on both sides so assaild ) till th' water , and the shore of one complexion were , distaind with equall gore . oft forc'd to change their fights , being driuen from their ground , that when by their much losse , too weake themselues they found , th' afflicted barons flie , yet still together keepe . the king his good successe , not suffring so to sleepe , pursues them with his power , which northward still doe beare ; and seldome scapes a day , but he doth charge their reare : till come to burrough bridge , where they too soone were staid by andrew herckley , earle of carleill , with fresh ayd being lately thither come , king edwards part to take . the barons range their fights , still good their ground to make ; but with long marches tyerd , their wearied breath they draw , after the desperat'st fight the sunne yet euer saw , braue bohun there was slaine , and lancaster forsaken of fortune , is surpriz'd ; the barons prisoners taken . for those rebellions , stirres , commotions , vprores , here in richard burdeaux raigne , that long so vsuall were ; as that the first by straw , and tyler , with their rout of rebels brought from kent , most insolent and stout , by entring london , thought the the iland to subdue : * the first of which , the maior of london brauely slew ; walworth , which wonne his name much honour by the deed : as they of suffolke next , those rascals that succeed , by * litster led about , their captaine who enstil'd himselfe the commons king , in hope to haue exil'd the gentry from those parts , by those that were his owne , by that braue bishop ( then ) of norwitch ouerthrowne . by such vnruly slaues , and that in essex rais'd by thomas that stout duke of glo'ster , strongly * ceaz'd , as that at radcot bridge , where the last named peere , with foure braue * earles his friends , encountred robert vere then duke of ireland cald , by richard so created , and gainst those lords maintain'd , whom they most deadly hated ; since they but garboyles were , in a deformed masse , not ordered fitting warre , we lightly ouerpasse . i chuse the battell next of shrewsbury to chant , betwixt henry the fourth , the sonne of iohn of gant , and the stout percies , henry hotspurre and his eame the earle of wor'ster , who the rightfull diademe had from king richard reft , and heau'd vp to his seat this henry , whom ( too soone ) they found to be too great , him seeking to depose , and to the rule preferre richards proclaimed heire , their cosen mortimer , whom owen glendour then in wales a prisoner staid , whom to their part they wonne , and thus their plot they laid , that glendour should haue wales , along as seuerne went , the percies all the north , that lay beyond the trent ; and mortimer from thence the south to be his share ; which henry hauing heard , doth for the warre prepare , and down to cheshire makes , ( where gathering powers they were ) at shrewsbury to meet , and doth affront them there : with him his peerelesse sonne , the princely henry came , with th' earle of stafford , and of gentlemen of name , blunt , shyrley , clifton , men that very powerfull were , vvith cockayne , caluerly , massy , and mortimer , gausell , and wendsley , all in friends and tenants strong , resorting to the king still as he past along ; which in the open field before the ranged fights , he with his warlike sonne , there dub'd his mayden knights . th'eatle dowglasse for this day doth with the percies stand , to whom they berwicke gaue , and in northumberland some seigniories and holds , if they the battell got , who brought with him to field full many an angry scot , at holmdon battell late that being ouerthrowne , now on the king and prince hop'd to regaine their owne ; with almost all the power of cheshire got together , by venables , ( there great ) and vernon mustred thether . the vaward of the king , great stafford tooke to guide . the vaward of the lords vpon the other side , consisted most of scots , which ioyning , made such spoyle , as at the first constrain'd the english to recoyle , and almost brake their rankes , which when king henry found , bringing his battell vp , to reinforce the ground , the percies bring vp theirs , againe to make it good . thus whilst the either host in opposition stood , braue dowglasse with his spurres , his furious courser strake , his lance set in his rest , when desperatly he brake in , where his eye beheld th' emperiall ensigne pight , where soone it was his chance , vpon the king to light , which in his full carreere he from his courser threw ; the next sir walter blunt , he with three other slew , all armed like the king , which he dead sure accounted ; but after when hee saw the king himselfe remounted : this hand of mine , quoth he , foure kings this day hath slaine , and swore out of the earth he thought they sprang againe , or fate did him defend , at whom he onely aym'd . when henry hotspurre , so with his high deeds inflam'd , doth second him againe , and through such dangers presse , that dowglasse valiant deeds he made to seeme the lesse , as still the people cryed , a percy espirance . the king which saw then time , or neuer to aduance his battell in the field , which neere from him was wonne , ayded by that braue prince , his most couragious sonne , who brauely comming on , in hope to giue them chase , it chanc'd he with a shaft was wounded in the face ; whom when out of the fight , his friends would beare away , he strongly it refus'd , and thus was heard to say , time neuer shall report , prince henry left the field , when harry percy staid , his traytrous sword to weeld . now rage and equall wounds , alike inflame their bloods , and the maine battels ioyne , as doe two aduerse floods met in some narrow arme , shouldring as they would shoue each other from their path , or would their bankes remoue . the king his traytrous foes , before him downe doth hew , and with his hands that day , neere fortie persons slue : when conquest wholly turnes to his victorious side , his power surrounding all , like to a furious tyde ; that henry hotspurre dead vpon the cold earth lyes , stout wor'ster taken was , and doughtie douglasse flyes . fiue thousand from both parts left dead vpon the ground , mongst whō the kings fast friend , great staffords coarse was found ; and all the knights there dub'd the morning but before , the euenings suune beheld there sweltred in their gore . here i at bramham more , the battell in should bring , of which earle percie had the greatest managing , with the lord bardolfe there , against the counties power , fast cleauing to his friend , euen to his vtmost houre : in flanders , france , and wales , who hauing been abroad to raise them present powers , intending for a road on england , for the hate he to king henry bore ; his sonne and brothers blood augmenting it the more , which in his mightie spirit still rooted did remaine , by his too much default , whom he imputed slaine at shrewsbury before , to whom if he had brought supplies , ( that bloody field , when they so brauely fought ) they surely it had wonne ; for which to make amends , being furnished with men , amongst his forraine friends , by scotland entred here , and with a violent hand vpon those castles ceaz'd within northumberland his earledome , ( which the king , who much his truth did doubt , had taken to himselfe , and put his people out ) toward yorkshire comming on , where ( soone repaid his owne ) at bramhams fatall more , was fowly ouerthrowne : which though it were indeed a long and mortall fight , where many men were maim'd , and many slaine outright : where that couragious earle , all hopes there seeing past , amongst his murthered troups ( euen ) fought it to the last : yet for it was atchieu'd by multitudes of men , which with ralfe roksby rose , the shreefe of yorkshire then , no well proportion'd fight , we of description quit , amongst our famous fields ; nor will we here admit that of that rakehel cades , and his rebellious crue , in kent and sussex raisd , at senok fight that slue the staffords with their power , that thither him pursu'd , vvho twice vpon black heath , back'd with the commons rude , incamp'd against the king : then goodly london tooke , there ransoming some rich , and vp the prisons broke , his sensuall beastly will , for law that did preferre , beheaded the lord say , then englands treasurer , and forc'd the king to flight , his person to secure , the muse admits not here , a rabble so impure . but brings that battell on of that long dreadfull warre , of those two houses nam'd of yorke and lancaster , in faire saint albans fought , most fatally betwixt richard then duke of yorke , and henry cald the sixt , for that ill-gotten crowne , which him his * grandsire left , that likewise with his life , he from king richard reft , when vnderhand the duke doth but promoue his claime , who from the elder sonne , the duke of clarence came , for which he raised armes , yet seem'd but to abet the people , to plucke downe the earle of somerset , by whom ( as they gaue out ) we normandy had lost , and yet he was the man that onely rul'd the roast . with richard duke of yorke , ( into his faction wonne ) salsbury and warwicke came , the father and the sonne ; the neuils nobler name , that haue renown'd so farre . so likewise with the king in this great action are , the dukes of somerset , and buckingham , with these were thrice so many earles , their stout accomplices , as pembroke great in power , and stafford with them stand with deuonshire , dorset , wilt , and fierce northumber land , vvith sidley , bernes , and rosse , three barons with the rest , vvhen richard duke of yorke , then marching from the west ; towards whom , whilst with his power king henry forward set , vnluckily as 't hapt , they at saint albans met ; where taking vp the street , the buildings them enclose , where front doth answer front , & strength doth strength oppose ; whilst like two mightie walls , they each to other stand , and as one sinketh downe vnder his enemies hand , another thrusting in , his place doth still supply , betwixt them whilst on heaps the mangled bodies lie : the staules are ouerthrowne with the vnweldy thrust , the windowes with the shot , are shiuered all to dust . the winters sleet or hayle was neuer seene so thicke , as on the houses sides the bearded arrowes sticke , where warwicks courage first most comet-like appeard , who with words full of spirit , his fighting souldiers cheerd ; and euer as he saw the slaughter of his men , he with fresh forces fil'd the places vp agen . the valiant * marchmen thus the battell still maintaine , that when king henry found on heaps his souldiers slaine , his great commanders cals , who when they sadly saw , the honour of the day would to the yorkists draw , their persons they put in , as for the last to stand ; the duke of somerset , henry northumberland , of those braue warlike earles , the second of that name , the earle of stafford , sonne to th' duke of buckingham , and iohn lord clifford then , which shed their noble gore vnder the castles signe , ( of which not long before , a prophet bad the duke of somerset beware ) with many a valiant knight , in death that had his share : so much great english blood , for others lawlesse guilt , vpon so little ground before was neuer spilt . proud yorke hath got the gole , the king of all forfaken , into a cottage got , a wofull prisoner taken . the battell of blore-heath , the place doth next supply , twixt richard neuill , that great earle of salisbury , who with the duke of yorke , had at saint albans late , that glorious battell got with vncontrouled fate : and iames lord audley stir'd by that reuengefull queene , to stop him on his way , for the inueterate spleene shee bare him , for that still he with the yorkists held , who comming from the north , ( by sundry wrongs compeld to parley with the king ) the queene that time who lay in staffordshire , and thought to stop him on his way , that valiant tuchet stir'd , in cheshire powerfull then , t' affront him in the field , where cheshire gentlemen diuided were , th' one part made valiant tuchet strong , the other with the earle rose as he came along , incamping both their powers , diuided by a brooke , whereby the prudent earle , this strong aduantage tooke : for putting in the field his army in aray , then making as ( with speed ) he meant to march away , he caus'd a flight of shafts to be discharged first . the enemy who thought that he had done his worst , and cowardly had fled in a disordred rout , attempt to wade the brooke , he wheeling ( soone ) about , set fiercely on that part , which then were passed ouer ; their friends then in the reare , not able to recouer the other rising banke , to lend the vaward ayd . the earle who found the plot take right that he had layd , on those that forward prest , as those that did recoyle , as hungry in reuenge , there made a rauenous spoyle : there dutton , dutton kils ; a done doth kill a done ; a booth , a booth ; and leigh by leigh is ouerthrowne ; a venables , against a venables doth stand ; and troutbeck fighteth with a troutbeck hand to hand ; there molineux doth make a molineux to die , and egerton , the strength of egerton doth trie . o chesshire wert thou mad , of thine owne natiue gore so much vntill this day thou neuer shedst before ! aboue two thousand men vpon the earth were throwne , of which the greatest part were naturally thine owne . the stout lord audley slaine , with many a captaine there ; to salsbury it sorts the palme away to beare . then faire northampton next , thy battell place shall take , which of th' emperiall warre , the third fought field doth make , twixt henry cald our sixt , vpon whose partie came his neere and deare allies , the dukes of buckingham , and somerset , the earle of shrewsbury of account , stout vicount beaumount , and the yong lord egremount , gainst edward earle of march , sonne to the duke of yorke , with warwicke , in that warre , who set them all at worke , and falkonbridge with him , not much vnlike the other ; a neuill nobly borne , his puisant fathers brother , who to the yorkists claime , had euermore been true , and valiant bourcher , earle of essex , and of eau. the king from out the towne , who drew his foot and horse , as willingly to giue full field-roomth to his force , doth passe the riuer nen , neere where it downe doth runne from his first fountaines head , is neere to harsington , aduised of a place , by nature strongly wrought , doth there encampe his power : the earle of march who sought to prooue by dint of sword , who should obtaine the day , from tawcester traynd on his powers in good aray . the vaward warwicke led , ( whom no attempt could feare ; the middle march himselfe , and falkonbridge the reare . now iuly entred was , and ere the restlesse sunne , three houres ascent had got , the dreadfull fight begun by warwicke , who a straight from vicount beaumont tooke , defeating him at first , by which hee quickly brooke in , on th' emperiall host , which with a furious charge , he forc'd vpon the field , it selfe more to enlarge . now english bowes , and bills , and battle-axes walke , death vp and downe the field in gastly sort doth stalke . march in the flower of youth , like mars himselfe doth beare ; but warwicke as the man , whom fortune seem'd to feare , did for him what he would , that wheresoere he goes , downe like a furious storme , before him all he throwes : so shrewsbury againe of talbots valiant straine , ( that fatall scourge of france ) as stoutly doth maintaine , the party of the king , so princely somerset , whom th' others knightly deeds , more eagerly doth whet , beares vp with them againe : by somerset opposd at last king henries host being on three parts enclosd , aud ayds still comming in vpon the yorkists side , the summer being then at height of all her pride , the husbandman , then hard vpon his haruest was : but yet the cocks of hay , nor swaths of new-shorne grasse , strew'd not the meads so thick , as mangled bodies there , when nothing could be seene , but horror euery where : so that vpon the bancks , and in the streame of * nen , ten thousand well resolu'd , stout , natiue english men left breathlesse , with the rest great buckingham is slaine , and shrewsbury whose losse those times did much complaine , egremont , and beaumont , both found dead vpon the field , the miserable king , inforc'd againe to yeeld . then vvakefield battell next , we in our bedroule bring , fought by prince edward , sonne to that oft-conquered king , and richard duke of yorke , still strugling for the crowne , whom salsbury assists , the man with whose renowne , the mouth of fame seem'd fild , there hauing with them then some few selected welsh , and southerne gentlemen : a handfull to those powers , with which prince edward came ; of which amongst the rest , the men of noblest name , were those two great-borne dukes , which still his right preferre his cosen somerset , and princely excester , the earle of wiltshire still , that on his part stucke close : with those two valiant peeres , lord clifford , and lord rosse , who made their march from yorke to vvakefield , on their way to meet the duke , who then at sandall castle lay , whom at his ( very ) gate , into the field they dar'd , whose long expected powers not fully then prepar'd , that march his valiant sonne , should to his succours bring . wherefore that puissant lord , by speedy mustring his tenants and such friends , as he that time could get , fiue thousand in fiue dayes , in his battalion set gainst their twice doubled strength ; nor could the duke be stayd , till he might from the south be seconded with ayd ; as in his martiall pride , disdaining his poore foes , so often vs'd to winne , he neuer thought to lose . the prince , which still prouok'd th' incensed duke to fight , his maine battalion rang'd in sandals loftie sight , in which he , and the dukes , were seene in all their pride : and as yorkes powers should passe , he had on either side two wings in ambush laid , which at the place assign'd his rereward should inclose , which as a thing diuin'd , iust caught as he forecast ; for scarse his armie comes from the descending banks , and that his ratling drummes excites his men to charge ; but wiltshire with his force , which were of light-arm'd foot , and rosse with his light horse , came in vpon their backes , as from a mountaine throwne , in number to the dukes , by being foure to one . euen as a rout of wolues , when they by chance haue caught a beast out of the heard , which long time they haue sought ; vpon him all at once couragiously doe set , him by the dewlaps some , some by the flanke doe get : some climbing to his eares , doe neuer leaue their hold , till falling on the ground , they haue him as they would , with many of his kind , which , when he vs'd to wend , vvhat with their hornes & hoofes , could then themselues defend . thus on their foes they fell , and downe the yorkists fall ; red slaughter in her armes encompasseth them all . the first of all the fights in this vnnaturall warre , in which blind fortune smild on wofull lancaster . heere richard duke of yorke , downe beaten , breath'd his last , and salsbury so long with conquest still that past , inforced was to yeeld ; rutland a younger sonne to the deceased duke , as he away would runne , ( a child scarse twelue yeares old ) by clifford there surpriz'd , who whilst he thought with teares his rage to haue suffiz'd , by him was answered thus , thy father hath slaine mine , and for his blood ( young boy ) i le haue this blood of thine , and stab'd him to the heart : thus the lancastrians raigne , the yorkist in the field on heaps together slaine . the battell at that crosse , which to this day doth beare the great and ancient name of th' english mortimer , the next shall heare haue place , betwixt that edward fought , entitled earle of march , ( reuengefully that sought to wreake his fathers blood , at wakefield lately shed but then he duke of yorke , his father being dead ) and iasper tudor earle of pembroke , in this warre , that stood to vnderprop the house of lancaster , halfe brother to the king , that stroue to hold his crowne , with wiltshire , whose high prowesse had brauely beaten downe the yorkists swelling pride in that successefull warre at wakefield , whose greatst power of welsh and irish are . the dukes were marchers most , which still stucke to him close , and meeting on the plaine , by that forenamed crosse ; as either generall there for his aduantage found , ( for wisely they surueyd the fashion of the ground ) they into one maine sight their either forces make , when to the duke of yorke ( his spirits as to awake ) three sonnes at once appear'd , all seuerally that shone , which in a little space were ioyned all in one . auspicious to the duke , as after it fell out , who with the weaker power , ( of which he seem'd to doubt ) the proud lancastrian part had quickly put to chase , where plainly it should seeme , the genius of the place , the very name of march should greatly fauour there , a title to this prince deriu'd from mortimer : to whom this trophy rear'd , much honored had the soyle . the yorkists here enrich'd with the lancastrian spoyle , are masters of the day ; foure thousand being slaine , the most of which were those , there standing to maintaine the title of the king. where owen tudors lot was to be taken then ; who this young earle begot on katherin the bright queene , the fift king henries bride , who too vntimely dead , this owen had affide . but he a prisoner then , his sonne and ormond fled , at hereford was made the shorter by the head ; when this most warlike duke , in honour of that signe , which of his good successe so rightly did diuine , and thankfull to high heauen , which of his cause had care , three sunnes for his deuice still in his ensigne bare . thy second battell now , saint albans i record , struck twixt queene margrets power , to ransome backe her lord , ta'n prisoner at that towne , when there those factions fought , whom now the part of yorke had thither with them brought , whose force consisted most of southerne men , being led by thomas howard duke of norfolke , and the head of that proud faction then , stout warwicke still that swayd , in euery bloody field ( the yorkists onely ayd ) when eithers power approch'd , and they themselues had fixt , vpon the south and north , the towne them both betwixt , which first of all to take , the yorkists had forecast , putting their vaward on , and their best archers plac'd the market-sted about , and them so fitly layd , that when the foe camevp , they with such terror playd vpon them in the front , as forc'd them to retreit . the northerne mad with rage vpon the first defeat , yet put for it againe , to enter from the north , which when great warwicke heard , he sent his vaward forth , t' oppose them in what place so ere they made their stand , where in too fit a ground , a heath too neere at hand , adioyning to the towne , vnluckily they light , where presenly began a fierce and deadly fight . but those of warwicks part , which scarce foure thousand were , to th'vaward of the queenes , that stood so stoutly there , though still with fresh supplies from her maine battell fed ; when they their courage saw so little them to sted , deluded by the long expectance of their ayd , by passages too straight , and close ambushments stayd : their succours that forslow'd , to flight themselues betake , when after them againe , such speed the northerne make , being followed with the force of their maine battell strong , that this disordred rout , these breathlesse men among , they entred warwicks hoste , which with such horrour strooke the southerne , that each man began about to looke a way how to escape , that when great norfolke cri'd , now as you fauour yorke , and his iust cause , abide . and warwicke in the front euen offred to haue stood , yet neither of them both , should they haue spent their blood , could make a man to stay , or looke vpon a foe : where fortune it should seeme , to warwicke meant to show , that shee this tide of his could turne , when ere she would . thus when they saw the day was for so little sould ; the king , which ( for their ends ) they to the field had brought , behind them there they leaue , but as a thing of naught , which seru'd them to no vse : who when his queene and sonne , there found in norfolkes tent , the battell being done , with many a ioyfull teare , each other they imbrace ; and whilst blind fortune look'd with so well pleas'd a face : their swords with the warme blood of yorkists so inbrude , their foes but lately fled , couragiously pursude . now followeth that blacke sceane , borne vp so wondrous hie , that but a poore dumbe shew before a tragedie , the former battels fought , haue seem'd to this to be ; o towton , let the blood palme-sunday spent on thee , affright the future times , when they the muse shall heare , deliuer it so to them ; and let the ashes there of fortie thousand men , in that long quarrell slaine , arise out of the earth , as they would liue againe , to tell the manlike doeds , that bloody day were wrought in that most fatall field , ( with various fortunes fought ) twixt edward duke of yorke , then late proclaimed king , fourth of that royall name , and him accompanying , the nevills , ( of that warre maintaining still the streame ) great warwicke , and with him his most couragious eame , stout falconbridge , the third , a firebrand like the other , of salisbury surnam'd , that warwicks bastard brother . lord fitzwater , who still the yorkists power assists , blount , vvenlock , dinham , knights approued martialists . and henry the late king , to whom they still durst stand , his true as powerfull friend , the great northumberland , vvith vvestmerland , his claime who euer did preferre his kinsman somerset , his cosen excester , dukes of the royall line , his faithfull friends that were , and little lesse then those , the earle of deuonshire , th'lord dacres , and lord vvels , both wise and warlike wights , with him of great command , neuill and trolop , knights . both armies then on foot , and on their way set forth , king edward from the south , king henry from the north. the later crowned king doth preparation make , from pomfret ( where he lay ) the passage first to take o'r aier at ferybridge , and for that seruice sends a most selected troupe of his well-chosen friends , to make that passage good , when instantly began the dire and ominous signes , the slaughter that foreran . for valiant clifford there , himselfe so brauely quit , that comming to the bridge ( ere they could strengthen it ) from the lancastrian power , with his light troupe of horse , and early in the morne defeating of their force , the lord fitzmater slew , and that braue bastard sonne of salsbury , themselues who into danger runne : for being in their beds , suspecting nought at all ; but hearing sudden noyse , suppos'd some broyle to fall mongst their misgouern'd troups , vnarmed rushing out , by cliffords souldiers soone incompassed about , were miserably slaine : which when great warwicke heares , as he had felt his heart transpersed through his eares , to edward mad with rage , imediatly he goes , and with distracted eyes , in most sterne manner showes the slaughter of those lords ; this day alone , quoth he , our vtter ruine shall , or our sure rising be . when soone before the host , his glittering sword he drew , and with relentlesse hands his springly courser slew . then stand to me ( quoth he ) who meaneth not to flie ; this day shall edward winne , or here shall vvarwicke die . which words by vvarwicke spoke , so deeply seem'd to sting the much distempered breast of that couragious king , that straight he made proclaim'd , that euery fainting heart , from his resolued host had licence to depart : and those that would abide the hazard of the fight , rewards and titles due to their deserued right : and that no man , that day , a prisoner there should take ; for this the vpshot was , that all must marre or make . a hundred thousand men in both the armies stood , that natiue english were : o worthy of your blood what conquest had there been ? but ensignes flie at large , and trumpets euery way sound to the dreadfull charge . vpon the yorkists part , there flew the irefull beare : on the lancastrian side , the cressant wauing there . the southerne on this side , for yorke a warwicke crie , a percy for the right , the northerne men reply . the two maine battels ioyne , the foure large wings doe meet ; what with the shouts of men , and noyse of horses feet , hell through the troubled earth , her horrour seem'd to breath ; a thunder heard aboue , an earth-quake felt beneath : as when the euening is with darknesse ouerspread , her star-befreckled face with clouds inuelloped , you oftentimes behold , the trembling lightning flie , vvhich suddenly againe , but turning of your eye , is vanished away , or doth so swiftly glide , that with a trice it touch t'horizons either side ; so through the smoke of dust , from wayes , and fallowes raisd , and breath of horse and men , that both together ceasd the ayre one euery part , sent by the glimmering sunne , the splendor of their armes doth by reflection runne : till heapes of dying men , and those already dead , much hindred them would charge , and letted them that fled . beyond all wonted bounds , their rage so farre extends , that sullen night begins , before their fury ends . ten howers this fight endur'd , whilst still with murthering hands , expecting the next morne , the weak'st vnconquered stands ; which was no sooner come , but both begin againe to wrecke their friends deare blood , the former euening slaine . new battels are begun , new fights that newly wound , till the lancastrian part , by their much lesning found their long expected hopes were vtterly forlorne , when lastly to the foe , their recreant backs they turne . thy channell then , o * cock , was fild vp with the dead , of the lancastrian side , that from the yorkists fled , that those of edwards part , that had the reare in chase , as though vpon a bridge , did on their bodies passe . that wharfe to whose large banks thou contribut'st thy store , had her more christall face discoloured with the gore of fortie thousand men , that vp the number made , northumberland the great , and westmerland there layd their bodies : valiant wels , and dacres there doe leaue their carkases , ( whose hope too long ) did them deceiue . trolop and neuill found massacred in the field , the earle of vviltshire forc'd to the sterne foe to yeeld . king henry from fayre yorke , vpon this sad mischance to scotland fled , the queene sayld ouer into france , the duke of somerset , and excester doe flie , the rest vpon the earth together breathlesse lie . muse , turne thee now to tell the field at hexam struck , vpon the yorkists part , with the most prosp'rous luck of any yet before , where to themselues they gain'd most safetie , yet their powers least damage there sustain'd , twixt iohn lord mountacute , that neuill , who to stand for edward , gathered had out of northumber land a sort of valiant men , consisting most of horse , which were againe suppli'd with a most puisant force , sent thither from the south , and by king edward brought in person downe to yorke , to ayd if that in ought his generall should haue need , for that he durst not trust the northerne , which so oft to him had been vniust : whilst he himselfe at yorke , a second power doth hold , to heare in this rough warre , what the lancastrians would . and henry with his queene , who to their powers had got , the liuely daring french , and the light hardy scot , to enter with them here , and to their part doe get , their faithfull lou'd allie , the duke of somerset , and sir ralfe percie , then most powerfull in those parts , who had beene reconcil'd to edward , but their hearts still with king henry stay'd , to him and euer true , to whom by this reuolt , they many northerne drew : sir william t aylboys , ( cald of most ) the earle of kime , with hungerford , and rosse , and mullins , of that time barons of high account , with neuill , t unstall , gray , hussy , and finderne , knights , men bearing mighty sway . as forward with his force , braue mountacute was set , it hap'd vpon his way at hegly more he met with hungerford , and rosse , and sir ralph percy , where , in signe of good successe ( as certainly it were ) they and their vtmost force were quickly put to slight ; yet percy as he was a most couragious knight , ne'r boudg'd till his last breath , but in the field was slaine . proud of this first defeat , then marching forth againe , towards liuells , a large waste , which other plaines out-braues , whose verge fresh * dowell still is watring with her waues , whereas his posting scouts , king henries power discri'd , tow'rds whom with speedy march , this valiant generall hied , whose haste there likewise had such prosperous euent , that lucklesse henry yet , had scarcely cleer'd his tent , his captaines hardly set his battels , nor enlarg'd their squadrons on the field , but this great neuill charg'd : long was this doubtfull fight on either side maintain'd , that rising whilst this falls , this loosing whilst that gain'd : the ground which this part got , and there as conquerors stood , the other quickly gaine , and firmely make it good , to either as blind chance , her fauors will dispose ; so to this part it eb'd , and to that side it flowes . at last , till whether 't were that sad and horrid sight , at saxton that yet did their fainting spirits affright , with doubt of second losse , and slaughter , or the ayd that mountacute receau'd ; king henries power dismayd : and giuing vp the day , dishonourably fled , whom with so violent speed the yorkists followed , that had not henry spur'd , and had a courser swift , besides a skilfull guide , through woods and hilles to shift , he sure had been surpriz'd , as they his hench-men tooke , with whom they found his helme ; with most disastrous lucke , to saue themselues by flight , ne'r more did any striue , and yet so many men ne'r taken were aliue . now banbury we come thy battell to report , and show th' efficient cause , as in what wondrous sort great vvarmicke was wrought in to the lancastrian part , when as that wanton king so vex'd his mightie heart : whilst in the court of france , that warriour he bestow'd , ( as potent here at home , as powerfull else abroad ) a marriage to intreat with bona bright and sheene , of the sauoyan blood , and sister to the queene , which whilst this noble earle negotiated there , the widdow lady gray , the king espoused here . by which the noble earle in france who was disgrac'd , ( in england his reuenge doth but too quickly hast ) t' excite the northerne men doth secretly begin , ( with whom he powerfull was ) to rile , that comming in , he might put in his hand , ( which onely he desir'd ) which rising before yorke were likely to haue fierd the citie , but repuls'd , and holdorn them that led , being taken , for the cause made shorter by the head . yet would not they disist , but to their captaines drew henry the valiant sonne of iohn the lord fitz-hugh , with coniers that braue knight , whose valour they preferre , with henry neuill , sonne to the lord latimer , by whose allies and friends , they euery day grew strong , and so in proud aray tow'rds london march along . which when king edward saw the world began to side with warwicke , till himselfe he might of power prouide , to noble pembroke sends , those rebels to withstand . six thousand valiant we sh , who mustring out of hand , by richard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his brother them doth bring , and for their greater strength ( appointed by the king ) th'lord stafford ( of his house ) of powick named then , eight hundred archers brought , the most selected men the marches could make out : these hauing seuerne crost , and vp to cotswould clome , they heard the northern host , being at northampton then , it selfe tow'rds warwicke wayd , when with a speedy march , the harberts that forlayd their passage , charg'd their reare with neere two thousand horse , that the lancastrian part suipecting all their force had followed them againe , their armie bring about , both with such speed and skill , that 〈◊〉 the welsh got out , by hauing charg'd too farre , some of their vaward lost , beat to their 〈◊〉 backe ; thus as these legions coast , on danemore they are met , indifferent for this warre , whereas three easie hils that stand trianguler , small edgcoat ouerlooke ; on that vpon the west the welsh encampe themselues ; the northerne them possest of that vpon the south , whilst , ( by warres strange euent ) yong neuill , who would braue the harberts in their tent , leading a troupe of youth , ( vpon that fatall plaine ) was taken by the vvelsh , and miserably slaine , of whose vntimely death , his friends the next day tooke a terrible reuenge , when stafford there forsooke the army of the welsh , and with his archers bad them fight that would for him ; for that proud pembroke had displac'd him of his inne , in banbury where he his paramore had lodg'd ; where since he might not be , he back ward shapes his course , and leaues the harberts there , t' abide the brunt of all : with outcries euery where the clamorous drummes & fifes to the rough charge do sound , together horse and man come tumbling to the ground : then limbs like boughs were lop'd , from shoulders armes doe flie ; they fight as none could scape , yet scape as none could die . the ruffling northern lads , and the stout welshmen tri'd it ; then head-pieces hold out , or braines must sore abide it . the northern men saint george for lancaster doe crie : a pembroke for the king , the lustie vvelsh replie ; when many a gallant youth doth desperatly assay , to doe some thing that might be worthy of the day : where richard harbert beares into the northern prease , and with his poleaxe makes his way with such successe , that breaking through the rankes , he their maine battell past , and quit it so againe , that many stood aghast , that from the higher ground beheld him wade the crowd , as often ye behold in tempests rough and proud , o'rtaken with a storme , some shell or little crea , hard labouring for the land , on the high-working sea , seemes now as swallowed vp , then floating light and free o' th top of some high waue ; then thinke that you it see quite sunke beneath that waste of waters , yet doth cleere the maine , and safely gets some creeke or harbor neere : so harbert cleer'd their host ; but see th' euent of warre , some spialls on the hill discerned had from farre another armie come to ayd the northerne side , when they which claphams craft so quickly not espide , who with fiue hundred men about northampton raisd , all discontented spirits , with edwards rule displeasd , displaying in the field great 〈◊〉 dreaded beare : the welsh who thought the earle in person had been there , leading a greater power ( disheartened ) turne the backe before the northerne host , that quickly goe to wracke . fiue thousand valiant vvelsh are in chase o'rthrowne , which but an houre before had thought the day their owne . their leaders ( in the flight ) the high-borne harberts t'ane , at banbury must pay for henry neuill slaine . now stamford in due course , the muse doth come to tell , of thine owne named field , what in the fight befell , betwixt braue youthfull wells , from lincolnshire that led neere twentie thousand men , tow'rd london making head , against the yorkists power , great vvarwicke to abet , who with a puisant force prepared forth to set , to ioyne with him in armes , and ioyntly take their chance . and edward with his friends , who likewise doe aduance his forces , to refell that desperate daring foe ; who for he durst himselfe in open armes to show , nor at his dread command them downe againe would lay . his father the lord wells , who he suppos'd might sway his so outragious sonne , with his lou'd law-made brother , sir thomas dymock , thought too much to rule the other , he strangely did to die , which so incens'd the spleene of this couragious youth , that he to wreake his teene vpon the cruell king , doth euery way excite him to an equall field , that com'n where they might smite the battell : on this plaine it chanc'd their armies met : they rang'd their seuerall fights , which once in order set , the loudly-brawling drummes , which seemed to haue feard the trembling ayre at first , soone after were not heard , for out-cries , shreekes , and showts , whilst noyse doth noyse confound . no accents touch the eare , but such as death doe sound : in thirsting for reuenge , whilst fury them doth guide : as slaughter seemes by turnes to sease on either side . the southerne expert were , in all to warre belong , and exercise their skill , the marchmen stout and strong , which to the battell sticke , and if they make retreat , yet comming on againe , the foe they backe doe beat , and wels for warwicke crie , and for the rightfull crowne ; the other call a yorke , to beat the rebels downe : the worst that warre could doe , on either side she showes , or by the force of bils , or by the strength of bowes , but still by fresh supplies , the yorkists power encrease : and wels , who sees his troups so ouerborne with prease , by hazarding too farre into the boystrous throng , incouraging his men the aduerse troupes among , with many a mortall wound , his wearied breath expir'd : which sooner knowne to his , then his first hopes desir'd , ten thousand on the earth before them lying slaine , no hope left to repaire their ruin'd state againe , cast off their countries coats , to hast their speed away , ( of them ) which loose-coat field is cald ( euen ) to this day . since needsly i must sticke vpon my former text , the bloody battell fought , at barnet followeth next , twixt edward , who before he setled was to raigne , by vvarwicke hence expuls'd ; but here ariu'd againe , from burgundy , brought in munition , men and pay , and all things fit for warre , expecting yet a day . whose brother * george came in , with vvarwicke that had stood , whom nature wrought at length t' adhere to his owne blood : his brother richard duke of gloster , and his friend ; lord hastings , who to him their vtmost powers extend ; and vvarwick , whose great heart so mortall hatred bore to edward , that by all the sacraments he swore , not to lay downe his armes , vntill his sword had rac'd , that proud king from his seat , that so had him disgrac'd : and marquesse mountacute , his brother , that braue stem of neuils noble stock , who ioyned had to them , the dukes of somerset , and excester , and take the earle of oxford in ; the armies forward make , and meeting on the plaine , to barnet very neere , that to this very day , is called gladmore there . duke richard to the field , doth edwards vaward bring ; and in the middle came that most couragious king , with clarence his reclaim'd , and brother then most deare ; his friend lord 〈◊〉 had the guiding of the reare , ( a man of whom the king most highly did repute . ) on puisant warwicks part , the marquesse mountacute his brother , and his friend the earle of oxford led the right wing ; and the left which most that day might sted , the duke of excester ; and he himselfe doe guide the middle fight ( which was the armies onely pride ) of archers most approu'd , the best that he could get , directed by his friend , the duke of somerset . o sabboth ill bestow'd , o drery easter day , in which ( as some suppose ) the sunne doth vse to play , in honour of that god for sinfull man that dy'd , and rose on that third day , that sunne which now doth hide his face in foggy mists ; nor was that morning seene , so that the space of ground those angry hosts betweene , was ouershadowed quite with darknesse , which so cast the armies on both sides , that they each other past , before they could perceiue aduantage , where to fight ; besides the enuious mist so much deceiu'd their sight , that where eight hundred men , which valiant oxford brought , ware comets on their coats : great warwicks force which thought they had king edwards beene , which so with sunnes were drest , first made their shot at them , who by their friends distrest , constrayned were to flie , being scattered here and there . but when this direfull day at last began to cleere , king edward then beholds that height of his first hopes , whose presence gaue fresh life to his oft-fainting troupes , prepar'd to scourge his pride , there daring to defie his mercie , to the host proclaiming publikely his hatefull breach of faith , his periury , and shame , and what might make him vile ; so vvarwicke heard that name of yorke , which in the field he had so oft aduanc'd , and to that glorious height , and greatnesse had inhanc'd , then cried against his power , by those which oft had sled , their swist pursuing foc , by him not brauely led , vpon the enemies backe , their swords bath'd in the gore of those from whom they 〈◊〉 , like heartlesse men before , which warwicks nobler name iniuriously defide , euen as the irefull host then ioyned side to side . where cruell richard charg'd the earles maine battell , when proud somerset therein , with his approoued men stood stoutly to the shocke , and flang out such a flight of shafts , as welneere seem'dt'eclipse the welcom'd light , which forc'd them to fall off , on whose retreit againe , that great battalion next approcheth the fayre plaine , where in the king himselfe in person was to trie , proud vvarwicks vtmost strength : when warwicke by and by , with his left wing came vp , and charg'd so home and round , that had not his light horse by disuantagious ground been hindred , he had strucke the heart of edwards host : but finding his defeat , his enterprise so lost , he his swift currers sends , to will his valiant brother , and oxford , in command being equall to the other , to charge with the right wing , who brauely vp doe beare ; but hastings that before raught thither with his reare , and with king edward ioynd , the host too strongly arm'd . when euery part with spoyle , with rape , with fury charm'd , are prodigall of blood , that slaughter seemes to swill it selfe in humane gore , and euery one cries kill . so doubtfull and so long the battell doth abide , that those , which to and fro , twixt that and london ride , that warwicke winnes the day for certaine newes doe bring , those following them againe , sayd certainly the king , vntill great vvarwicke found his armie had the worse , and sore began to faint , alighting from his horse , in with the formost puts , and wades into the throng ; and where he saw death stern'st , the murthered troupes among , he ventures , as the sunne in a tempestuous day , with darknesse threatned long , yet sometimes doth display his cheerefull beames , which scarce appeare to the cleere eye , but suddenly the clouds , which on the winds doe flie , doe muffle him againe within them , till at length , the storme ( preuailing still with an vnusuall strength ) his cleerenesse quite doth close , and shut him vp in night : so mightie warwicke fares in this outragious fight . the cruell lyons thus inclose the dreaded beare , whilst montacute , who striues ( if any helpe there were ) to rescue his belou'd and valiant brother , fell : the losse of two such spirits at once , time shall not tell ; the duke of somerset , and th' earle of oxford fled , and excester being left for one amongst the dead , at length recouering life , by night escap'd away , yorke neuer safely sat , till this victorious day . thus fortune to his end this mightie warwicke brings this puisant setter vp , and plucker downe of kings . he who those battel 's wonne , which so much blood had cost , at barnets fatall fight , both life and fortune lost . now tewksbury it rests , thy storry to relate , thy sad and dreadfull fight , and that most direfull fate of the lancastrian line , which hapned on that day , fourth of that fatall month , that still-remembred may : twixt edmund that braue duke of somerset , who fled from barnets bloody field , ( againe there gathering head ) and marquesse dorset bound in blood to ayd him there , with thomas courtney earle of powerfull deuonshire : with whom king henries sonne , young edward there was seene , to claime his doubtlesse right , with that vndaunted queene his mother , who from france with succours came on land that day , when vvarwicke 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 , which now stand , their fortune yet to trie , vpon a second fight . and edward who imploy'd the vtmost of his might , the poore lancastrian part ( which he doth eas'ly feele , by vvarwicks mightie fall , already faintly reele ) by battell to subuert , and to extirpe the line ; and for the present act , his army doth assigne to those at barnet field so luckily that sped ; as richard late did there , he here the vaward led , the maine the king himselfe , and clarence tooke to guide ; the rearward as before by hastings was supplide . the army of the queene , into three battels cast , the first of which the duke of somerset , and ( fast to him ) his brother iohn doe happily dispose ; the second , which the prince for his owne safety chose the barons of saint iohn , and wenlocke ; and the third , to courtney that braue earle of deuonshire referd . where in a spacious field they set their armies downe ; behind , hard at their backes , the abbey , and the towne , to whom their foe must come , by often banks and steepe , through quickset narrow lanes , cut out with ditches deepe , repulsing edwards power , constraining him to prooue by thundring cannonshot , and culuering to remooue them from that chosen ground , so tedious to assayle ; and with the shot came shafts , like stormy showres of hayle : the like they sent againe , which beat the other sore , who with the ordnance stroue the yorkists to outrore , and still make good their ground , that whilst the peeces play , the yorkists hasting still to hand-blowes , doe assay , in strong and boystrous crowds to scale the combrous dykes ; but beaten downe with bills , with poleaxes , and pykes , are forced to fall off ; when richard there that led the vaward , saw their strength so little them to sted , as he a captaine was , both politique and good , the stratagems of warre , that rightly vnderstood , doth seeme as from the field his forces to withdraw . his sudden , strange retire , proud somerset that saw , ( a man of haughtie spirit , in honour most precise ; in action yet farre more aduenturous then wise ) supposing from the field for safetie he had fled , straight giueth him the chase ; when richard turning head , by his incounter let the desperate duke to know , t was done to traine him out , when soone began the show of slaughter euery where ; for scarce their equall forces began the doubtfull fight , but that three hundred horses , that out of sight this while on edwards part had stayd , to see , that neere at hand no ambushes were layd , soone charg'd them on the side , disordring quite their ranks , whilst this most warlike king had wonne the climing banks , vpon the equall earth , and comming brauely in vpon the aduerse power , there likewise doth begin a fierce and deadly fight , that the lancastrian side , the first and furious shocke not able to abide the vtmost of their strength , were forced to bestow , to hold what they had got ; that somerset below , who from the second force , had still expected ayd , but frustrated thereof , euen as a man dismaid , scarce shifts to saue himselfe his battell ouerthrowne ; but faring as a man that frantique had beene growne , with wenlock hap'd to meet ( preparing for his flight ) vpbraiding him with tearmes of basenesse and despight , that cow'rdly he had faild to succour him with men : whilst wenlock with like words requiteth him agen , the duke ( to his sterne rage , as yeelding vp the raines ) with his too pondrous axe pasht out the barons braines . the partie of the queene in euery place are kild , the ditches with the dead , confusedly are fild , and many in the flight , i' th neighbouring riuers drown'd , which with victorious wreaths , the conquering yorkists crownd . three thousand of those men , on henries part that stood , for their presumption paid the forfeit of their blood . iohn marquesse dorset dead , and deuonshire that day drew his last vitall breath , as in that bloody fray , delues , hamden , whittingham , and leuknor , who had there , their seuerall braue commands , all valiant men that were , found dead vpon the earth . now all is edwards owne , and through his enemies tents he march'd into the towne , where quickly he proclaimes , to him that foorth could bring young edward , a large fee , and as he was a king , his person to be safe . sir richard crofts who thought his prisoner to disclose , before the king then brought that faire and goodly youth ; whom when proud yorke demands , why thus he had presum'd by helpe of traytrous hands his kingdome to disturbe , and impiously display'd his ensignes : the stout prince , as not a iot dismay'd , with confidence replies , to claime his ancient right , him from his grandsires left ; by tyranny and might , by him his foe vsurp'd : with whose so bold reply , whilst edward throughly vext , doth seeme to thrust him by ; his second brother george , and richard neere that stood , with many a cruell stab let out his princely blood ; in whom the line direct of lancaster doth cease , and somerset himselfe surprized in the prease ; with many a worthy man , to gloster prisoners led , there forfeited their liues : queene margaret being fled to a religious cell , ( to tewksbury , too neere ) discouerd to the king , with sad and heauy cheere , a prisoner was conuey'd to london , wofull queene , the last of all her hopes , that buried now had seene . but of that outrage here , by that bold bastard sonne of thomas neuill , nam'd lord falkonbridge , which wonne a rude rebellious rout in kent and essex rais'd , who london here besieg'd , and southwarke hauing seas'd , set fire vpon the bridge : but when he not preuaild , the suburbs on the east he furiously assayl'd ; but by the cities power was lastly put to flight : which being no set field , nor yet well ordred fight , amongst our battels here , may no way reckoned be . then bosworth here the muse now lastly bids for thee , thy battell to describe , the last of that long warre , entit'led by the name of yorke and lancaster ; twixt henry tudor earle of richmond onely left of the lancastian line , who by the yorkists reft of libertie at home , a banish'd man abroad , in britany had liu'd ; but late at milford road , being prosperously ariu'd , though scarce two thousand strong , made out his way through wales , where as he came along . first griffith great in blood , then morgan next doth meet him , with their seuerall powers , as offi ing at his feet to lay their lands , and liues ; sir rice ap thomas then , with his braue band of welsh , most choyce and expert men , comes lastly to his ayd ; at shrewsbury ariu'd , ( his hopes so faint before , so happily reuiu'd ) he on for england makes , and neere to newport towne , the next ensuing night setting his army downe , sir gilbert talbot still for lancaster that stood , ( to henry neere alli'd in friendship as in blood ) from th' earle of shrewsbury his nephew ( vnder age ) came with two thousand men , in warlike equipage , which much his power increas'd ; when easily setting on , from lichfield , as the way leads foorth to atherston , braue bourcher and his friend stout hungerford , whose hopes on henry long had laine , stealing from richards troups , ( wherewith they had been mix'd ) to henry doe appeare , which with a high resolue , most strangely seem'd to cheere , his oft-appauled heart , but yet the man which most , gaue sayle to henries selfe , and fresh life to his host , the stout lord stanley was , who for he had affide the mother of the earle , to him so neere allide : the king who fear'd his truth , ( which he to haue , compeld ) the yong lord strange his sonne , in hostage strongly held , which forc'd him to fall off , till he fit place could finde , his sonne in law to meet ; yet he with him combinde sir william stanley , knowne to be a valiant knight , t' assure him of his ayd . thus growing tow'rds his hight , a most selected band of chesshire bow-men came , by sir iohn sauage led , besides two men of name : sir brian sanford , and sir simon digby , who leauing the tyrant king , themselues expresly show fast friends to henries part , which still his power increast : both armies well prepar'd , towards bosworth strongly preast , and on a spacious moore , lying southward from the towne ; indifferent to them both , they set their armies downe their souldiers to refresh , preparing for the fight : where to the guiltie king , that black fore-running night , appeare the dreadfull ghosts of henry and his sonne , of his owne brother george , and his two nephewes done most cruelly to death ; and of his wife and friend , lord hastings , with pale hands prepar'd as they would rend him peece-meale ; at which oft he roreth in his sleepe . no sooner gan the dawne out of the east to peepe , but drummes and trumpets chide , the souldiers to their armes , and all the neighboring fields are couered with the swarmes of those that came to fight , as those that came to see , ( contending for a crowne ) whose that great day should be . first , richmond rang'd his fights , on oxford , and bestowes the leading , with a band of strong and sinewy bowes out of the army pick'd ; the front of all the field , sir gilbert talbot next , he wisely tooke to weeld , the right wing , with his strengths , most northern men that were . and sir iohn sauage , with the power of lancashire , and chesshire ( chiefe of men ) was for the left wing plac'd : the middle battell he in his faire person grac'd , with him the noble earle of pembroke , who commands their countrey-men the vvelsh , ( of whom it mainly stands , for their great numbers found to be of greatest force ) which but his guard of gleaues , consisted all of horse . into two seuerall fights the king contriu'd his strength , and his first battell cast into a wondrous length , in fashion of a wedge , in poynt of which he set his archery , thereof and to the guidance let of iohn the noble duke of norfolke , and his sonne braue surrey : he himselfe the second bringing on , which was a perfect square ; and on the other side , his horsemen had for wings , which by extending wide , the aduerse seem'd to threat , with an vnequall power . the vtmost poynt ariu'd of this expected hower , he to lord stanley sends , to bring away his ayd ; and 〈◊〉 him by an oath , if longer he delayd his eldest sonne young strange imediatly should die , to whom stout stanley thus doth carelessely reply : tell thou the king i le come , when i fit time shall see , i loue the boy , but yet i haue more sonnes then he . the angry armies meet , when the thin ayre was rent , with such re-ecchoing shouts , from eithers souldiers sent , that flying o'r the field the birds downe trembling dropt . as some old building long that hath been vnderpropt , when as the timber fayles , by the vnweldy fall , euen into powder beats , the roofe , and rotten wall , and with confused clouds of smouldring dust doth choke the streets and places neere ; so through the mistie smoke , by shot and ordnance made , a thundring noyse was heard . vvhen stanley that this while his succours had deferd , both to the cruell king , and to the earle his sonne , when once he doth perceiue the battell was begun , brings on his valiant troups , three thousand fully strong , which like a cloud farre off , that tempest threatned long , falls on the tyrants host , which him with terrour strooke , as also when he sees , he doth but vainly looke for succours from the great northumberland , this while , that from the battell scarce three quarters of a mile , stood with his power of horse , nor once was seene to stirre : vvhen richard ( that th' euent no longer would deferre , the two maine battels mix'd , and that with wearied breath , some laboured to their life , some laboured to their death , ( there for the better fought ) euen with a spirit elate , as one that inly scorn'd the very worst that fate could possibly impose , his launce set in his rest , into the thick'st of death , through threatning perill prest , to where he had perceiu'd the earle in person drew , whose standard 〈◊〉 he , sir william brandon slew , the pile of his strong staffe into his arme-pit sent ; vvhen at a second shocke , downe sir iohn cheney went , which scarce a launces length before the earle was plac'd , vntill by richmonds guard , inuironed at last , vvith many a cruell wound , was through the body gride . vpon this fatall field , iohn duke of norfolke dide ; the stout lord ferrers fell , and ratcliffe , that had long of richards counsels been , found in the field among a thousand souldiers that on both sides were slaine , o red-more , it then seem'd , thy name was not in vaine , when with a thousands blood the earth was coloured red . whereas th' emperiall crowne was set on henries head , being found in richards tent , as he it there did winne , the cruell tyrant stript to the bare naked skin , behind a herauld truss'd , was backe to le'ster sent , from whence the day before he to the battell went. the battell then at stoke , so fortunatly strucke , ( vpon king henries part , with so successefull lucke , as neuer till that day he felt his crowne to cleaue vnto his temples close , when mars began to leaue his fury , and at last to sit him downe was brought ) i come at last to sing , twixt that seuenth henry fought ; with whom , to this braue field the duke of bedford came , with oxford his great friend , whose praise did him inflame to all atchieuements great , that fortunate had bin in euery doubtfull fight , since henries comming in , with th' earle of shresbury , a man of great command , and his braue sonne lord george , for him that firmly stand . and on the other side , iohn duke of suffolks sonne , ( iohn earle of lincolne cald ) who this sterne warre begun , subborning a lewd boy , a false imposter , who by simonds a worse priest , instructed what to doe ; vpon him tooke the name of th' earle of warwicke , heire to george the murthered duke of clarence , who ( for feare lest some that fauoured yorke , might vnder hand maintaine ) king henry in the tower , did at that time detaine . * which practise set on foot , this earle of lincolne sayld to burgundy , where he with margaret preuayld , wife to that warlike charles , and his most loued aunt , who vexed that a proud lancastrian should supplant the lawfull line of yorke , whence she her blood deriu'd ; wherefore for lincolnes sake shee speedily contriu'd , and louell , that braue lord , before him sent to land vpon the same pretence , to furnish them a band of almanes , and to them for their stout captaine gaue the valiant martin swart , the man thought scarce to haue his match for martiall feats , and sent them with a fleet for ireland , where shee had appoynted them to meet , with simonds that lewd clerke , and lambert , whom they there the earle of warwicke cald , and publish'd euery where his title to the crowne , in diuelin , and proclaime him englands lawfull king , by the fift edwards name : then ioyning with the lord fitz-gerald , to their ayd who many irish brought , they vp their ankres wayd , and at the rocky pyle of * fowdray put to shore in lancashire ; their power increasing more and more , by souldiers sent them in from broughton ( for supply ) a knight that long had been of their confederacy ; who making thence , direct their marches to the south . when henry saw himselfe to farre in dangers mouth , from couentry he came , still gathering vp his host , made greater on his way , and doth the countrey coast , which way he vnderstood his enemies must passe : when after some few dayes ( as if their fortunes was ) at stoke , a village neere to newarke vpon trent , each in the others sight pitcht downe their warlike tent. into one battell soone , the almans had disposd their army , in a place vpon two parts inclosd with dells , and fenced dykes , ( as they were expert men . ) and from the open fields king henries host agen , in three faire seuerall fights came equally deuided ; the first of which , and fitst , was giuen to be guided by shrewsbury , which most of souldiers choice consisted : the others plac'd as wings , which euer as they listed , came vp as need requir'd , or fell backe as they found iust cause for their retire ; when soone the troubled ground , on her black bosome felt the thunder , which awooke her genius , with the shock that violently shooke her intrayles ; this sad day when there ye might haue seene two thousand almains stand , of which each might haue beene a leader for his skill , which when the charge was hot , that they could hardly see the very sunne for shot , yet they that motion kept that perfect souldiers should ; that most couragious swart there might they well behold , with most vnvsuall skill , that desperate fight maintaine , and valiant de la poole , most like his princely straine , did all that courage could , or noblesse might befit ; and louell that braue lord , behind him not a whit , for martiall deeds that day : stout broughton that had stood with yorke ( euen ) from the first , there lastly gaue his blood to that well-foughten field : the poore trowz'd irish there , whose mantles stood for mayle , whose skinns for corslets were , and for their weapons had but irish skaines and darts , like men that scorned death , with most resolued hearts , giue not an inch of ground , but all in pieces hewen , where first they fought , they fell ; with them was ouerthrowne the leader geralds hope , amidst his men that fought , and tooke such part as they , whom he had thither brought . this of that field be told , there was not one that fled , but where he first was plac'd , there found aliue or dead . if in a foughten field , a man his life should loose , to dye as these men did , who would not gladly choose , which full foure thousand were . but in this tedious song , the too laborious muse hath taried all too long . as for the black-smiths rout , who did together rise , encamping on blackheath , t' annull the subsidies by parliment then giuen , or that of cornwall call'd , inclosures to cast downe , which ouermuch enthrald the subiect : or proud kets , who with the same pretence in norfolke rais'd such stirres , as but with great expence of blood was not appeas'd ; or that begun in lent by wyat and his friends , the mariage to preuent , that mary did intend with philip king of spaine : since these but ryots were , nor fit the others straine , shee here her battels ends : and as shee did before , so trauelling along vpon her silent shore , waybridge a neighbouring nymph , the onely remnant left of all that forrest kind , by times iniurious theft of all that tract destroy'd , with wood which did abound , and former times had seene the goodliest forrest ground , this iland euer had : but she so left alone , the ruine of her kind , and no man to bemoane . the deepe intranced flood , as thinking to awake , thus from her shady bower shee silently bespake . o flood in happy plight , which to this time , remainst , as still along in state to neptunes court thou strainst ; reuiue thee with the thought of those forepassed howers , when the rough wood-gods kept , in their delightfull bowers on thy embroydered bankes , when now this country fild , with villages , and by the labouring plowman tild , was forrest , where the firre , and spreading poplar grew . o let me yet the thought of those past times renew , when as that woody kind , in our vmbragious wyld , whence euery liuing thing saue onely they exild , in this their world of wast , the soueraigne empire swayd . o who would ere haue thought , that time could haue decayd those trees whose bodies seem'd by their so massie weight , to presse the solid earth , and with their wondrous height to climbe into the clouds , their armes so farre to shoot , as they in measuring were of acres , and their root , with long and mightie spurnes to grapple with the land , as nature would haue sayd , that they should euer stand : so that this place where now this huntingdon is set , being an easie hill where mirthfull hunters met , from that first tooke the name . by this the muse ariues at elies iled marge , by hauing past saint ives , vnto the german sea shee hasteth her along , and here shee shutteth vp her two and twentieth song , in which shee quite hath spent her vigor , and must now , as workmen often vse , a while sit downe and blow ; and after this short pause , though lesning of her height , come in another key , yet not without delight . the three and twentieth song . the argvment . from 〈◊〉 fights inuention comes , deafned with noyse of ratling drummes , and in the northamptonian bounds , shews whittlewoods , and sacies grounds ; then to mount hellidon doth goe , ( whence charwell , leame , and nen doe 〈◊〉 the surface , which of england sings , and nen downe to the washes brings ; then whereas welland makes her way , shewes rockingham , her rich aray : a course at kelmarsh then shee takes , ' where shee northamptonshire for sakes . on tow'ds the mid-lands now , th' industrious muse doth make , the northamptonian earth , and in her way doth take ; as fruitfull euery way , as those by nature , which the husbandman by art , with compost doth inrich , this boasting of her selfe ; that walke her verge about , and view her well within , her breadth , and length throughout : the worst foot of her earth , is equall with their best , with most aboundant store , that highliest thinke them blest . when whittlewood betime th'vnwearied muse doth win to talke with her awhile ; at her first comming in , the forrest thus that greets : with more successefull fate , thriue then thy fellow nymphs , whose sad and ruinous state we euery day behold , if any thing there be , that from this generall fall , thee happily may free , 't is onely for that thou dost naturally produce more vnder wood , and brake , then oke for greater vse : but when this rauenous age , of those hath vs bereft , time wanting this our store , shall sease what thee is left . for what base auerice now inticeth men to doe , necessitie in time shall strongly vrge them too ; which each diuining spirit most cleerely doth foresee . whilst at this speech perplext , the forrest seem'd to be , a water-nymph , neere to this goodly wood-nymphs side , ( as tow'rds her soueraigne ouze , shee softly downe doth slide ) tea , her delightsome streame by tawcester doth lead ; and sporting her sweet selfe in many a daintie mead , shee hath not sallied farre , but sacy soone againe salutes her ; one much grac'd amongst the syluan traine : one whom the queene of shades , the bright diana oft hath courted for her lookes , with kisses smooth and soft , on her faire bosome lean'd , and tenderly imbrac't , and cald her , her deare heart , most lou'd , and onely chast : yet sacie after tea , her amourous eyes doth throw , till in the bankes of ouze the brooke her selfe bestow . where in those fertill fields , the muse doth hap to meet vpon that side which sits the west of vvatling-street , with * helidon a hill , which though it bee but small , compar'd with their proud kind , which we our mountaines call ; yet hath three famous floods , that out of him doe flow , that to three seuerall seas , by their assistants goe ; of which the noblest , nen , to fayre northampton hies , by owndle sallying on , then peterborough plyes old * medhamsted : where her the sea-mayds intertaine , to lead her through the fen into the german maine , the second , charwell is , at oxford meeting thames , is by his king conuayd into the * celtick streames . then leame as least , the last , to mid-land auon hasts , which flood againe it selfe , into proud seuerne casts : as on * th' iberian sea , her selfe great seuerne spends ; so leame the dower she hath , to that wide ocean lends . but helidon wax'd proud , the happy sire to be to so renowned floods , as these fore-named three , besides the hill of note , neere englands midst that stands , whence from his face , his backe , or on his either hands , the land extends in bredth , or layes it selfe in length . wherefore , this hill to shew his state and naturall strength , the surface of this part determineth to show , which we now england name , and through her tracts to goe . but being plaine and poore , professeth not that hight , as falkon-like to sore , till lesning to the sight . but as the 〈◊〉 soyles , his style so altring oft , as full expressions fit , or verses smooth and soft , vpon their seuerall scites , as naturally to straine , and wisheth that these floods , his tunes to entertaine , the ayre with halcion calmes , may wholly haue possest , as though the rough winds tyerd , were eas'ly layd to rest . then on the worth'est tract vp tow'rds the mid-dayes sun , his vndertaken taske , thus hellidon begun . from where the kingly thames his stomacke doth discharge , to deuonshire , where the land her bosome doth inlarge ; and with the in-land ayre , her beauties doth releeue , along the celtick sea , cald oftentimes the sleeue : although vpon the coast , the downes appeare but bare , yet naturally within the countries wooddy are . then cornwall creepeth out into the westerne maine , as ( lying in her eye ) shee poynted still at spaine : or as the wanton soyle , disposd to lustfull rest , had layd her selfe along on neptunes amorous breast . with denshire , from the firme , that beake of land that fils , what landskip lies in vales , and often rising hils , so plac'd betwixt the french , and the sabrinian seas , as on both sides adorn'd with many harborous bayes , who for their trade to sea , and wealthy mynes of tinne , from any other tract , the praise doth clearely winne . from denshire by those shores , which seuerne oft surrounds , the soyle farre lower sits , and mightily abounds with sundry sort of fruits , as well-growne grasse and corne , that somerset may say , her batning mores doe scorne our englands richest earth , for burthen should them staine ; and on the selfe same tract , vp seuerns streame againe , the vale of eusham layes her length so largely forth , as though shee meant to stretch her selfe into the north , where still the fertill earth depressed lyes and low , till her rich soyle it selfe to vvarwickshire doe show . hence somewhat south by east , let vs our course incline , and from these setting shores so meerely maratine , the iles rich in-land parts , le ts take with vs along , to set him rightly out , in our well-ordred song ; whose prospects to the muse their sundry scites shall show , where shee from place to place , as free as ayre shall flow , their superficies so exactly to desery , through vviltshire , poynting how the plaine of salisbury shootes foorth her selfe in length , and layes abroad a traine so large , as though the land seru'd scarsely to containe her vastnesse , north from her , himselfe proud cotswould vaunts , and casts so sterne a looke , about him that he daunts , the lowly vales , remote that sit with humbler eyes . in barckshire , and from thence into the orient lies that most renowned vale of vvhite-horse , and by her , so buckingham againe doth alsbury preferre , with any english earth , along vpon whose pale , that mounting countrie then , which maketh her a vale , the chaulky chilterne , runnes with beeches crown'd about , through bedfordshire that beares , till his bald front he shoot , into that foggy earth towards ely , that doth grow much fenny , and surrounds with euery little flow . so on into the east , vpon the in-land ground , from where that christall colne most properly doth bound , rough chilterne , from the soyle , where in rich london sits , as being faire and flat it naturally befits her greatnesse euery way , which holdeth on along to the essexian earth , which likewise in our song , since in one tract they lye , we here together take , although the seuerall shires , by sundry soyles doe make it different in degrees , for middlesex of sands her soyle composeth hath ; so are th' fssexian lands , adioyning to the same , that sit by isis side , which london ouer-lookes : but as she waxeth wide , so essex in her tydes , her deepe-growne marshes drownds , and to inclosures cuts her drier vpland grounds , which lately woody were , whilst men those woods did prize ; whence those fayre countries lie , vpon the pleasant rise , ( betwixt the mouth of thames , and where ouze roughly dashes her rude vnweildy waues , against the queachy washes ) suffolke and norfolke neere , so named of their scites , adorned euery way with wonderfull delights , to the beholding eye , that euery where are seene , abounding with rich fields , and pastures fresh and greene , faire hauens to their shores , large heaths within them lie , as nature in them 〈◊〉 to shew varietie . from ely all along vpon that easterne sea , then lincolneshire her selfe , in state at length doth lay , which for her fatning fennes , her fish , and fowle may haue preheminence , as she that seemeth to out-braue all other southerne shires , whose head the washes feeles , till wantonly she kicke proud humber with her heeles . vp tow'rds the nauell then , of england from her flanke , which lincolneshire we call , so leuelled and lanke . northampton , rutland then , and huntingdon , which three doe shew by their full soyles , all of one piece to be , of nottingham a part , as lester them is lent , from beuers batning vale , along the banks of trent . so on the other side , into the set againe , where seuerne tow'rds the sea from shrewsbury doth straine , twixt which and auons banks ( where arden when of old , her bushy curled front , she brauely did vphold , in state and glory stood ) now of three seuerall shires , the greatest portions lie , vpon whose earth appeares that mightie forrests foot , of worftershire a part , of warwickeshire the like , which sometime was the heart of arden that braue nymph , yet woody here and there , oft intermixt with heaths , whose sand and grauell beare , a turfe more harsh and hard , where stafford doth partake , in qualitie with those , as nature stroue to make them of one selfe same stuffe , and mixture , as they lye , which likewise in this tract , we here together tye . from these recited parts to th'north , more high and bleake , extended ye behold , the mooreland and the peake , from eithers seuerall scite , in eithers mightie waste , a sterner lowring eye , that euery way doe cast on their beholding hills , and countries round about ; whose soyles as of one shape , appearing cleane throughout . for moreland which with heath most naturally doth beare , her winter liuery still , in summer seemes to weare ; as likewise doth the peake , whose dreadfull cauerns found , and lead-mines , that in her , doe naturally abound , her superficies makes more terrible to show : so from her naturall fount , as seuerne downe doth flow , the high sallopian hills lift vp their rising sayles ; which country as it is the near'st alli'd to wales , in mountaines , so it most is to the same alike . now tow'rds the irish seas a little let vs strike , where cheshire , ( as her choyce ) with lancashire doth lie along th'vnleuel'd shores ; this former to the eye , in her complexion showes blacke earth with grauell mixt , a wood-land and a plaine indifferently betwixt , a good fast-feeding grasse , most strongly that doth breed : as lancashire no lesse excelling for her seed , although with heath , and fin , her vpper parts abound ; as likewise to the sea , vpon the lower ground , with mosses , fleets , and fells , she showes most wild and rough , whose turfe , and square cut peat , is fuell good ynough . so , on the north of trent , from nottingham aboue , where sherwood her curld front , into the cold doth shoue , light forrest land is found , to where the floting don , in making tow'rds the maine , her doncaster hath won , where torkshire's layd abroad , so many a mile extent , to whom preceding times , the greatest circuit lent , a prouince , then a shire , which rather seemeth : so it incidently most varietie doth show . heere stony 〈◊〉 grounds , there wondrous fruitfull fields , here champaine , and there wood , it in abundance yeelds : th' west-riding , and north , be mountainous and high , but tow'rds the german sea the east , more low doth lie . this i le hath not that earth , of any kind elsewhere , but on this part or that , epitomized here . tow'rds those scotch-irish iles , vpon that sea againe , the rough virgiuian cald , that tract which doth containe cold cumberland , which yet wild vvestmerland excels , for roughnesse , at whose point lies rugged fournesse fells , is fild with mighty mores , and mountaines , which doe make her wilde superfluous waste , as nature sport did take in heaths , and high-cleeu'd hils , whose threatning fronts doe dare each other with their looks , as though they would out-stare the starry eyes of heauen , which to out-face they stand . from these into the east , vpon the other hand , the bishopricke , and fayre northumberland doe beare to scotlands bordering tweed , which as the north elsewhere , not very fertile are , yet with a louely face vpon the ocean looke ; which kindly doth imbrace those countries all along , vpon the rising side , which for the batfull gleabe , by nature them denide , with mightie mynes of cole , abundantly are blest , by which this tract remaines renown'd aboue the rest : for what from her rich wombe , each habourous road receiues . yet hellidon not here , his lou'd description leaues , though now his darling springs desir'd him to desist ; but say all what they can , hee 'll doe but what he list . as he the surface thus , so likewise will he show , the clownish blazons , to each country long agoe , which those vnlettered times , with blind deuotion lent , before the learned mayds our fountaines did frequent , to shew the muse can shift her habit , and she now of palatins that sung , can whistle to the plow ; and let the curious tax his clownry , with their skill he recks not , but goes on , and say they what they will. kent first in our account , doth to it selfe apply , ( quoth he ) this blazon first , long tayles and libertie . suffex with surrey say , then let vs lead home logs . as hamfhire long for her , hath had the tearme of hogs . so dorsetshire of long , they dorsers vsd to call . cornwall and deuonshire cric , wee le wrastle for a fall. then somerset sayes , set the bandog on the bull. and glostershire againe is blazon'd , weigh thy vvooll . as barkshire hath for hers , le ts to 't and tosse the ball. and wiltshire will for her , get home and pay for all . rich buckingham doth beare the terme of bread and beefe , vvhere if you beat a bush , t is ods you start a theefe . so hartford blazon'd is , the club , and clowted shoone , thereto , i le rise betime , and sleepe againe at noone . when middlesex bids , vp to london let vs goe , and when our markets done , wee le haue a pot or two . as essex hath of old beene named , calues and styles , fayre suffolke , mayds and milke , and norfolke , many wyles . so cambridge hath been call'd , hold nets , and let vs winne ; and huntingdon , with 〈◊〉 wee le stalke through thick and thinne . northamptonshire of long hath had this blazon , loue , below the girdle all , but little else aboue . an outcrie oxford makes , the schollers haue been heere , and little though they payd , yet haue they had good cheere . quoth warlike warwickshire , i le binde the sturdy beare . quoth worstershire againe , and i will squirt the peare . then staffordshire bids stay , and i will beet the fire , and nothing will i aske , but good will for my hire . beane belly lestershire , her attribute doth beare . and bells and bag-pipes next , belong to lincolneshire . of malt-horse , bedfordshire long since the blazon wan . and little rutlandshire is tearmed raddleman . to darby is assign'd the name of wooll and lead . as nottinghams , of old ( is common ) ale and bread. so hereford for her sayes , giue me woofe and warpe . and shropshire saith in her , that shinnes be euer sharpe , lay wood vpon the fire , reach hither mee my harpe , and whilst the blacke bowle walks , we merily will carpe . old chesshire is well knowne to be the chiefe of men. faire women doth belong to lancashire agen . the lands that ouer ouze to berwicke foorth doe beare , haue for their blazon had the snaffle , spurre , and speare . now nen extreamely grieu'd those barbarous things to heare , by helidon her sire , that thus deliuered were : for as his eld'st , shee was to passed ages knowne , whom by aufona's name the romans did renowne . a word by them deriu'd of auon , which of long , the britans cald her by , expressing in their tongue the full and generall name of waters ; wherefore shee stood much vpon her worth , and iealous grew to bee , lest things so low and poore , and now quite out of date , should happily impaire her dignitie and state . wherefore from him her syre imediatly she hasts ; and as shee foorth her course to peterborough casts , shee falleth in her way with weedon , where t is sayd , saint vverburge princely borne , a most religious mayd , from those peculier fields , by prayer the wild-geese droue , thence through the champaine shee lasciuiously doth roue tow'rds faire northampton , which , whilst nen was auon cald , resum'd that happy name , as happily instald vpon her * northerne side , where taking in a rill , her long impouerish'd banks more plenteously to fill , she flourishes in state , along the fruitfull fields ; where whilst her waters shee with wondrous pleasure yeelds , to * wellingborough comes , whose fountaines in shee takes , which quickening her againe , imediately shee makes to owndle , which receiues contractedly the sound from auondale , t' expresse that riuers lowest ground : to peterborough thence she maketh foorth her way , where welland hand in hand , goes on with her to sea ; when rockingham , the muse to her faire forrest brings , thence lying to the north , whose sundry gifts she sings . o deare and daintie nymph , most gorgeously arayd , of all the driades knowne , the most delicious mayd , with all delights adorn'd , that any way beseeme a syluan , by whose state we verily may deeme a deitie in thee , in whose delightfull bowers , the fawnes and fayries make the longest dayes , but howers , and ioying in the soyle , where thou assum'st thy seat , thou to thy handmaid hast , ( thy pleasures to awayt ) faire benefield , whose care to thee doth surely cleaue , which beares a grasse as soft , as is the daintie sleaue , and thrum'd so thicke and deepe , that the proud palmed deere , forsake the closser woods , and make their quiet leyre in beds of platted fogge , so eas'ly there they sit . a forrest and a chase in euery thing so fit this iland hardly hath , so neere allide that be , braue nymph , such praise belongs to benefield and thee . whilst rockingham was heard with these reports to ring , the muse by making on tow'rds wellands ominous spring , with * kelmarsh there is caught , for coursing of the hare , which scornes that any place , should with her plaines compare : which in the proper tearmes the muse doth thus report ; the man whose vacant mind prepares him to the sport , the * finder sendeth out , to seeke out nimble wat , which crosseth in the field , each furlong , euery flat , till he this pretty beast vpon the forme hath found , then viewing for the course , which is the fairest ground , the greyhounds foorth are brought , for coursing then in case , and choycely in the slip , one leading forth a brace ; the finder puts her vp , and giues her coursers law . and whilst the eager dogs vpon the start doe draw , shee riseth from her seat , as though on earth she flew , forc'd by some yelping * cute to giue the greyhounds view , which are at length let slip , when gunning out they goe , as in respect of them the swiftest wind were slow , when each man runnes his horse , with fixed eyes , and notes which dog first turnes the hare , which first the other * coats , they wrench her once or twice , ere she a turne will take , what 's offred by the first , the other good doth make ; and turne for turne againe with equall speed they ply , bestirring their swift feet with strange agilitie : a hardned ridge or way , when if the hare doe win , then as shot from a bow , she from the dogs doth spin , that striue to put her off , but when hee cannot reach her , this giuing him a coat , about againe doth fetch her to him that comes behind , which seemes the hare to beare ; but with a nimble turne shee casts them both arrere : till oft for want of breath , to fall to ground they make her , the greyhounds both so spent , that they want breath to take her . here leaue i whilst the muse more serious things attends , and with my course at hare , my canto likewise ends . the foure and twentieth song . the argvment . the fatall welland from her springs , this song to th'ile of ely brings : our ancient english saints reuiues , then in an oblique course contriues , the rarities that rutland showes , which with this canto shee doth close . this way , to that faire fount of welland hath vs led , at * nasby to the north , where from a second head runs auon , which along to seuerne shapes her course , but pliant muse proceed , with our new-handled sourse , of whom from ages past , a prophecie there ran , ( which to this ominous flood much feare and reuerance wan ) that she alone should drowne all holland , and should see her stamford , which so much forgotten seemes to bee ; renown'd for liberall arts , as highly honoured there , as they in cambridge are , or oxford euer were ; whereby shee in her selfe a holinesse suppos'd , that in her scantled banks , though wandring long inclos'd , yet in her secret breast a catalogue had kept of our religious saints , which though they long had slept , yet through the chrystned world , for they had wonne such fame both to the british first , then to the english name , for their abundant faith , and sanctimony knowne , such as were hither sent , or naturally our owne , it much her genius grieud , to haue them now neglected , whose pietie so much those zealous times respected . wherefore she with her selfe resolued , when that shee to peterborough came , where much shee long'd to be , that in the wished view of mcdhamsted , that towne , which he the greatst of saints doth by his name renowne , shee to his glorious phane an offring as to bring , of her deare countries saints , the martyrologe would sing : and therefore all in haste to harborough she hy'd , whence lestershire she leaues vpon the northward side , at rutland then ariu'd , where stamford her sustaines , by deeping drawing out , to lincolneshire she leanes , vpon her bank by north , against this greater throng , northamptonshire to south still lyes with her along , and now approching neere to this appointed place , where she and nen make shew as though they would imbrace ; but onely they salute , and each holds on her way , when holy welland thus was wisely heard to say . i sing of saints , and yet my song shall not be fraught with myracles by them , but fayned to be wrought , that they which did their liues so palbably belye , to times haue much impeach'd their holinesse thereby : though fooles ( i say ) on them , such poore impostures lay , haue scandal'd them to ours , farre foolisher then they , which thinke they haue by this so great aduantage got their venerable names from memory to blot , which truth can ne'r permit ; and thou that art so pure , the name of such a saint that no way canst endure ; know in respect of them to recompense that hate , the wretchedst thing , and thou haue both one death and date : from all vaine worship too ; and yet am i as free as is the most precise , i passe not who hee bee . antiquitie i loue , nor by the worlds despight , i can not be remoou'd from that my deare delight . this spoke , to her faire ayd her sister nen shee winnes , when shee of all her saints , now with that man beginnes . the first that euer told christ crucified to vs , ( by paul and peter sent ) iust aristobulus , renown'd in holy writ , a labourer in the word , for that most certaine truth , opposing fire and sword , by th' britans murthered here , so vnbeleeuing then . next holy ioseph came , the mercifulst of men , the sauiour of mankind , in sepulchre that layd , that to the britans was th'apostle ; in his ayd saint duvian , and with him saint fagan , both which were his scollers , likewise left their sacred reliques here : all denizens of ours , t' aduaunce the christian state , at glastenbury long that were commemorate . when amphtball againe our martyrdome began in that most bloody raigne of dioclesian : this man into the truth , that blessed alban led ( our proto-martyr call'd ) who strongly discipled in christian patience , learnt his tortures to appease : his fellow-martyrs then , stephen , and socrates , at holy albans towne , their festiuall should hold ; so of that martyr nam'd , ( which ver'lam was of old . ) a thousand other saints , whom amphiball had taught , flying the pagan foe , their liues that strictly sought , were slaine where lichfield is , whose name doth rightly sound , ( there of those christians slaine ) dead field , or burying ground . then for the christian faith , two other here that stood , and teaching , brauely seald their doctrine with their blood : saint ialius , and with him saint aron , haue their roome , at carleon suffring death by dioclesians doome ; whose persecuting raigne tempestuously that rag'd , gainst those here for the faith , their vtmost that ingag'd , saint angule put to death , one of our holiest men , at london , of that see , the godly bishop then in that our infant church , so resolute was he . a second martyr too grace londons ancient see , though it were after long , good voadine who reprou'd proud vortiger his king , vnlawfully that lou'd anothers wanton wife , and wrong'd his nuptiall bed ; for which by that sterne prince vniustly murthered , as he a martyr dy'd , is sainted with the rest . the third saint of that see ( though onely he confest ) was guithelme , vnto whom those times that reuerence gaue , as he a place with them eternally shall haue . so melior may they bring , the duke of cornwalls sonne , by his false brothers hands , to death who being done in hate of christian faith , whose zeale lest time should taint , as he a martyr was , they iustly made a saint . those godly romans then ( who as mine authour saith ) wanne good king lucius first t' imbrace the christian faith , fugatius , and his friend saint damian , as they were made denizens of ours , haue their remembrance here : as two more ( neere that time , christ iesus that confest , and that most liuely faith , by their good works exprest ) saint eluan with his pheere saint midwin , who to win the britans , ( com'n from rome , where christned they had bin ) conuerted to the faith then thousands , whose deare graue , that glastenbury grac'd , there their memoriall haue . as they their sacred bones in britaine here bestow'd , so britaine likewise sent her saints to them abroad : marsellus that iust man , who hauing gathered in the scattered christian flocke , instructed that had bin by holy ioseph here ; to congregate he wan this iustly named saint , this neuer-wearied man , next to the germans preach'd , till ( voyd of earthly feare ) by his couragious death , he much renown'd treuere . then of our natiue saints , the first that di'd abroad ; beatus , next to him shall fitly be bestow'd , in switzerland who preach'd , whom there those paynims slue , when greater in their place , though not in faith , ensue saint lucius ( call'd of vs ) the primer christned king , of th' ancient britons then , who led the glorious ring to all the saxon race , that here did him succeed , changing his regall robe to a religious weed , his rule in britaine left , and to heluetia hied , where he a bishop liu'd , a martyr lastly died . as constantine the great , that godly emperour , here first the christian church that did to peace restore , whose euer blessed birth , ( as by the power diuine ) the roman empire brought into the british line , constantinoples crowne , and th' ancient britans glory . so other here we haue to furnish vp our story , saint melon welneere , when the british church began , ( euen early in the raigne of romes valerian ) here leuing vs for rome , from thence to roan was cald , to preach vnto the french , where soone he was instauld her bishop : britaine so may of her gudwall vaunt , who first the flemmings taught , whose feast is held at gaunt . so others foorth she brought , to little britaine vow'd , saint wenlocke , and with him saint sampson , both 〈◊〉 apostles of that place , the first the abbot sole of tawrac , and the last sate on the see of dole : where dying , maglor then , thereof was bishop made , sent purposely from hence , that people to perswade , to keepe the christian faith : so goluin gaue we thither , who sainted being there , we set them here together . as of the weaker sex , that ages haue enshrin'd amongst the british dames , and worthily diuin'd : the finder of the crosse queene helena doth lead , who tough rome set a crowne on her emperiall head , yet in our britaine borne , and bred vp choicely here . emerita the next , king lucius sister deare , who in heluetia with her martyred brother di'd ; bright vrsula the third , who vndertooke to guide th'eleuen thousand mayds to little britaine sent , by seas and bloody men deuoured as they went : of which we find these foure haue been for saints preferd , ( and with their leader still doe liue incalenderd ) saint agnes , cordula , odillia , florence , which with wondrous sumptuous shrines those ages did inrich at cullen , where their liues most clearely are exprest , and yearely feasts obseru'd to them and all the rest . but when it came to passe the saxon powers had put the britans from these parts , and them o'r seuerne shut , the christian faith with her , then cambria had alone , with those that it receiu'd ( from this now england ) gone , whose cambrobritans so their saints as duely brought , t' aduance the christian faith , effectually that wrought , their dauid , ( one deriu'd of th'royall british blood ) who gainst palagius false and damn'd opinions stood , and turn'd menenias name to dauids sacred see , th patron of the welsh deseruing well to be : with cadock , next to whom comes canock , both which were prince brechans sonnes , who gaue the name to brecnocksheere ; the first a martyr made , a confessor the other . so clintanck , brecknocks prince , as from one selfe same mother , a saint vpon that sear , the other doth ensue , whom for the christian faith a pagan souldier slue . so bishops can shee bring , which of her saints shall bee , as asaph , who first gaue that name vnto that see ; of bangor , and may boast saint dauid which her wan much reuerence , and with these owdock and telean , both bishops of landaff , and saints in their succession ; two other following these , both in the 〈◊〉 profession , saint dubric whose report old carleon yet doth carry , and elery in northwales , who built a monastery , in which himselfe became the abot , to his praise , and spent in almes and prayer the remnant of his dayes . but leauing these diuin'd , to decuman we come , in northwales who was crown'd with glorious martyrdome . iustinian , as that man a sainted place deseru'd , who still to feed his soule , his sinfull body steru'd : and for that height in zeale , whereto he did attaine , there by his fellow monkes most cruelly was slaine . so cambria , beno bare ; and gildas , which doth grace old bangor , and by whose learn'd writings we imbrace , the knowledge of those times ; the fruits of whose iust pen , shall liue for euer fresh , with all truth-searching men : then other , which for hers old cambria doth auerre , saint senan , and with him wee set saint deiferre , then tather will we take , and chyned to the rest , with brauk , who so much the i le of bardsey blest by his most powerfull prayer , to solitude that liu'd , and of all worldly care his zealous soule depriu'd . of these , some liu'd not long , some wondrous aged were , but in the mountaines liu'd , all hermits here and there . o more then mortall men , whose faith and earnest prayers , not onely bare ye hence , but were those mightie stayres by which you went to heauen , and god so clearely saw , as this vaine earthly pompe had not the power to draw your eleuated soules , but once to looke so low , as those depressed paths , wherein base worldlings goe . what mind doth not admire the knowledge of these men ? but zealous muse returne vnto thy taske agen . these holy men at home , as here they were bestow'd , so cambria had such too , as famous were abroad . sophy king gulicks sonne of northwales , who had seene the sepulchre three times , and more , seuen times had beene on pilgrimage at rome , of beniuentum there the painfull bishop made ; by him so place we here , saint mackloue , from northwales to little britaine sent , that people to conuert , who resolutely bent , of athelney in time the bishop there became , which her first title chang'd , and tooke his proper name . so she her virgins had , and vow'd as were the best : saint keyne prince brechans child , ( a man so highly blest , that thirtie borne to him all saints accounted were . ) saint inthwar so apart shall with these other beare , who out of false suspect was by her brother slaine . then vvinifrid , whose name yet famous doth remaine , whose fountaine in northwales intitled by her name , for mosse , and for the stones that be about the same , is sounded through this i le , and to this latter age is of our romists held their latest pilgrimage . but when the saxons here so strongly did reside , and surely seated once , as owners to abide ; when nothing in the world to their desire was wanting , except the christian faith , for whose substantiall planting , saint augustine from rome was to this iland sent ; and comming through large france , ariuing first in kent , conuerted to the faith king ethelbert , till then vnchristened that had liu'd , with all his kentishmen , and of their chiefest towne , now canterbury cald , the bishop first was made , and on that see instauld . foure other , and with him for knowledge great in name , that in this mighty worke of our conuersion came , lawrence , melitus then , with iustus , and honorius , in this great christian worke , all which had beene laborious , to venerable age , each comming in degree , succeeded him againe in canterbury see , as peter borne in france , with these and made our owne , and pauline whose great zeale , was by his preaching showne . the first to abbots state , wise austen did preferre , and to the latter gaue the see of rochester ; all canoniz'd for saints , as worthy sure they were , for establishing the faith , which was receiued here . few countries where our christ had ere been preached then , but sent into this i le some of their godly men . from persia led by zeale , so iue this iland sought , and neere our easterne fennes a fit place finding , taught the faith : which place from him the name alone deriues , and of that sainted man since called is saint-iues ; such reuerence to her selfe that time deuotion wan . so sun-burnt affrick sent vs holy adrian , who preacht the christian faith here nine and thirtie yeere , an abbot in this isle , and to this nation deare , that in our countrey two prouinciall synods cald , t'reforme the church that time with heresies enthrald . so denmarke henry sent t' encrease our holy store , who falling in from thence vpon our northerne shore in th' isle of * cochet liu'd , neere to the mouth of tyne , in fasting as in prayer , a man so much diuine , that onely thrice a weeke on homely cates he fed , and three times in the weeke himselfe he silenced , that in remembrance of this most abstenious man , vpon his blessed death the english men began , by him to name their babes , which it so frequent brings , which name hath honoured been by many english kings . so burgundy to vs three men most reuerent bare , amongst our other saints , that claime to haue their share , of which was felix first , who in th'east-saxon raigne , conuerted to the faith king sigbert : him againe ensueth anselme , whom augusta sent vs in , and hugh , whose holy life , to christ did many win , by * henry th' empresse sonne holpe hither , and to haue him wholly to be ours , the see of lincolne gaue . so lumbardy to vs , our reuerent lanfranck lent , for whom into this land king william conqueror sent , and canterburies see to his wise charge assign'd . nor france to these for hers was any whit behind , for grimbald shee vs gaue ( as peter long before , who with saint austen came , to preach vpon this shore ) by alsred hither cald , who him an abbot made , who by his godly life , and preaching did perswade , the saxons to beleeue the true and quickning word : so after long againe she likewise did afford , saint o smond , whom the see of salsbury doth owne , a bishop once of hers , and in our conquest knowne , when hither to that end their norman william came , remigius then , whose mind , that worke of ours of fame , rich lincolne minster shewes , where he a bishop sat , which ( it should seeme ) he built for men to wonder at . so potent were the powers of church-men in those dayes . then henry nam'd of bloys , from france who crost the seas , with stephen earle of bloys his brother , after king , in vvinchesters rich see , who him establishing , he in those troublous times in preaching tooke such paine , as he by them was not canonized in vaine . as other countries here , their holy men bestow'd ; so britaine likewise sent her saints to them abroad , and into neighbouring france , our most religious went , saint clare that natiue was of rochester in kent , at volcasyne came vow'd the french instructing there , so early ere the truth amongst them did appeare , that more then halfe a god they thought that reuerent man. our iudock , so in france such fame our nation wan , for holinesse , where long an abbots life he led at pontoyse , and so much was honoured , that being dead , and after threescore yeares ( their latest period dated ) his body taken vp , was solemnly translated . as ceofrid , that sometime of wyremouth abbot was , in his returne from rome , as he through france did passe , at langres left his life , whose holinesse euen yet , vpon his reuerent graue , in memory doth sit . saint alkwin so for ours , we english boast againe , the tutor that became to mightie charlemaigne , that holy man , whose heart was so with goodnesse fild , as out of zeale he wan that mightie king to build that academy now at paris , whose foundation through all the christian world hath so renown'd that nation , as well declares his wealth , that had the power to doe it , as his most liuely zeale , perswading him vnto it . as simon cald the saint of burdeux , which so wrought , by preaching there the truth , that happily he brought the people of those parts , from paganisme , wherein their vnbeleeuing soules so long had nuzled bin . so in the norman rule , two most religious were , amongst ours that in france dispersed here and there , preach'd to that nation long , saint hugh , who borne our owne , in our first henries rule sate on the see of roan , where 〈◊〉 he was long . saint edmund so againe , who banished from hence in our third henries raigne , there led an hermits life neere pontoyse , where before , saint iudock did the like ) whose honour to restore , religious lewes there interr'd with wondrous cost , of whose rich funerall france deseruedly may boast . then main we adde to these , an abbot here of ours , to little britaine sent , imploying all his powers to bring them to the faith , which he so well effected , that since he as a saint hath euer been respected . as these of ours in france , so had wee those did show in germany , as well the higher , as the low , their faith : in freezeland first saint boniface our best , who of the see of mentz , whilst there he sate possest , at dockum had his death , by faithlesse frizians slaine , whose anniuersaries there did after long remaine . so wigbert full of faith , and heauenly wisedome went vnto the selfe same place , as with the same intent ; with eglemond a man as great with god as he ; as they agreed in life , so did their ends agree , both by radbodius slaine , who ruld in frizia then : so in the sacred roule of our religious men , in freeze that preach'd the faith we of saint lullus read , who in the 〈◊〉 of mentz did boniface succeed ; and willihad that of bren , that sacred seat supplide , so holy that him there , they halfely deifide ; with marchelme , and with him our plechelme , holy men , that to the freezes now , and to the saxons then , in germany abroad the glorious gospell spread , who at their liues depart , their bodies gathered , were at old-seell enshrin'd , their obijts yearely kept : such as on them haue had as many praises heap'd , that in their liues the truth as constantly confest , as th' other that their faith by martyrdome exprest . in freeze , as these of ours , their names did famous leaue , againe so had we those as much renown'd in cleaue ; saint swibert , and with him saint willick , which from hence , to cleeue-land held their way , and in the truths defence pawn'd their religious liues , and as they went together , so one and selfe same place allotted was to either : for both of them at wert in cleaueland seated were , saint swibert bishop was , saint willick abbot there . so guelderland againe shall our most holy bring , as edilbert the sonne of edilbald the king of our south-saxon rule , incessantly that taught the guelders , whose blest dayes vnto their period brought , vnto his reuerent corpse , old haerlem harbour gaue ; so werensrid againe , and otger both we haue , who to those people preach'd , whose praise that country tells . what nation names a saint , for vertue that excels saint german who for christ his bishoprick forsooke , and in the netherlands most humbly him betooke , from place to place to passe , the secrets to reueale , of our deare sauiours death , and last of all to seale his doctrine with his blood : in belgia so abroad , saint 〈◊〉 in like sort , his blessed time bestow'd , whose reliques wormshault ( yet ) in flanders hath reseru'd , of these , th'rebellious 〈◊〉 ( to winne them heauen ) that staru'd . saint menigold , a man , who in his youth had beene a souldier , and the french , and german warres had seene , a hermit last became , his sinfull soule to saue , to whom good arnulph , that most godly emperour gaue some ground not farre from leedge , his hermitage to set , whose floore when with his teares , he many a day had wet , he for the christian faith vpon the same was slaine : so did th' erwaldi there most worthily attaine their martyrs glorious types , to ireland first approou'd , but after ( in their 〈◊〉 ) as need requir'd remoou'd , they to westphalia went , and as they brothers were , so they , the christian faith together preaching there , th' old pagan saxons slew , out of their hatred deepe to the true faith , whose shrines braue cullen still doth keepe . so adler one of ours , by england set apart for germany , and sent that people to conuert , of erford bishop made , there also had his end . saint liphard like wise to our martyraloge shall lend , who hauing been at rome on pilgrimage , to see the reliques of the saints , supposed there to bee , returning by the way of germany , at last , preaching the christian faith , as he through cambray past , the pagan people slew , whose reliques huncourt hath ; these others so we had , which trode the selfe same path in germany , which shee most reuerently imbrac'd . saint iohn a man of ours , on salzburgs see was plac'd ; saint willibald of eist the bishop so became , and burchard english borne , the man most great of name , of witzburg bishop was , at hohemburg that reard the monastery , wherein he richly was interd . so mastreight vnto her saint willibord did call , and seated him vpon her see episcopall , as two saint lebwins there amongst the rest are brought ; th' one o'r isells banks the ancient saxons taught : at ouer isell rests , the other did apply , the gueldres , and by them interd at deuentry . saint wynibald againe , at hidlemayne enioy'd the abbacy , in which his godly time employ'd in their conuersion there , which long time him withstood . saint gregory then , with vs sprung of the royall blood , and sonne to him whom we the elder edward stile , both court and country left , which he esteemed vile , which germany receau'd , where he at myniard led a strict monastick life , a saint aliue and dead . so had we some of ours for italy were prest , as well as these before , sent out into the east . king inas hauing done so great and wondrous things , as well might be suppos'd the works of sundry kings , erecting beautious phanes , and monuments so faire , as monarchs haue not since beene able to repaire , of many that he built , the least , in time when they haue ( by weake mens neglect ) been falne into decay : this realme by him enrich'd , he pouertie profest , in pilgrimage to rome , where meekly he deceast . as richard the deare sonne to lothar king of kent , when he his happy dayes religiously had spent ; and feeling the approch of his declining age , desirous to see rome in holy pilgrimage , into thy country com'n at leuca , left his life , whose myracles there done , yet to this day are rife . the patron of that place , so thusoany in thee , at faire mount-flascon still the memory shall bee of holy thomas there most reuerently interd , who sometime to the see of hereford preferd ; thence trauailing to rome , in his returne bereft his life by sicknesse , there to thee his body left . yet italy gaue not these honors all to them that visited her rome , but from ierusalem , some comming back through thee , and yeelding vp their spirits , on thy rich earth receiu'd their most deserued merits . o naples , as thine owne , in thy large territory , though to our countries praise , yet to thy greater glory , euen to this day the shrines religiously dost keepe , of many a blessed saint which in thy lap doth sleepe ! as eleutherius , com'n from visiting the tombe , thougau'st to him at arke in thy apulia roome to set his holy cell , where he an hermite dy'd , canonized her saint ; so hast thou glorifide saint gerrard , one of ours , ( aboue the former grac'd ) in such a sumptuous shrine at galinaro plac'd ; at sancto padre so , saint fulke hath euer fame , which from that reuerent man't should seeme deriu'd the name , his reliques there reseru'd ; so holy ardwins shrine is at ceprano kept , and honoured as diuine , for myracles , that there by his strong faith were wrought . mongst these selected men , the sepulchre that sought , and in thy realme arriu'd , their blessed soules resign'd : our bernards body yet at arpine we may find , vntill this present time , her patronizing saint . so countries more remote , with ours we did acquaint , as richard for the fame his holinesse had wonne , and for the wondrous things that through his prayers were done , from this his natiue home into calabria cald , and of saint andrewes there the bishop was instauld , for whom shee hath profest much reuerence to this land : saint william with this man , a paralell may stand , through all the christian world accounted so diuine , that trauelling from hence to holy pálestine , desirous that most blest ierusalem to see , ( in which the sauiours selfe so oft vouchsaft to be ) priour of that holy house by suffrages related , to th' sepulchre of christ , which there was dedicated ; to tyre in syria thence remou'd in little space , and in lesse time ordain'd archbishop of that place ; that god inspired man , with heauenly goodnesse fild , a saint amongst the rest deseruedly is held . yet italy , nor france , nor germany , those times imployd not all our men , but into colder clymes , they wandred through the world , their countries that forsooke . so sigfrid sent fromhence , deuoutly vndertooke those pagans wild and rude , of gothia to conuert , who hauing laboured long , with danger oft ingirt , was in his reuerent age for his deserued fee , by olaus king of goths , set on vexouia's see. to norway , and to those great north-east countries farre ; so gotebald gaue himselfe holding a christian warre with paynims , nothing else but heathenish rites that knew . as suethia to her selfe these men most reuerent drew , saint vlfrid of our saints , as famous there as any , nor scarcely find we one conuerting there so many . and henry in those dayes of oxsto bishop made , the first that swethen king , which cuer did perswade , on finland to make warre , to force them by the sword , when nothing else could serue to heare the powerfull word ; with eskill thither sent , to teach that barbarous nation , who on the passion day , there preaching on the passion , t' expresse the sauiours loue to mankind , taking paine , by cruell paynims hands was in the pulpit slaine , vpon that blessed day christ dyed for sinfull man , vpon that day for christ , his martyrs crowne he wan . so dauid drawne from hence into those farther parts , by preaching , who to pearce those paynims hardned hearts , incessantly proclaim'd christ iesus , with a crie against their heathen gods , and blind idolatry . into those colder clymes to people beastly rude , so others that were ours couragiously pursude , the planting of the truth , in zeale three most profound , the relish of whose names by likelinesse of sound , both in their liues and deaths , a likelinesse might show , as vnaman we name , and shunaman that goe , with wynaman their friend , which martyred gladly were in gothland , whilst they taught with christian patience there . nor those from vs that went , nor those that hither came from the remotest parts , were greater yet in name , then those residing here on many a goodly see , ( great bishops in account , now greater saints that be ) some such selected ones for pietie and zeale , as to the wretched world , more clearely could reueale , how much there might of god in mortall man be found in charitable workes , or such as did abound , which by their good successe in aftertimes were blest , were then related saints , as worthier then the rest . of canterbury here with those i will begin , that first archbishops see , on which there long hath bin so many men deuout , as rais'd that church so high , much reuerence , and haue wonne their holy hierarchy : of which he first that did with goodnesse so inflame the hearts of the deuout ( that from his proper name ) as one ( euen ) sent from god , the soules of men to saue the title vnto him , of deodat they gaue . the bishops brightwald next , and tatwin in we take , whom time may say , that saints it worthily did make succeeding in that see directly euen as they , here by the muse are plac'd , who spent both night and day by doctrine , or by deeds , instructing , doing good , in raising them were falne , or strengthening them that stood . then odo the seuere , who highly did adorne that see , ( yet being of vnchristened parents borne , whose country denmarke was , but in east england dwelt ) he being but a child , in his cleere bosome felt the most vndoubted truth , and yet vnbaptiz'd long ; but as he grew in yeares , in spirit so growing strong : and as the christian faith this holy man had taught , he likewise for that faith in sundry bartels fought . so dunstan as the rest arose through many sees , to this arch-type at last ascending by degrees , there by his power confirm'd , and strongly credit wonne , to many wondrous things , which he before had done . to whom when ( as they say ) the deuill once appear'd , this man so full of faith , not once at all afeard , strong conflicts with him had , in myracles most great . as egelnoth againe much grac'd that sacred seat , who for his godly deeds surnamed was the good , not boasting of his birth , though com'n of royall blood : for that , nor at the first , a monkes meane cowle despis'd , with winning men to god , who neuer was suffic'd . these men before exprest ; so eadsine next ensues , to propagate the truth , no toyle that did refuse ; in haralds time who liu'd , when william conqueror came , for holinesse of life , attain'd vnto that fame , that souldiers fierce and rude , that pitty neuer knew , were suddenly made mild , as changed in his view . this man with those before , most worthily related arch-saints , as in their sees arch-bishops consecrated . saint thomas becket then , which rome so much did hery , as to his christned name it added canterbury ; there to whose sumptuous shrine the neere succeeding ages , so mighty offrings sent , and made such pilgrimages , concerning whom , the world since then hath spent much breath , and many questions made both of his life and death : if he were truely iust , he hath his right ; if no , those times were much to blame , that haue him reckond so . then these from yorke ensue , whose liues as much haue grac'd that see , as these before in canterbury plac'd : saint wilfrid of her saints , we then the first will bring , who twice by egfrids ire , the sterne northumbrian king , expulst his sacred seat , most patiently it bare , the man for sacred gifts almost beyond compare . then bosa next to him as meeke and humble hearted , as the other full of grace , to whom great god imparted his mercies sundry wayes , as age vpon him came . and next him followeth iohn , who like wise bare the name , of beuerley , where he most happily was borne , whose holinesse did much his natiue place adorne , whose vigils had by those deuouter times bequests the ceremonies due to great and solemne feasts . so oswald of that seat , and cedwall sainted were , both reuerenc'd and renown'd archbishops , liuing there the former to that see , from worcester transfer'd , deceased , was againe at worcester inter'd : the other in that see a sepucher they chose , and did for his great zeale amongst the saints dispose , as william by descent com'n of the conquerors straine , whom 〈◊〉 ruling here did in his time ordaine archbishop of that see , among our saints doth fall , deria'd from those two seats , styld archiepiscopall . next these arch sees of ours , now london place doth take , which had those , of whom time saints worthily did make . as ceda , ( brother to that reuerent bishop chad , at lichfield in those times , his famous seat that had ) is sainted for that see amongst our reuerent men , from london though at length remoou'd to lestingen , a monastery , which then he richly had begun . him erkenwald ensues th' east english offa's sonne , his fathers kingly court , who for a crosiar sled , whose works such fame him wonne for ho linesse , that dead , time him enshrin'd in pauls , ( the mother of that see ) which with reuenues large , and priuiledges he had wondrously endow'd ; to goodnesse so affected , that he those abbayes great , from his owne power erected at chertsey neere to thames , and barking famous long . so roger hath a roome in these our sainted throng , who by his words and works so taught the way to heauen , as that great name to him sure was not vainely giuen . with winchester againe proceed we , which shall store vs with as many saints , as any see ( or more ) of whom we yet haue sung , ( as hcada there we haue ) who by his godly life , so good instructions gaue , as teaching that the way to make men to liue well , example vs assur'd , did preaching farre excell . our swithen then ensues , of him why ours i say , is that vpon his feast , his dedicated day , as it in haruest haps , so plow-men note thereby , th' ensuing fortie dayes be either wet or dry , as that day falleth out , whose myracles may wee beleeue those former times , he well might sainted bee . so frithstan for a saint incalendred we find , with brithstan not a whit the holyest man behind , canoniz'd , of which two , the former for respect of vertues in him found , the latter did elect to sit vpon his see , who likewise dying there , to ethelbald againe succeeding did appeare , the honour to a saint , as challenging his due . these formerly exprest , then elpheg doth ensue ; then ethelwald , of whom this almes-deed hath been told , that in a time of dearth his churches plate he sold , t'releeue the needy poore ; the churches wealth ( quoth he ) may be againe repayr'd , but so these cannot be . with these before exprest , so britwald forth she brought , by faith and earnest prayer his myracles that wrought , that such against the faith , that were most stony-hearted , by his religious life , haue lastly been conuerted . this man , when as our kings so much decayed were , as'twas suppos d their line would be extinguisht here , had in his dreame reueald , to whom all-doing heauen , the scepter of this land in after-times had giuen ; which in prophettick sort by him deliuered was , and as he stoutly spake , it truly came to passe . so other southerne sees , here either lesse or more , haue likewise had their saints , though not alike in store . of rochester , we haue saint ithamar , being then in those first times , first of our natiue english men residing on that seat ; so as an ayd to her , but singly sainted thus , we haue of chichester , saint richard , and with him saint gilbert , which doe stand enrold amongst the rest of this our mytred band , of whom such wondrous things , for truths deliuered are , as now may seeme to stretch 〈◊〉 strait beleefe too farre . and cimbert , of a saint had the deserued right , his yearely obijts long , done in the isle of wight ; a bishop , as some say , but certaine of what see , it scarcely can be proou'd , nor is it knowne to me . whilst sherburne was a see , and in her glory shone , and bodmin likewise had a bishop of her owne , whose diocesse that time contained cornwall ; these had as the rest their saints , deriued from their sees : the first , her adelme had , and hamond , and the last had patrock , for a saint that with the other past ; that were it fit for vs but to examine now those former times , these men for saints that did allow , and from our reading vrge , that others might as well related be for saints , as worthy euery deale . this scruteny of ours , would cleere that world thereby , and shew it to be voyd of partiality , that each man holy cald , was not canoniz'd here , but such whose liues by death had triall many a yeere . that see at norwich now establisht ( long not stird ) at eltham planted first , to norwich then transferd into our bedroule here , her humbert in doth bring , ( a counsellour that was to that most martyred king saint edmund ) who in their rude massacre then slaine , the title of a saint , his martyrdome doth gaine . so hereford hath had on her cathedrall seat , saint leofgar , a man by martyrdome made great , whom griffith prince of wales , that sowne which did subdue , ( o most vnhallowed deed ) vnmercifully slue . so worster , ( as those sees here sung by vs before ) hath likewise with her saints renown'd our natiue shore : saint egwin as her eld'st , with woolstan as the other , of whom she may be proud , to say shee was the mother , the churches champions both , for her that stoutly stood . lichfield hath those no whit lesse famous , nor lesse good : the first of whom is that most reuerent bishop chad , in those religious times for holinesse that had , the name aboue the best that liued in those dayes , that stories haue been stuft with his abundant praise ; who on the see of yorke being formerly instauld , yet when backe to that place saint wilfrid was recald , the seat to that good man he willingly resign'd , and to the quiet closse of lichfield him confin'd . so sexvlfe after him , then owen did supply , her trine of reuerent men , renown'd for sanctitie . as lincolne to the saints , our robert grosted lent , a perfect godly man , most learn'd and eloquent , then whom no bishop yet walkt in more vpright wayes , who durst reprooue proud rome , in her most prosperous dayes , whose life , of that next age the iustice well did show , which we may boldly say , for this we clearely know , had innocent the fourth the churches suffrage led , this man could not at rome haue been canonized . her sainted bishop iohn , so ely addes to these , yet neuer any one of all 〈◊〉 seuerall sees northumber land like thine , haue to these times been blest , which sent into this isle so many men profest , whilst hagustald had then a mother-churches stile , and lindisferne of vs now cald the holy-ile , was then a see before that durham was so great , and long ere carleill came to be a bishops seat . aidan , and finan both , most happily were found northumber land in thee , euen whilst thou didst abound with paganisme , which them thy oswin that good king , his people to conuert did in from scotland bring : as etta likewise hers , from malrorse that arose , being abbot of that place , whom the northumbers chose the bishopricke of ferne , and hagustald to hold . and cuthbert of whose life such myracles are told , as storie scarcely can the truth thereof maintaine , of th' old scotch-irish kings descended from the straine , to whom since they belong , i from them here must swerue , and till i thither come , their holinesse reserue , proceeding with the rest that on those sees haue showne , as edbert after these borne naturally our owne . the next which in that see saint cuthbert did succeed , his church then built of wood , and thatch'd with homely reed , he builded vp of stone , and couered sayre with lead , who in saint cuthberts graue they buried being dead , as his sad people he at his departing wild . so higbald after him a saint is likewise held , who when his proper see , as all the northren shore , were by the danes destroyd , he not dismayd the more , but making shift to get out of the cruell flame , his cleargie carrying foorth , preach'd wheresoere he came . and alwyn who the church at durham now , begun , which place before that time was strangely ouerrun with shrubs , and men for corne that plot had lately eard , where he that goodly phane to after ages reard , and thither his late seat from * lindisferne translated , which his cathedrall church by him was consecrated . so acca we account mongst those which haue been cald the saints of this our see , which sate at hagenstald , of which he bishop was , in that good age respected , in calenders preseru'd , in th'catalogues neglected , which since would seeme to shew the bishops as they came : then edilwald , which some ( since ) ethelwoolph doe name , at durham by some men supposed to reside more rightly , but by some at carleill iustifide , the first which rul'd that see , which * beauclerke did preferre , much gracing him , who was his only confessor . nor were they bishops thus related saints alone ; northumberland , but thou ( besides ) hast many a one , religious abbots , priests , and holy hermits then , canonized as well as thy great mytred men : two famous abbots first are in the ranke of these , whose abbayes touch'd the walls of thy two ancient seas . thy roysill ( in his time the tutillage that had of cuthbert that great saint , whose hopes then but a lad , exprest in riper yeares how greatly he might merit ) the man who had from god a prophesying spirit , foretelling many things ; and growing to be old , his very hower of death , was by an angell told . at malroyes this good man his sainting well did earne , saint oswald his againe at holy lindisferne , with ine a godly priest , supposd to haue his lere of cuthbert , and with him was herbert likewise there his fellow-pupill long , ( who as mine authour saith ) so great opinion had , of cuthbert and his faith , that at one time and place , he with that holy man , desir'd of god to dye , which by his prayer he wan . our venerable bede so forth that country brought , and worthily so nam'd , who of those ages sought the truth to vnderstand , impartially which he deliuered hath to time , in his records that we , things left so farre behind , before vs still may read , mongst our canoniz'd sort , who called is saint bede . a sort of hermits then , by thee to light are brought , who liu'd by almes , and prayer , the world respecting nought . our edilwald the priest , in ferne ( now holy i le ) which standeth from the firme to sea nine english mile , sate in his reuerent cell , as godrick thou canst show ; his head and beard as white as swan or driuen snow , at finchall threescore yeeres , a hermits life to lead ; their solitary way in thee did alrick tread , who in a forrest neere to carleill , in his age , bequeath'd himselfe to his more quiet hermitage . of wilgusse , so in thee northumberland we tell , whose most religious life hath merited so well , ( whose blood thou boasts to be of thy most royall straine ) that alkwin , master to that mightie charlemaigne , in verse his legend writ , who of our holy men , he him the subiect chose for his most learned pen. so oswyn , one of thy deare country thou canst show , to whom as for the rest for him we likewise owe much honour to thy earth , this godly man that gaue , whose reliques that great house of lesting long did saue , to sinders till it sanke : so benedict by thee , we haue amongst the rest , for saints that reckoned bee , of wyremouth worship'd long , her patron buried there , in that most goodly church , which he himselfe did reare . saint thomas so to vs northumberland thou lent'st , whom vp into the south , thou from his country sent'st ; for sanctitie of life , a man exceeding rare , who since that of his name so many saints there are , this man from others more , that times might vnderstand , they to his christened name added northumberland . nor in one country thus our saints confined were , but through this famous isle dispersed here and there : as yorkshire sent vs in saint robert to our store , at knarsborough most knowne , whereas he long before his blessed time bestowd ; then one as iust as he , ( if credit to those times attributed may be ) saint richard with the rest deseruing well a roome , which in that country once , at hampoole had a toombe . religious alred so , from rydall we receiue , the abbot , who to all posteritie did leaue , the fruits of his staid faith , deliuered by his pen. not of the least desert amongst our holiest men , one eusac then we had , but where his life he led , that doubt i , but am sure he was canonized , and was an abbot too , for sanctity much fam'd . then woolsey will we bring , of westminster so nam'd , and by that title knowne , in power and goodnesse great ; and meriting as well his sainting , as his seat. so haue we found three iohns , of sundry places here , of which ( three reuerent men ) two famous abbots were . the first saint albans shew'd , the second lewes had , another godly iohn we to these former add , to make them vp a trine , ( the name of saints that wonn ) who was a yorkshire man , and prior of berlington . so biren can we boast , a man most highly blest with the title of a saint , whose ashes long did rest at dorchester , where he was honoured many a day ; but of the place he held , books diuersly dare say , as they of gilbert doe , who founded those diuines , monasticks all that were , of him nam'd gilbertines : to which his order here , he thirteene houses built , when that most thankfull time , to shew he had not spilt his wealth on it in vaine , a saint hath made him here , at sempringham enshrin'd , a towne of lincolneshire . of sainted hermits then , a company we haue , to whom deuouter times this veneration gaue : as gwir in cornwall kept his solitary cage , and neoth by hunstock there , his holy hermitage , as guthlake , from his youth , who liu'd a souldier long , detesting the rude spoyles , done by the armed throng , the mad tumultuous world contemptibly forsooke , and to his quiet cell by crowland him betooke , free from all publique crowds , in that low fenny ground . as bertiline againe , was neere to stafford found : then in a forrest there , for solitude most fit , blest in a hermits life , by there enioying it . an hermit arnulph so in bedfordshire became , a man austere of life , in honour of whose name , time after built a towne , where this good man did liue , and did to it the name of arnulphsbury giue . these men , this wicked world respected not a hayre , but true professors were of pouertie and prayer . amongst these men which times haue honoured with the stile of confessors , ( made saints ) so euery little while , our martyrs haue com'n in , who sealed with their blood , that faith which th' other preach'd , gainst them that it withstood ; as 〈◊〉 , who had liu'd a herdsman , left his seat , though in the quiet fields , whereas he kept his neat , and leauing that his charge , he left the world withall , an anchorite and became , within a cloystred wall , inclosing vp himselfe , in prayer to spend his breath , but was too soone ( alas ) by pagans put to death . then woolstan , one of these , by his owne kinsman slaine at eusham , for that he did zealously maintaine the veritie of christ. as thomas , whom we call of douer , adding monke , and 〈◊〉 therewithall ; for that the barbarous danes he brauely did withstand , from ransacking the church , when here they put on land , by them was done to death , which rather he did chuse , then see their heathen hands those holy things abuse . two boyes of tender age , those elder saints ensue , of norwich william was , of lincolne little hugh , whom 〈◊〉 iewes ( rebellious that abide ) in mockery of our christ at easter ciucifi'd , those times 〈◊〉 euery one should their due honour haue , his freedome or his life , for iesus christ that gaue . so wiltshire with the rest her hermit vlfrick hath related for a saint , so famous in the faith , that 〈◊〉 ages since , his cell haue sought to find , at hasselburg , who had his obijts him assign'd . so 〈◊〉 we many kings most holy here at home , as 〈◊〉 of meaner ranke , which haue attaind that roome : northumberland , thy seat with saints did vs supply of thy 〈◊〉 kings ; of which high hierarchy was edwin , for the faith by heathenish hands inthrald , whom penda which to him the welsh cadwallyn cald , without all mercy slew : but he alone not dide by that proud mercian king , but penda yet beside , iust oswald likewise slew , at oswaldstree , who gaue that name vnto that place , as though time meant to saue his memory thereby , there suffring for the faith , as one whose life deseru'd that memory in death . so likewise in the roule of these northumbrian kings , with those that martyrs were , so foorth that country brings th'annoynted oswin next , in deira to ensue , whom osway that bruit king of wild bernitia slue : two kingdomes , which whilst then northumberland remain'd in greatnesse , were within her larger bounds contain'd ; this kingly martyr so , a saint was rightly crown'd . as alkmond one of hers for sanctity renown'd , king alreds christned sonne , a most religious prince , whom when the heathenish here by no meanes could conuince , ( their paganisme a pace declining to the wane ) at darby put to death , whom in a goodly phane , cald by his glorious name , his corpse the christians layd . what fame deseru'd your faith , ( were it but rightly wayd ) you pious princes then , in godlinesse so great ; why should not full-mouthd fame your praises oft repeat ? so 〈◊〉 her king , northumbria notes againe , in 〈◊〉 the next , though not the next in raigne , whom his false subiects slue , for that he did deface the heathenish saxon gods , and bound them to embrace the liuely quickning faith , which then began to spread . so for our sauiour christ , as these were martyred : there other holy kings were likewise , who confest , which those most zealous times haue sainted with the rest , king alfred that his christ he might more surely hold , left his northumbrian crowne , and soone became encould , at malroyse , in the land , whereof he had been king. so egbert to that prince , a paralell we bring , to oswoolph his next heire , his kingdome that resign'd , and presently himselfe at lindisferne confin'd , contemning courtly state , which earthly fooles adore : so ceonulph againe as this had done before , in that religious house , a cloystred man became , which many a blessed saint hath honoured with the name . nor those northumbrian kings the onely martyrs were , that in this seuen-fold rule the scepters once did beare , but that the mercian raigne , which pagan princes long , did terribly infest , had some her lords among , to the true christian faith much reuerence which did add our martyrologe to helpe : so happily shee had rufin , and vlfad , sonnes to wulphere , for desire they had t' imbrace the faith , by their most cruell sire were without pittie slaine , long ere to manhood growne , whose tender bodies had their burying rites at * stone . so kenelme , that the king of mercia should haue beene , before his first seuen yeares he fully out had seene , was slaine by his owne guard , for feare lest waxing old , that he the christian faith vndoubtedly would hold . so long it was ere truth could paganisme expell . then fremund , offa's sonne , of whom times long did tell , such wonders of his life and sanctitie , who fled his fathers kingly court , and after meekly led an hermits life in wales , where long he did remaine in penitence and prayer , till after he was slaine by cruell oswayes hands , the most inueterate foe , the christian faith here found : so etheldred shall goe with these our martyred saints , though onely he confest , since he of mercia was , a king who highly blest , faire bardncy , where his life religiously he spent , and meditating christ , thence to his sauiour went. nor our west-saxon raigne was any whit behind those of the other rules ( their best ) whose zeale wee find , amongst those sainted kings , whose fames are safeliest kept ; as cedwall , on whose head such praise all times haue heapt , that from a heathen prince , a holy pilgrim turn'd , repenting in his heart against the truth t' haue spurn'd , to rome on his bare feet his patience exercis'd , and in the christian faith there humbly was baptiz'd . so ethelwoolph , who sat on cedwalls ancient seat , for charitable deeds , who almost was as great , as any english king , at winchester enshrin'd , a man amongst our saints , most worthily deuin'd . two other kings as much our martyrologe may sted , saint edward , and with him comes in saint ethelred , by alfreda , the first , his stepmother was slaine , that her most loued sonne young ethelbert might raigne : the other in a storme , and deluge of the dane , for that he christned was , receau'd his deadly bane ; both which with wondrous cost , the english did interre , at wynburne this first saint , the last at winchester , where that west-saxon prince , good alfred buried was among our sainted kings , that well deserues to passe . nor were these westerne kings of the old saxon straine , more studious in those times , or stoutlier did maintaine the truth , then these of ours , the angles of the east , their neer'st and deer'st allies , which strongly did invest the * island with their name , of whose most holy kings , which iustly haue deseru'd their high canonizings , are sigfrid , whose deare death him worthily hath crownd , and edmund in his end , so wondrously renownd , for christs sake suffring death , by that blood-drowning dane , to whom those times first built that citie and that phane , whose ruines suffolke yet can to her glory show , when shee will haue the world of her past greatnesse know . as ethelbert againe alur'd with the report of more then earthly pompe , then in the mercian court , from the east-angles went , whilst mighty offa raign'd ; where , for he christned was , and christian-like abstain'd to idolatrize with them , fierce quenred , offa's queene most treacherously him slew out of th'inueterate spleene shee bare vnto the faith , whom we a saint adore . so edwald brother to saint edmund , sang before , a confessor we call , whom past times did interre , at dorcester by tame , ( now in our calender . ) amongst those kingdomes here , so kent account shall yeeld of three of her best blood , who in this christian field were mighty , of the which , king ethelbert shall stand the first ; who hauing brought saint augustine to land , himselfe first christned was , by whose example then , the faith grew after strong amongst his kentishmen . as ethelbrit againe , and ethelred his pheere , to edbald king of kent , who naturall nephewes were , for christ there suffring death , assume them places hye , amongst our martyred saints , commemorate at wye . to these two brothers , so two others come againe , and of as great discent in the 〈◊〉 straine : arwaldi of one name , whom ere king cedwall knew the true and liuely faith , he tyranously slew : who still amongst the saints haue their deserued right , whose vigils were obseru'd ( long ) in the isle of wight . remembred too the more , for being of one name , as of th' east-saxon line , king sebba so became a most religious monke , at london , where he led a strict retyred life , a saint aliue and dead . related for the like , so edgar we admit , that king , who ouer eight did soly monarch sit , and with our holyest saints for his endowments great , bestow'd vpon the church . with him we likewise seat that sumptuous shrined king , good edward , from the rest of that renowned name , by confessor exprest . to these our sainted kings , remembred in our song , those mayds and widdowed queenes , doe worthily belong , incloystred that became , and had the selfe same style , for fasting , almes , and prayer , renowned in our isle , as those that foorth to france , and germany we gaue , for holy charges there ; but here first let vs haue our mayd-made-saints at home , as hilderlie , with her we theorid thinke most fit , for whom those times auerre , a virgin strictlyer vow'd , hath hardly liued here . saint wulfshild then we bring , all which of barking were , and reckoned for the best , which most that house did grace , the last of which was long the abbesse of that place . so werburg , wulpheres child , ( of mercia that had been a persecuting king ) 〈◊〉 ermineld his queene , at ely honoured is , where her deare mother late , a recluse had remain'd , in her sole widdowed state : of which good audry was king ina's daughter bright , reflecting on those times so cleare a vestall light , as many a virgin-breast she fired with her zeale , the fruits of whose strong faith , to ages still reueale the glory of those times , by liberties she gaue , by which those easterne shires their priuiledges haue . of holy audries too , a sister here we haue , saint vvithburg , who her selfe to contemplation gaue , at deerham in her cell , where her due howres she kept , whose death with many a teare in norfolke was bewept . and in that isle againe , which beareth elies name , at ramsey , merwin so a vayled mayd became amongst our virgin-saints , where 〈◊〉 is enrold , the daughter that is nam'd of noble ethelwold , a great east-anglian earle , of ramsey abbas long , so of our mayden-saints , the female sex among . with milburg , mildred comes , and milwid , daughters deere , to meruald , who did then the mercian scepter beare . at vvenlock , milburg dy'd , ( a most religious mayd ) of which great abbay shee the first foundation layd : and thanet as her saint ( euen to this age ) doth herye her mildred . milwid was the like at canterbury . nor in this vtmost isle of thanet may we passe , saint eadburg abbesse there , who the deare daughter was , to ethelbert her lord , and kents first christened king , who in this place most first we with the former bring , translated ( as some say ) to flanders : but that i , as doubtfull of the truth , here dare not iustifie . king edgars sister so , saint edith , place may haue with these our maiden-saints , who to her powlsworth gaue immunities most large , and goodly liuings layd . which modwen , long before , a holy irish mayd , had founded in that place , with most deuout intent . as eanswine , eadwalds child , one of the kings of kent , at foulkston found a place ( giuen by her father there ) in which she gaue her selfe to abstinence and prayer . of the west-saxon rule , borne to three seuerall kings , foure holy virgins more the muse in order brings : saint ethelgiue the child to alfred , which we find , those more deuouter times at shaftsbury enshrin'd . then tetta in we take , at winburne on our way , which cuthreds sister was , who in those times did sway on the west-saxon seat , two other sacred mayds , as from their cradels vow'd to bidding of their beads . saint cuthburg , and with her saint quinburg , which we here succeedingly doe set , both as they sisters were , and abbesses againe of vvilton , which we gather , our virgin-band to grace , both hauing to their father religious ina , red with those which ruld the west , whose mothers sacred wombe with other saints was blest , as after shall be shew'd : an other virgin vow'd , and likewise for a saint amongst the rest allow'd ; to th' elder edward borne , bright eadburg , who for she , ( as fiue related saints of that blest name there be ) of vvilton abbasse was , they her of vvilton styl'd : was euer any mayd more mercifull , more mild , or sanctimonious knowne : but muse , on in our song , with other princely mayds , but first with those that sprung from penda , that great king of mercia ; holy tweed , and kinisdred , with these their sisters , kinisweed , and eadburg , last not least , at godmanchester all incloystred ; and to these saint tibba let vs call , in solitude to christ , that set her whole delight , in godmanchester made a constant anchorite . amongst which of that house , for saints that reckoned be , yet neuer any one more grac'd the 〈◊〉 then she . deriu'd of royall blood , as th' other elfled than neece to that mighty king , our english athelstan , at glastenbury shrin'd ; and one as great as shee , being edward out-lawes child , a mayd that liu'd to see the conquerour enter here , saint christian ( to vs knowne ) whose life by her cleere name diuinely was foreshowne . for holinesse of life , that as renowned were , and not lesse nobly borne , nor bred , produce we here ; saint hilda , and saint hien , the first of noble name , at strenshalt , tooke her vow , the other sister came to colchester , and grac'd the rich effexian shore : whose reliques many a day the world did there adore . and of our sainted mayds , the number to supply , of eadburg we allow , sometime at alsbury , to redwald then a king of the east-angles borne , a votresse as sincere as shee thereto was sworne . then pandwine we produce , whom this our natiue isle , as forraine parts much priz'd , and higher did instyle , the holyest english mayd , whose vigils long were held in lincolneshire ; yet not saint frideswid exceld , the abbesse of an house in oxford , of her kind the wonder ; nor that place , could hope the like to find . two sisters so we haue , both to deuotion plite , and worthily made saints ; the elder margarite , of katsby abbesse was , and alice , as we read , her sister on that seat , did happily succeed , at abington , which first receiu'd their liuing breath . then those northumbrian nymphs , all vayld , as full of faith , that country sent vs in , t' increase our virgin-band , faire elfled , oswalds child , king of northumberland , at strenshalt that was vaild . as mongst those many there , o ebba , whose cleere fame , time neuer shall out-weare , at coldingham , farre hence within that country plac'd ; the abbesse , who to keepe thy vayled virgins chast , which else thou fearst the danes would rauish , which possest this isle ; first of thy selfe and then of all the rest , the nose and vpper lip from your fayre faces keru'd , and from pollution so your hallowed house preseru'd . which when the danes perceiu'd , their hopes so farre deluded , setting the house on fire , their martyrdome concluded . as leofron , whose faith with others rightly wayd , shall shew her not out-match'd by any english mayd : who likewise when the dane with persecution storm'd , she here a martyrs part most gloriously perform'd . two holy mayds againe at whitby were renown'd , both abbesses thereof , and confessors are crown'd ; saint ethelfrid , with her saint congill , as a payre of abbesses therein , the one of which by prayer the wild-geese thence expeld , that island which annoy'd , by which their grasse and graine was many times destroy'd , which fall from off their wings , nor to the ayre can get from the forbidden place , till they be fully set . as these within this isle in cloysters were inclosd : so we our virgins had to forraine parts exposd ; as eadburg , ana's child , and sethred borne our owne , were abbesses of bridge , whose zeale to france was knowne : and ercongate againe we likewise thither sent , ( which ercombert begot , sometime a 〈◊〉 of kent ) a prioresse of that place ; burgundosora bare , at eureux the chaste rule , all which renowned are in france , which as this isle of them may freely boast , so germany some grac'd , from this their natiue coast . saint walburg heere extract from th'royall english line , was in that country made abbesse of heydentine . saint tecla to that place at ochenford they chose : from wynburne with the rest ( in dorsetshire ) arose chast agatha , with her went lioba along . from thence , two not the least these sacred mayds among , at biscopsen , by time encloystred and became . saint lewen so attayn'd an euerliuing name for martyrdome , which shee at 〈◊〉 wan , mayds seeming in their sex t' exceed the holyest man. nor had our virgins here for sanctitie the prize , but widdowed queenes as well , that being godly wise , forsaking second beds , the world with them forsooke , to strict retyred liues , and gladly them betooke to abstinence and prayer , and as sincerely liu'd , as when the fates of life king ethelwold depriu'd , that o'r the east-angles raign'd , bright heriswid his wife , betaking her to lead a strait monasticke life , departing hence to france , receau'd the holy vayle , and liued many a day incloystred there at kale . then keneburg in this our sainted front shall stand , to alfred the lou'd wife , king of northumberland , daughter to penda king of mercia , who though he himselfe most heathenish were , yet liu'd that age to see foure virgins and this queene , his children , consecrated of godmanchester all , and after saints related . as likewise of this sex , with saints that doth vs store , of the northumbrian line so haue we many more ; saint eanfled widdowed left , by osway raigning there , at strenshalt tooke her vaile , as ethelburg the pheere to edwin , ( rightly nam'd ) the holy , which possest northumbers sacred seat , her selfe that did inuest at lymming farre in kent , which country gaue her breath . so edeth as the rest after king sethricks death , which had the selfe same rule of vvilton abbesse was , where two vvest-saxon queenes for saints shall likewise passe , which in that selfe same house , saint edeth did succeed , saint ethelwid , which here put on her hallowed weed , king alreds , worthy wife , of vvestsex ; so againe did vvilfrid , edgars queene , ( so famous in his raigne ) then eadburg , ana's wife , receiued as the other , who as a saint her selfe , so likewise was she mother to two most holy mayds , as we before haue show'd at vvilton , ( which we say ) their happy time bestow'd , though she of barking was , a holy nunne profest , who in her husbands time , had raigned in the west : th' east-saxon line againe , so others to vs lent , as sexburg sometime queene to ercombert of kent , though ina's loued child , and audryes sister knowne , which ely in those dayes did for her abbesse owne . nor to saint o sith we lesse honour ought to giue , king sethreds widdowed queene , who ( when death did depriue th' essexian king of life ) became enrould at chich , whose shrine to her there built , the world did long enrich . two holy mercian queenes so widdowed , saints became , for sanctity much like , not much vnlike in name . king wulpheres widdowed pheere , queene ermineld , whose life at ely is renown'd , and ermenburg , the wife to meruald raigning there , a saint may safely passe , who to three virgin-saints the vertuous mother was , the remnant of her dayes , religiously that bare , immonastred in kent , where first she breath'd the ayre . king edgars mother so , is for a saint preferd , queene algyue , who ( they say ) at shipston was interd . so edward outlawes wife , saint agatha , we bring , by salomon begot , that great hungarian king ; who when she saw the wrong to edgar her deare sonne , by cruell harold first , then by the conquerour done , depriu'd his rightfull crowne , no hope it to recouer , a vestall habite tooke , and gaue the false world ouer . saint maud here not the least , though shee be set the last , and scarcely ouer-matcht by any that is past , our beauclearks queene , and borne to malcolme king of scots , whose sanctity was seene to wipe out all the spots were laid vpon her life , when shee her cloyster fled , and chastly gaue her selfe to her lou'd husbands bed , whom likewise for a saint those reuerend ages chose , with whom we at this time our catalogue will close . now rutland all this time , who held her highly wron'g , that shee should for the saints thus strangely be prolong'd , as that the muse such time vpon their praise should spend , sent in her ambling wash , faire vvelland to attend at stamford , which her streame doth eas'ly ouertake , of whom her mistresse flood seemes wondrous much to make ; for that she was alone the darling and delight of rutland , rauisht so with her beloued sight , as in her onely childs , a mothers heart may be : wherefore that she the least , yet fruitfulst shire should see , the honourable ranke shee had amongst the rest , the euer-labouring muse her beauties thus exprest . loue not thy selfe the lesse , although the least thou art , what thou in greatnesse wantst , wise nature doth impart in goodnesse of thy soyle ; and more delicious mould , suruaying all this isle , the sunne did nere behold . bring forth that british vale , and be it ne'r so rare , but catmus with that vale , for richnesse shall compare : what forrest-nymph is found , how braue so ere she be , but lyfield shewes her selfe as braue a nymph as shee ? what riuer euer rose from banke , or swelling hill , then rutlands wandring vvash , a delicater rill ? small shire that can produce to thy proportion good , one vale of speciall name , one forrest , and one flood . o catmus , thou faire vale , come on in grasse and come ; that beuer ne'r be sayd thy sister-hood to scorne , and let thy ocham boast , to haue no litle grace , that her they pleased fates , did in thy bosome place , and lyfield , as thou art a forrest , liue so free , that euery forrest-nymph may praise the sports in thee . and downe to wellands course , o wash , runne euer cleere , to honour , and to be much honoured by this shire . and here my canto ends , which kept the muse so long , that it may rather seeme a volume , then a song . the fiue and twentieth song . the argvment . tow'rds lincolnshire our progresse layd , vvee through deepe hollands ditches wade , fowling , and fishing in the fen ; then come wee next to kestiuen , and bringing wytham to her fall , on lindsey light wee last of all , her scite and pleasures to attend , and with the isle of axholme end . now in vpon thy earth , rich lincolnshire i straine , ( draine , at deeping , from whose street , the plentious ditches hemp bearing hollands fen , at spalding that doe fall together in their course , themselues as emptying all into one generall sewer , which seemeth to diuide , low holland from the high , which on their easterne side th'in bending ocean holds , from the norfolcean lands , to their more northern poynt , where * wainfleet drifted stands , doe shoulder out those seas , and lindsey bids her stay , because to that faire part , a challenge she doth lay . from fast and firmer earth , whereon the muse of late , trod with a steady foot , now with a slower gate , through * quicksands , beach , and ouze , the washes she must wade , where neptune euery day doth powerfully inuade the vast and queachy soyle , with hosts of wallowing waues , from whose impetuous force , that who himselfe not saues , by swift and sudden flight , is swallowed by the deepe , when from the wrathfull tydes the foming surges sweepe , the sands which lay all nak'd , to the wide heauen before , and turneth all to sea , which was but lately shore , from this our southerne part of holland , cal'd the low , where crowlands ruines yet , ( though almost buried ) show her mighty founders power , yet his more christian zeale , shee by the muses ayd , shall happily reueale her sundry sorts of fowle , from whose abundance she aboue all other tracts , may boast her selfe to be the mistris , ( and indeed ) to sit without compare , and for no worthlesse soyle , should in her glory share , from her moyst seat of flags , of bulrushes and reed , with her iust proper praise , thus holland doth proceed . yee acherusian fens , to mine resigne your glory , both that which lies within the goodly territory of naples , as that fen thesposia's earth vpon , whence that infernall flood , the smutted acheron shoues forth her sullen head , as thou most fatall fen , of which hetruria tells , the watry thrasimen , in history although thou highly seemst to boast , that haniball by thee o'rthrew the roman host. i scorne th' egyptian fen , which alexandria showes , proud mareotis , should my mightinesse oppose , or scythia , on whose face the sunne doth hardly shine , should her meotis thinke to match with this of mine , that couered all with snow continually doth stand . i stinking lerna hate , and the poore libian sand. * marica that wise nymph , to whom great neptune gaue the charge of all his shores , from drowning them to saue , abideth with me still vpon my seruice prest , and leaues the looser nymphs to wayt vpon the rest : in summer giuing earth , from which i sqare my * peat , and faster feedings by , for deere , for horse , and neat. my various * fleets for fowle , o who is he can tell , the species that in me for multitudes excell ! the duck , and mallard first , the falconers onely sport , ( of riuer-flights the chiefe , so that all other sort , they onely greene-fowle tearme ) in euery mere abound , that you would thinke they sate vpon the very ground , their numbers be so great , the waters couering quite , that rais'd , the spacious ayre is darkened with their flight ; yet still the dangerous dykes , from shot doe them secure , vvhere they from flash to flash , like the full epicure waft , as they lou'd to change their diet euery meale ; and neere to them ye see the lesser dibling teale in * bunehes , with the first that flie from mere to mere , as they aboue the rest were lords of earth and ayre . the gossander with them , my goodly fennes doe show his head as ebon blacke , the rest as white as snow , with whom the widgeon goes , the golden-eye , the smeath , and in odde scattred pits , the flags , and reeds beneath ; the coot , bald , else cleane black , that whitenesse it doth beare vpon the forehead star'd , the water-hen doth weare vpon her little tayle , in one small feather set . the vvater-woosell next , all ouer black as ieat , with various colours , black , greene , blew , red , russet , white , doe yeeld the gazing eye as variable delight , as doe those sundry fowles , whose seuerall plumes they be . the diuing dob-chick , here among the rest you see , now vp , now downe againe , that hard it is to prooue , whether vnder water most it liueth , or aboue : with which last little fowle , ( that water may not lacke ; more then the dob-chick doth , and more doth loue the * brack ) the puffin we compare , which comming to the dish , nice pallats hardly iudge , if it be flesh or fish . but wherefore should i stand vpon such to yes as these , that haue so goodly fowles , the wandring eye to please . here in my vaster pooles , as white as snow or milke , ( in water blacke as stix ) swimmes the wild swanne , the ilke , of hollanders so tearm'd , no niggard of his breath , ( as poets say of swannes , which onely sing in death ) but oft as other birds , is heard his tunnes to roat , which like a trumpet comes , from his long arched throat , and tow'rds this watry kind , about the flashes brimme , some clouen-footed are , by nature not to swimme . there stalks the stately crane , as though he march'd in warre , by him that hath the herne , which ( by the fishy carre ) can fetch with their long necks , out of the rush and reed , snigs , fry , and yellow frogs , whereon they often feed : and vnder them againe , ( that water neuer take , but by some ditches side , or little shallow lake lye dabling night and day ) the pallat-pleasing snite , the bidcocke , and like them the redshanke , that delight together still to be , in some small reedy bed , in which these little fowles in summers time were bred . the buzzing bitter sits , which through his hollow bill , a sudden bellowing sends , which many times doth fill the neighbouring marsh with noyse , as though a bull did roare ; but scarcely haue i yet recited halfe my store : and with my wondrous flocks of wild-geese come i then , which looke as though alone they peopled all the fen , which here in winter time , when all is ouerflow'd , and want of sollid sward inforceth them abroad , th' abundance then is seene , that my full fennes doe yeeld , that almost through the ifle , doe pester euery field . the barnacles with them , which wheresoere they breed , on trees , or rotten ships , yet to my fennes for feed continually they come , and chiefe abode doe make , and very hardly forc'd my plenty to forsake : who almost all this kind doe challenge as mine owne , whose like i dare auerre , is elsewhere hardly knowne . for sure vnlesse in me , no one yet euer saw the multitudes of fowle , in mooting time they draw : from which to many a one , much profit doth accrue . now such as flying feed , next these i must pursue ; the sea-meaw , sea-pye , gull , and curlew heere doe keepe , as searching euery shole , and watching euery deepe , to find the floating fry , with their sharpe-pearcing sight , which suddenly they take , by stouping from their height . the cormorant then comes , ( by his deuouring kind ) which flying o'r the fen , imediatly doth find the fleet best stor'd of fish , when from his wings at full , as though he shot himselfe into the thickned skull , he vnder water goes , and so the shoale purfues , which into creeks doe flie , when quickly he doth chuse , the fin that likes him best , and rising , flying feeds . the ospray oft here seene , though seldome here it breeds , which ouer them the fish no sooner doe espie , but ( betwixt him and them , by an antipathy ) turning their bellies vp , as though their death they saw , they at his pleasure lye , to ftuffe his glutt'nous maw . the toyling fisher here is tewing of his net : the fowler is imployd his lymed twigs to set . one vnderneath his horse , to get a shoot doth stalke ; another ouer dykes vpon his stilts doth walke : there other with their spades , the peats are squaring out , and others from their carres , are busily about , to draw out sedge and reed , for thatch and stouer fit , that whosoeuer would a landskip rightly hit , beholding but my fennes , shall with more shapes be stor'd , then germany , or france , or thuscan can afford : and for that part of me , which men high holland call , where boston seated is , by plenteous wythams fall , i peremptory am , large neptunes liquid field , doth to no other tract the like aboundance yeeld . for that of all the seas inuironing this isle , our irish , spanish , french , how e'r we them enstyle , the german is the great'st , and it is onely i , that doe vpon the same with most aduantage lye . what fish can any shore , or british sea-towne show , that 's eatable to vs , that it doth not bestow abundantly thereon ? the herring king of sea , the faster feeding cod , the mackrell brought by may , the daintie sole , and plaice , the dabb , as of their blood ; the conger finely sous'd , hote summers coolest food ; the whiting knowne to all , a generall wholesome dish ; the gurnet , rochet , mayd , and mullet , dainty fish ; the haddock , turbet , bert , fish nourishing and strong ; the thornback , and the scate , prouocatiue among : the weauer , which although his prickles venom bee , by fishers cut away , which buyers seldome see : yet for the fish he beares , t is not accounted bad ; the sea-flounder is here as common as the shad ; the sturgeon cut to keggs , ( too big to handle whole ) giues many a dainty bit out of his lusty iole . yet of rich neptunes store , whilst thus i idely chat , thinke not that all betwixt the wherpoole , and the sprat , i goe about to name , that were to take in hand , the atomy to tell , or to cast vp the sand ; but on the english coast , those most that vsuall are , wherewith the staules from thence doe furnish vs for farre ; amongst whose sundry sorts , since thus farre i am in , i le of our shell-fish speake , with these of scale and fin : the sperme-increasing crab , much cooking that doth aske , the big-legg'd lobster , fit for wanton venus taske , voluptuaries oft take rather then for food , and that the same effect which worketh in the blood the rough long oyster is , much like the lobster limb'd : the oyster hote as they , the mussle often trimd with orient pearle within , as thereby nature show'd , that she some secret good had on that shell bestow'd : the scallop cordiall iudgd , the dainty wilk and limp , the periwincle , prawne , the cockle , and the shrimpe , for wanton womens tasts or for weake stomacks bought . when kestiven this while that certainly had thought , her tongue would ne'r haue stopt , quoth shee , o how i hate , thus of her foggy fennes , to heare rude holland prate , that with her fish and fowle , here keepeth such a coyle , as her vnwholesome ayre , and more vnwholesome foyle , for these of which shee boasts , the more might suffred be ; when those her feathered flocks she sends not out to me , wherein cleare witham they , and many a little brooke , ( in which the sunne it selfe may well be proud to looke ) haue made their flesh more sweet by my refined food , from that so ramish tast of her most fulsome mud , when the toyld cater home them to the kitchen brings , the cooke doth cast them out , as most vnsauory things . besides , what is she else , but a foule woosie marsh , and that shee calls her grasse , so blady is , and harsh , as cuts the cattels mouthes , constrain'd thereon to feed , so that my poorest trash , which mine call rush and reed , for litter scarcely fit , that to the dung i throw , doth like the penny grasse , or the pure clouer show , compared with her best : and for her sundry fish , of which she freely boasts , to furnish euery dish . did not full neptunes fields so furnish her with store , those in the ditches bred , within her muddy moore , are of so earthy taste , as that the rauenous crow will rather starue , thereon her stomack then bestow . from stamford as along my tract tow'rd lincolne straines , what shire is there can shew more valuable vaines of soyle then is in mee ? or where can there be found , so faire and fertile fields , or sheep-walks nere so sound ? where doth the pleasant ayre resent a sweeter breath ? what countrey can produce a delicater heath , then that which her faire name from * ancaster doth hold ? through all the neighboring shires , whose praise shall still be told , which flora in the spring doth with such wealth adorne , that beuer needs not much her company to scorne , though shee a vale lye low , and this a heath sit hye , yet doth she not alone , allure the wondring eye with prospect from each part , but that her pleasant ground giues all that may content , the well-breath'd horse and hound : and from the britans yet , to shew what then i was , one of the roman wayes neere through my midst did passe : besides to my much praise , there hath been in my mould their painted pauements found , and armes of perfect gold . they neere the saxons raigne , that in this tract did dwell , all other of this isle , for that they would excell for churches euery where , so rich and goodly rear'd in euery little dorpe , that after-times haue fear'd t' attempt so mighty workes ; yet one aboue the rest , in which it may be thought , they stroue to doe their best , of pleasant grantham is , that piramis so hye , rear'd ( as it might be thought ) to ouertop the skie , the traueller that strikes into a wondrous maze , as on his horse he fits , on that proud height to gaze . when vvytham that this while a listning eare had laid , to hearken ( for her selfe ) what kestiuen had said , much pleasd with this report , for that she was the earth from whom she onely had her sweet and seasoned birth , from vvytham which that name deriued from her springs , thus as she trips along , this dainty riuelet sings . ye easie ambling streames , which way soe'r you runne , or tow'rds the pleasant rise , or tow'rds the mid-day sunne : by which ( as some suppose by vse that haue them tride ) your waters in their course are neatly purifi'd . be what you are , or can , i not your beauties feare , when neptune shall commaund the naiades t' appeare . in riuer what is found , in me that is not rare : yet for my wel-fed pykes , i am without compare . from wytham mine owne towne , first watred with my sourse , as to the easterne sea , i hasten on my course . who sees so pleasant plaines , or is of fairer seene , whose swains in shepheards gray , and gyrles in lincolne greene ? whilst some the rings of bells , and some the bag-pipes ply , dance many a merry round , and many a hydegy . i enuy , any brooke should in my pleasure share , yet for my daintie pykes , i am without compare . no land-floods can mee force to ouer-proud a height ; nor am i in my course , too crooked , or too streight : my depths fall by descents , too long , nor yet too broad , my foards with pebbles , cleare as orient pearles , are strowd ; my gentle winding banks , with sundry flowers are drest , the higher rising heaths , hold distance with my brest . thus to her proper song , the burthen still she bare ; yet for my dainty pykes , i am without compare . by this to lincolne com'n , vpon whose loftie scite , whilst wistly wytham looks with wonderfull delight , enamoured of the state , and beautie of the place , that her of all the rest especially doth grace , leauing her former course , in which she first set forth , which seemed to haue been directly to the north : shee runnes her siluer front into the muddy fen , which lyes into the east , in her deepe iourney , when cleare ban a pretty brooke , from lyndsey comming downe , delicious wytham leads to holy botulphs towne , vvhere proudly she puts in amongst the great resort , that their appearance make in neptunes watry court. now lyndsey all this while , that duely did attend , till both her riuals thus had fully made an end of their so tedious talke , when lastly shee replyes ; loe , brauely here she sits , that both your states defies . faire lincolne is mine owne , which lies vpon my south , as likewise to the north , great humbers swelling mouth encircles me , twixt which in length i brauely lye : o who can me the best , before them both deny ? nor britaine in her bounds , scarce such a tract can show , whose shore like to the backe of a well-bended bow , the ocean beareth out , and euery where so thicke , the villages and dorps vpon my bosome sticke , that it is very hard for any to define , whether vp-land most i be , 〈◊〉 am maratine . what is there that compleat can any country make , that in large measure i , ( faire linasey ) not pertake , as healthy heaths , and woods faire dales , and pleasant hils , all watred here and there , with pretty creeping rills , fat pasture , mellow gleabe , and of that kind what can , giue nourishment to beast , or benefit to man , as kestiuen doth boast , her vvytham so haue i , my ancum ( onely mine ) whose fame as farre doth flie , for fat and daintie eeles , as hers doth for her pyke , which makes the prouerbe vp ; the world hath not the like . from razin her cleere springs , where first she doth ariue , as in an euen course , to humber foorth doth driue , faire barton shee salutes , which from her scite out-braues rough humber , when he striues to shew his sternest waues . now for my bounds to speake , few 〈◊〉 ( i thinke ) there be , ( and search through all this isle ) to paralell with mee : great humber holds me north , as i haue said before ) from whom ( euen ) all along , vpon the easterne shore , the german oceanlyes ; and on my southerne side , cleere wytham in her course , me fairely doth diuide from holland ; and from thence the fosdyke is my bound , which our first henry cut from lincolne , where he found , commodities by trent , from humber to conuay : so nature , the cleere trent doth fortunatly lay , to ward me on the west , though farther i extend , and in my larger bounds doe largely comprehend full axholme , ( which those neere , the fertile doe instile ) which idle , don , and trent , imbracing make an isle . but wherefore of my bounds , thus onely doe i boast , when that which holland seemes to vaunt her on the most , by me is ouermatcht ; the fowle which shee doth breed : shee in her foggy fennes , so moorishly doth feed , that phisick oft forbids the patient them for food , but mine more ayrie are , and make fine spirits and blood : for neere this batning isle , in me is to be seene , more then on any earth , the plouer gray , and greene , the corne-land-louing quayle , the daintiest of our bits , the rayle , which seldome comes , but vpon rich mens spits : the puet , godwit , stint , the pallat that allure , the miser and doe make a wastfull epicure : the knot , that called was canutus bird of old , of that great king of danes , his name that still doth hold , his apetite to please , that farre and neere was sought , for him ( as some haue sayd ) from denmarke hither brought the dotterell , which we thinke a very daintie dish , whose taking makes such sport , as man no more can wish ; for as you creepe , or cowre , or lye , or stoupe , or goe , so marking you ( with care ) the apish bird doth doe , and acting euery thing , doth neuer marke the net , till he be in the snare , which men for him haue set . the big-boan'd bustard then , whose body beares that size , that he against the wind must runne , e're he can rise : the shouler , which so shakes the ayre with saily wings , that euer as he flyes , you still would thinke he sings . these fowles , with other soyles , although they frequent be , yet are they found most sweet and delicate in me . thus whilst shee seemes t' extoll in her peculiar praise , the muse which seem'd too slacke , in these too low-pitcht layes , for nobler height prepares , her oblique course , and casts a new booke to begin , an end of this shee hasts . the sixe and twentieth song . the argvment . three shires at once this song assayes , by various and vnvsuall wayes . at nottingham first comming in , the vale of beuer doth begin ; tow'rds lester then her course shee holds , and sayling o'r the pleasant oulds , shee fetcheth soare downe from her springs , by charnwood , which to trent shee brings , then showes the braueries of that flood , makes sherwood sing her robin hood ; then rouzes vp the aged peake , and of her wonders makes her speake : thence darwin downe by darby tends , and at her fall , to trent , it ends . now scarcely on this tract the muse had entrance made , enclining to the south , but beuers batning slade receiueth her to guest , whose comming had too long put off her rightfull praise , when thus her selfe she sung . three shires there are ( quoth she ) in me their parts that claime , large lincolne , rutland rich , and th'norths eye nottingham . but in the last of these since most of me doth lye , to that my most-lou'd shire my selfe i must apply . not eusham that proud nymph , although she still pretend her selfe the first of vales , and though abroad she send her awfull dread command , that all should tribute pay to her as our great queene ; nor white-horse , though her clay of siluer seeme to be , new melted , nor the vale of alsbury , whose grasse seemes giuen out by tale , for it so silken is , nor any of our kind , or what , or where they be , or howsoere inclind , me beuer shall out braue , that in my state doe scorne , by any of them all ( once ) to be ouerborne , with theirs , doe but compare the country where i lye , my hill , and oulds will say , they are the islands eye . consider next my scite , and say it doth excell ; then come vnto my soyle , and you shall see it swell , with euery grasse and graine , that britaine forth can bring : i challenge any vale , to shew me but that thing i cannot shew to her , ( that truly is mine owne ) besides i dare thus boast , that i as farre am knowne , as any of them all , the south their names doth sound , the spacious north doth mee , that there is scarcely found a roomth for any else , it is so fild with mine , which but a little wants of making me diuine : nor barren am of brookes , for that i still reteine two neat and daintie rills , the little snyte , and deane , that from the louely oulds , their beautious parent sprong from the lecestrian fields , come on with me along , till both within one banke , they on my north are meint , and where i end , they fall , at newarck , into trent . hence wandring as the muse delightfully beholds the beautie of the large , and goodly full-flockd oulds , shee on the left hand 〈◊〉 old lecester , and flyes , vntill the fertile earth glut her insatiate eyes , from rich to richer still , that 〈◊〉 her before , vntill shee come to cease vpon the head of soare , where * fosse , and watling cut each other in their course at * sharnford , where at first her soft and gentle sourse , to her but shallow bankes , beginneth to repayre , of all this beautious isle , the delicatest ayre ; whence softly sallying out , as loath the place to leaue , shee sence a pretty rill doth courteously receiue : for swift , a little brooke , which certainly shee thought downe to the banks of trent , would safely her haue brought , because their natiue springs so neerely were allyde , her sister soare forsooke , and wholly her applide to auon , as with her continually to keepe , and wayt on her along to the sabrinian deepe . thus with her hand-mayd sence , the soare doth eas'ly slide by lecester , where yet her ruines show her pride , demolisht many yeares , that of the great foundation of her long buried walls , men hardly see the station ; yet of some pieces found , so sure the cyment locks the stones , that they remaine like perdurable rocks : where whilst the louely soare , with many a deare imbrace , is solacing her selfe with this delightfull place , the forrest , which the name of that braue towne doth beare , with many a goodly wreath , crownes her disheueld hayre , and in her gallant greene , her lusty liuery showes her selfe to this faire flood , which mildly as shee flowes , reciprocally likes her length and breadth to see , as also how shee keepes her fertile purlues free : the herds of fallow deere shee on the launds doth feed , as hauing in her selfe to furnish euery need . but now since gentle soare , such leasure seemes to take , the muse in her behalfe this strong defence doth make , against the neighbour floods , for that which tax her so , and her a channell call , because she is so slow . the cause is that shee lyes vpon so low a flat , where nature most of all befriended her in that , the longer to enioy the good she doth possesse : for had those ( with such speed that forward seeme to presse ) so many dainty meads , and pastures theirs to be , they then would wish themselues to be as slow as she , who well may be compar'd to some young tender mayd , entring some princes court , which is for pompe arayd , who led from roome to roome amazed is to see the furnitures and states , which all imbroyderies be , the rich and sumptuous beds , with tester-couering plumes , and various as the sutes , so various the persumes , large galleries , where piece with piece doth seeme to striue , of pictures done to life , landskip , and perspectiue , thence goodly gardens sees , where antique statues stand in stone and copper , cut by many a skilfull hand , where euery thing to gaze , her more and more entices , thinking at once shee sees a thousand paradices , goes softly on , as though before she saw the last , she long'd againe to see , what she had slightly past . so the enticing soyle the soare along doth lead , as wondring in her selfe , at many a spacious mead ; when charnwood from the rocks salutes her wished sight , ( of many a wood-god woo'd ) her darling and delight , whose beautie whilst that soare is pawsing to behold cleere wreakin comming in , from waltham on the ould , brings eye , a pretty brooke , to beare her siluer traine , which on by melton make , and tripping o'r the plaine , here finding her surpriz'd with proud mount-sorrels sight , by quickning of her course , more eas'ly doth inuite her to the goodly trent , where as she goes along by loughborough , she thus of that faire forrest sung . o charnwood , be thou cald the choycest of thy kind , the like in any place , what flood hath hapt to find ? no tract in all this isle , the proudest let her be , can shew a syluan nymph , for beautie like to thee : the satyrs , and the fawnes , by dian set to keepe , rough hilles , and forrest holts , were sadly seene to weepe , when thy high-palmed harts the sport of bowes and hounds , by gripple borderers hands , were banished thy grounds . the driades that were wont about thy lawnes to roue , to trip from wood to wood , and scud from groue to groue , on * sharpley that were seene , and * cadmans aged rocks , against the rising sunne , to brayd their siluer locks ; and with the harmelesse elues , on heathy * bardons height , by cynthia's colder beames to play them night by night , exil'd their sweet aboad , to poore bare commons fled , they with the okes that liu'd , now with the okes are dead . who will describe to life , a forrest , let him take thy surface to himselfe , nor shall he need to make an other forme at all , where oft in thee is found fine sharpe but easie hills , which reuerently are crownd with aged antique rocks , to which the goats and sheepe , ( to him that stands remoat ) doe softly seeme to creepe , to gnaw the little shrubs , on their steepe sides that grow ; vpon whose other part , on some descending brow , huge stones are hanging out , as though they downe would drop , where vnder-growing okes , on their old shoulders prop the others hory heads , which still seeme to decline , and in a dimble neere , ( euen as a place diuine , for contemplation fit ) an iuy-seeled bower , as nature had therein ordayn'd some syluan power ; as men may very oft at great assemblies see , where many of most choyce , and wondred beauties be : for stature one doth seeme the best away to beare ; another for her shape , to stand beyond compare ; another for the fine composure of a face : another short of these , yet for a modest grace before them all preferd ; amongst the rest yet one , adiudg'd by all to bee , so perfect paragon , that all those parts in her together simply dwell , for which the other doe so seuerally excell . my charnwood like the last , hath in her selfe alone , what excellent can be in any forrest showne , on whom when thus the soare had these high praises spent , she easily slid away into her soueraigne trent , who hauing wandred long , at length began to leaue her natiue countries bounds , and kindly doth receiue the lesser tame , and messe , the messe a daintie rill , neere charnwood rising first , where she begins to fill her banks , which all her course on both sides doe abound with heath and finny olds , and often gleaby ground , till croxals fertill earth doth comfort her at last when shee is entring trent ; but i was like t' aue past the other sence , whose source doth rise not farre from hers , by ancor , that her selfe to famous trent prefers , the second of that name , allotted to this shire , a name but hardly found in any place but here ; nor is to many knowne , this country that frequent . but muse returne at last , attend the princely trent , who straining on in state , the norths imperious flood , the third of england cald , with many a daintie wood , being crown'd to burton comes , to needwood where she showes her selfe in all her pompe ; and as from thence she flowes , shee takes into her traine rich doue , and darwin cleere , darwin , whose fount and fall are both in darbysheere ; and of those thirtie floods , that wayt the trent vpon , doth stand without compare , the very paragon . thus wandring at her will , as vncontrould shee ranges , her often varying forme , as variously and changes . first erwash , and then lyne , sweet sherwood sends her in ; then looking wyde , as one that newly wak'd had bin , saluted from the north , with nottinghams proud height , so strongly is surpriz'd , and taken with the sight , that shee from running wild , but hardly can refraine , to view in how great state , as she along doth straine , that braue exalted seat , beholdeth her in pride , as how the large-spread meads vpon the other side , all flourishing in flowers , and rich embroyderies drest , in which she sees her selfe aboue her neighbours blest . as rap'd with the delights , that her this prospect brings , in her peculiar praise , loe thus the riuer sings . what should i care at all , from what my name i take , that thirtie doth import , that thirty riuers make ; my greatnesse what it is , or thirty abbayes great , that on my fruitfull banks , times formerly did seat : or thirtie kinds of fish , that in my streames doe liue , to me this name of trent did from that number giue . what reack i : let great thames , since by his fortune he is soueraigne of vs all that here in britaine be ; from isis , and old tame , his pedigree deriue : and for the second place , proud seuerne that doth striue , fetch her discent from wales , from that proud mountaine sprung , plinillimon , whose praise is frequent them among , as of that princely mayd , whose name she boasts to beare , bright sabrin , which she holds as her vndoubted heyre . let these imperious floods draw downe their long discent from these so famous stocks , and only say of trent , that moorelands barren earth me first to light did bring , which though she be but browne , my cleere complexiond spring , gain'd with the nymphs such grace , that when i first did rise , the naiades on my brim , danc'd wanton hydagies , and on her spacious breast , with heaths that doth abound ) encircled my faire fount with many a lustie round : and of the british floods , though but the third i be , yet thames , and seuerne both in this come short of me , for that i am the mere of england , that diuides the north part from the south , on my so either sides , that reckoning how these tracts in compasse be extent , men bound them on the north , or on the south of trent ; their banks are barren sands , if but compar'd with mine , through my perspicuous breast , the pearly pebbles shine : i throw my christall armes along the flowry vallies , which lying sleeke , and smooth , as any garden-allies , doe giue me leaue to play , whilst they doe court my streame , and crowne my winding banks with many an anademe : my siluer-scaled skuls about my streames doe sweepe , now in the shallow foords , now in the falling deepe : so that of euery kind , the new-spawn'd numerous frie seeme in me as the sands that on my shore doe lye . the barbell , then which fish , a brauer doth not swimme , nor greater for the ford within my spacious brimme , nor ( newly taken ) more the curious taste doth please ; the greling , whose great spawne is big as any pease ; the pearch with pricking finnes , against the pike prepar'd , as nature had there on bestow'd this stronger guard , his daintinesse to keepe , ( each curious pallats proofe ) from his vile rauenous foe : next him i name the ruffe , his very neere ally , and both for scale and fin , in taste , and for his bayte ( indeed ) his next of kin ; the pretty slender dare , of many cald the dace , within my liquid glasse , when phebus lookes his face , oft swiftly as he swimmes , his siluer belly showes , but with such nimble slight , that ere yee can disclose his shape , out of your sight like lightning he is shot . the trout by nature markt with many a crimson spot , as though shee curious were in him aboue the rest , and of fresh-water fish , did note him for the best ; the roche , whose common kind to euery flood doth fall ; the chub , ( whose neater name ) which some a cheuin call , food to the tyrant pyke , ( most being in his power ) who for their numerous store he most doth them deuoure ; the lustie salmon then , from neptunes watry realme , when as his season serues , stemming my tydefull streame , then being in his kind , in me his pleasure takes , ( for whom the fisher then all other game forsakes ) which bending of himselfe to th' fashion of a ring , aboue the forced weares , himselfe doth nimbly fling , and often when the net hath dragd him safe to land , is seene by naturall force to scape his murderers hand ; whose graine doth rise in flakes , with fatnesse interlarded , of many a liquorish lip , that highly is regarded . and humber , to whose waste i pay my watry store , me of her sturgeons sends , that i thereby the more should haue my beauties grac'd , with some thing from him sent : not ancums siluered eele exceedeth that of trent ; though the sweet-smelling smelt be more in thames then me , the lamprey , and his * lesse , in seuerne generall be ; the flounder smooth and flat , in other riuers caught , perhaps in greater store , yet better are not thought : the daintie gudgcon , loche , the minnow , and the bleake , since they but little are , i little need to speake of them , nor doth it fit mee much of those to reck , vvhich euery where are found in euery little beck ; nor of the crayfish here , which creepes amongst my stones , from all the rest alone , whose shell is all his bones : for carpe , the tench , and breame , my other store among , to lakes and standing pooles , that chiefly doe belong , here scowring in my foards , feed in my waters cleere , are muddy fish in ponds to that which they are heere . from nottingham , neere which this riuer first begun , this song , she the meane while , by newarke hauing run , receiuing little snyte , from beuers batning grounds , at gaynsborough goes out , where the lincolnian bounds . yet sherwood all this while not satisfi'd to show her loue to princely trent , as downward shee doth flow , her meden and her man , shee downe from mansfield sends to idle for her ayd , by whom she recommends her loue to that braue queene of waters , her to meet , vvhen she tow'rds humber comes , do humbly kisse her feet , and clip her till shee grace great humber with her fall . when sherwood somewhat backe , the forward muse doth call ; for shee was let to know , that soare had in her song so chanted charnwoods worth , the riuers that along , amongst the neighbouring nymphs , there was no other layes , but those which seem'd to sound of charnwood , and her praise : vvhich sherwood tooke to heart , and very much disdain'd , ( as one that had both long , and worthily maintain'd the title of the great'st , and brauest of her kind ) to fall so farre below , one wretchedly confin'd within a furlongs space , to her large skirts compar'd : wherefore shee as a nymph that neither fear'd , nor car'd for ought to her might chance , by others loue or hate , vvith resolution arm'd , against the power of fate , all selfe-praise set apart , determineth to sing that lustie robin hood , who long time like a king within her compasse liu'd , and when he lift to range for some rich booty set , or else his ayre to change , to sherwood still retyr'd , his onely standing court , whose praise the forrest thus doth pleasantly report . the merry pranks he playd , would aske an age to tell , and the aduentures strange that robin hood befell , when mansfield many a time for robin hath bin layd , how he hath cosned them , that him would haue betrayd ; how often he hath come to nottingham disguisd , and cunningly escapt , being set to be surprizd . in this our spacious isle , i thinke there is not one , but he hath heard some talke of him and little iohn ; and to the end of time , the tales shall ne'r be done , of scarlock , george a greene , and much the millers sonne , of tuck the merry frier , which many a sermon made , in praise of robin hood , his out-lawes , and their trade . an hundred valiant men had this braue robin hood , still ready at his call , that bow-men were right good , all clad in lincolne greene , with caps of red and blew , his fellowes winded horne , not one of them but knew , when setting to their lips their little beugles shrill , the warbling eccho's wakt from euery dale and hill : their bauldricks set with studs , athwart their shoulders cast , to which vnder their armes , their sheafes were buckled fast , a short sword at their belt , a buckler scarse a span , who strooke below the knee , not counted then a man : all made of spanish yew , their bowes were wondrous strong ; they not an arrow drew , but was a cloth-yard long . of archery they had the very perfect craft , with broad-arrow , or but , or prick , or rouing shaft , at markes full fortie score , they vs'd to prick , and roue , yet higher then the breast , for compasse neuer stroue ; yet at the farthest marke a foot could hardly win : at long-buts , short , and hoyles , each one could cleaue the pin : their arrowes finely pair'd , for timber , and for feather , with birch and brazill peec'd , to flie in any weather ; and shot they with the round , the square , or forked pyle , the loose gaue such a twang , as might be heard a myle . and of these archers braue , there was not any one , but he could kill a deere his 〈◊〉 speed vpon , which they did boyle and rost , in many a mightie wood , sharpe hunger the fine sauce to their more kingly food . then taking them to rest , his merry men and hee slept many a 〈◊〉 night vnder the 〈◊〉 tree . from wealthy abbots chests , and churles abundant store , what often times he tooke , he shar'd amongst the poore : no lordly bishop came in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 way , to him before he went , but for his passe must pay : the widdow in distresse he graciously relieu'd , and remedied the wrongs of many a virgin grieu'd : he from the husbands bed no married woman wan , but to his mistris deare , his loued marian was euer constant knowne , which wheresoere shee came , was soueraigne of the woods , chiefe lady of the game : her clothes tuck'd to the knee , and daintie braided haire , vvith bow and quiuer arm'd , shee wandred here and there , amongst the forrests wild ; diana neuer knew such pleasures , nor such harts as mariana slew . of merry robin hood , and of his merrier men , the song had 〈◊〉 ceas'd , when as the muse agen vvades * erwash , ( that at hand ) on sherwoods setting side , the nottinghamian fields , and derbian doth diuide , and northward from her springs , haps scardale forth to find , which like her mistris peake , is naturally enclind to thrust forth ragged cleeues , with which she scattered lyes , as busie nature here could not her selfe suffice , of this oft-altring earth the sundry shapes to show , that from my entrance here , doth rough and rougher grow , which of a lowly dale , although the name it beare , you by the rocks might think that it a mountaine were , from which it takes the name of scardale , which exprest , is the hard 〈◊〉 of rocks , of chesterfield possest , by her which is instild ; where rother from her rist , ibber , and crawley hath , and gunno , that assist her weaker wandring streame tow'rds yorkeshire as she wends , so scardale tow'rds the same , that louely 〈◊〉 sends , that helps the fertile seat of axholme to in-isle : but to th'vnwearied muse the peake appeares the while , a withered beldam long , with bleared watrish eyes , with many a bleake storme dim'd , which often to the skies shee cast , and oft toth' earth bow'd downe her aged head , her meager wrinkled face , being sullyed still with lead , which sitting in the workes , and poring o'r the mines , which shee out of the oare continually refines : for shee a chimist was , and natures secrets knew , and from amongst the lead , she 〈◊〉 drew , and christall there congeal'd , ( by her enstyled flowers ) and in all medcins knew their most effectuall powers . the spirits that haunt the mynes , she could command and tame , and bind them as she list in saturns dreadfull name : shee mil-stones from the quarrs , with sharpned picks could get , and dainty whetstones make , the dull-edgd tooles to whet . wherefore the peake as proud of her laborious toyle , as others of their corne , or goodnesse of their soyle , thinking the time was long , till shee her tale had told , her wonders one by one , thus plainly doth vnfold . my dreadfull daughters borne , your mothers deare delight , great natures chiefest worke , wherein shee shew'd her might ; yee darke and hollow caues , the pourtratures of hell , where fogs , and misty damps continually doe dwell ; o yee my onely loyes , my darlings , in whose eyes , horror assumes her seat , from whose abiding flyes thicke vapours , that like rugs still hang the troubled ayre , yee of your mother peake , the hope and onely care : o thou my first and best , of thy blacke entrance nam'd the diuels-arse , in me , o be thou not asham'd , nor thinke thy selfe difgrac'd , or hurt thereby at all , since from thy horror first men vs'd thee so to call : for as amongst the moores , the iettiest blacke are deem'd the beautifulst of them ; so are your kind esteem'd , the more ye gloomy are , more fearefull and obscure , ( that hardly any eye your sternnesse may endure ) the more yee famous are , and what name men can hit , that best may ye expresse , that best doth yee befit : for he that will attempt thy blacke and darksome iawes , in midst of summer meets with winters stormy flawes , cold dewes , that ouer head from thy foule roofe distill , and meeteth vnder foot , with a dead sullen rill , that acheron it selfe , a man would thinke he were imediately to passe , and stay'd for charon there ; thy flore drad caue , yet flat , though very rough it be , with often winding turnes : then come thou next to me , my prettie daughter poole , my second loued child , which by that noble name was happily enstild , of that more generous stock , long honor'd in this shire , of which amongst the rest , one being out-law'd here , for his strong refuge tooke this darke and vncouth place , an heyre-loome euer since , to that succeeding race : whose entrance though deprest below a mountaine steepe , besides so very strait , that who will see 't , must creepe into the mouth thereof , yet being once got in , a rude and ample roofe doth instantly begin to raise it selse aloft , and who 〈◊〉 doth intend the length thereof to seo , still going must ascend on mightie slippery stones , as by a winding stayre , which of a kind of base darke alablaster are , of strange and sundry formes , both in the roofe and floore , as nature show'd in thee , what ne'r was seene before . for elden thou my third , a wonder i preferre before the other two , which perpendicular diue'st downe into the ground , as if an entrance were through earth to lead to hell , ye well might iudge it here , whose depth is so immense , and wondrously profound , as that long line which serues the deepest sea to sound , her bottome neuer wrought , as though the vast descent , through this terrestriall globe directly poynting went our antipods to see , and with her gloomy eyes , to glote vpon those starres , to vs that neuer rise ; that downe into this hole if that a stone yee throw , an acres length from thence , ( some say that ) yee may goe , and comming backe thereto , with a still listning eare , may heare a sound as though that stone then falling were . yet for her caues , and holes , peake onely not excells , but that i can againe produce those wondrous wells of buckston , as i haue , that most delicious fount , which men the second bath of england doe account , which in the primer raignes , when first this well began to haue her vertues knowne vnto the blest saint anne , was consecrated then , which the same temper hath , as that most daintie spring , which at the famous bath , is by the crosse enstild , whose fame i much preferre , in that i doe compare my daintiest spring to her , nice sicknesses to cure , as also to preuent , and supple their cleare skinnes , which ladies oft frequent , most full , most faire , most sweet , and most delicious sourse . to this a second fount , that in her naturall course , as mighty neptune doth , so doth shee ebbe and flow , if some welsh shires report , that they the like can show . i answere those , that her shall so no wonder call , so farre from any sea , not any of them all . my caues , and fountaines thus deliuered you , for change . a little hill i haue , a wonder yet more strange , which though it be of light , and almost dusty sand , vnaltred with the wind , yet firmly doth it stand ; and running from the top , although it neuer cease , yet doth the foot thereof , no whit at all increase . nor is it at the top , the lower , or the lesse , as nature had ordain'd , that so it s owne excesse , should by some secret way within itselfe ascend , to feed the falling backe ; with this 〈◊〉 doe not end the wonders of the peake , for nothing that i haue , but it a wonders name doth very iustly craue : 〈◊〉 a forrest 〈◊〉 haue i , ( of which when any speake , of me they it enstile , the forrest , of the peake ) whose hills doe serue for brakes , the rocks 〈◊〉 shrubs and trees , to which the stag pursu'd , as to the 〈◊〉 flees ; like it in all this isle , for sternnesse there is none , where nature may be said to show you groues of stone , as she in little there , had 〈◊〉 compyld the modell of the vast arabian stony wyld . then as it is suppos'd , in england that there be seuen wonders : to my selfe so haue i here in me , my seauen before rehearc'd , allotted me by fate , her greatnesse , as therein ordain'd to imitate . no sooner had the peake her seuen proud wonders sung , but darwin from her 〈◊〉 , her mothers hills among , through many a crooked way , opposd with enuious rocks , comes tripping downe tow'rds trent ; and sees the goodly flocks fed by her mother peake ; and heards , ( for 〈◊〉 and haire , that hardly are put downe by those of lancashire , ) which on her mountaiues sides , and in her bottoms graze , on whose delightfull course , whilst vnknidge stands to gaze , and looke on her his fill ; doth on his tiptoes get , he nowstoll plainly sees , which likewise from the set , salutes her , and like friends , to heauen-hill farre away , thus from their lofty tops , were plainly heard to say . faire hill bee not so proud of thy so pleasant scite , who for thou giu'st the eye such wonderfull delight , from any mountaine neere , that glorious name of heauen , thy brauery to expresse , was to thy greatnesse giuen : nor cast thine eye so much on things that be aboue : for sawest thou as we doe , our darwin , thou wouldst loue her more then any thing , that so doth thee allure ; when darwin that by this her trauell could endure , takes now into her traine , ( from nowstoll her great sire , which shewes to take her name ) with many a winding gyre . then wandring through the wylds , at length the pretty wye , from her blacke mother poole , her nimbler course doth plye tow'rds darwin , and along from bakewell with her brings lathkell a little brooke , and headford , whose poore springs , but hardly them the name of riuerets can affoord ; when burbrook with the strength , that nature hath her stor'd , although but very small , yet much doth darwin sted . at worksworth on her way , when from the mynes of lead , browne eclesborne comes in , then amber from the east , of all the darbian nymphs of darwin lou'd the best , ( a delicater flood from fountaine neuer flow'd ) then comming to the towne , on which she first bestow'd her naturall * british name , her darby , so againe , her , to that ancient seat , doth kindly intertaine , where marten-brooke , although an easie shallow rill , there offereth all she hath , her mistris banks to fill , and all too little thinks that was on darwin spent ; from hence as shee departs , in trauailing to trent , backe goes the actiue muse , tow'rds lancashire amaine , where matter rests ynough her vigor to maintaine , and to the northern hills shall lead her on along , which now must wholly bee the subiect of my song . the seauen and twentieth song . the argvment . the circuit of this shire exprest , 〈◊〉 , and ribble then contest ; the muse next to the mosses flies , and to fayre wyre her selfe applies , the fishy lun then doth shee bring , the praise of lancashire to sing , the isle of man maintaines her plea , then falling eastward from that sea , on rugged furnesse , and his fells , of which this canto lastly tells . scarce could the labouring muse salute this liuely shire , but strait such shouts arose from euery mosse and mere , and riuers rushing downe , with such vnvsuall noyse , vpon their peably sholes , seem'd to expresse their ioyes , that mersey ( in her course which happily confines braue chesshire from this tract , two county palatines ) as rauish'd with the newes , along to lerpoole ran , that all the shores which lye to the * vergiuian , resounded with the shouts , so that from creeke to creeke , so iowd the ecchoes cry'd , that they were heard to shreeke to fournesse ridged front , whereas the rocky pile of foudra is at hand , to guard the out-layd isle of walney , and those grosse 〈◊〉 foggy 〈◊〉 awooke ; thence flying to the east , with their reuerberance shooke the clouds from pendles head , ( which as the people say , prognosticates to them a happy halcyon day ) rebounds on blackstonedge , and there by falling fils faire mersey , making in from the derbeian hills . but whilst the actiue muse thus nimbly goes about , of this large tract to lay the true demensions out , the neat lancastrain nymphes , for beauty that excell , that for the * hornpipe round doe beare away the bell ; some that about the banks of erwell make abode , with some that haue their seat by ribbles siluer road , in great contention fell , ( that mighty difference grew ) which of those floods deseru'd to haue the soueraigne due ; so that all future spleene , and quarrels to preuent , that likely was to rise about their long discent , before the neighbouring nymphs , their right they meane to plead , and first thus for her selfe the louely erwell sayd . yee lasses , quoth this flood , haue long and blindly cr'd , that ribble before me , so falsely haue prefer'd , that am a natiue borne , and my descent doe bring , from ancient gentry here , when ribble from her spring , an alien knowne to be , and from the mountaines rude of yorkshire getting strength , here boldly dares intrude vpon my proper earth , and through her mighty fall , is not asham'd her selfe of lancashire to call : whereas of all the nymphes that carefully attend my mistris merseys state , ther 's none that doth transcend my greatnesse with her grace , which doth me so preferre , that all is due to me , which doth belong to her . for though from blackstonedze the taume come tripping downe , and from that long-ridg'd rocke , her fathers high renowne , of mersey thinks from me , the place alone to winne , with my attending brooks , yet when i once come in , i out of count'nance quite doe put the nymph , for note , as from my fountaine i tow'rds mightier mersey float , first roch a dainty rill , from roch-dale her deare dame , who honored with the halfe of her sterne mothers name , growes proud , yet glad her selfe into my bankes to get , which spodden from her spring , a pretty riuelet , as her attendant brings , when irck addes to my store , and medlock to their much , by lending somewhat more , at manchester doe meet , all kneeling to my state , where braue i show my selfe ; then with a prouder gate , tow'rds mersey making on , great chatmosse at my fall , lyes full of turfe , and marle , her vnctuous minerall , and blocks as blacke as pitch , ( with boring-augars found ) there at the generall flood supposed to be drownd . thus chiefe of merseys traine , away with her i runne , when in her prosperous course shee watreth warrington , and her faire siluer load in lerpoole downe doth lay , a road none more renownd in the vergiuian sea. yee lustie lasses then , in lancashire that dwell , for beautie that are sayd to beare away the bell , your countries horn-pipe , yee so minsingly that tread , as ye the eg-pye loue , and apple cherry-red ; in all your mirthfull songs , and merry meetings tell , that erwell euery way doth ribble farre excell . her well-disposed speech had erwell scarcely done , but swift report there with imediatly doth runne to the virgiuian shores , among the mosses deepe , where alt a neighboring nymph for very ioy doth weepe , that symonds-wood , from whence the flood assumes her spring , excited with the same , was lowdly heard to ring ; and ouer all the moores , with shrill re-ecchoing sounds , the drooping fogs to driue from those grosse wat'y grounds , where those that toyle for turffe , with peating spades doc find fish liuing in that earth ( contrary to their kind ) which but that pontus , and heraclia likewise showes , the like in their like earth , that with like moisture flowes , and that such fish as these , had not been likewise found , within farre firmer earth , the paphlagonian ground , a wonder of this isle , this well might haue been thought but ribbell that this while for her aduantage wrought , of what shee had to say , doth well her selfe aduise , and to braue erwels speech , thus boldly she replies . with that , whereby the most thou thinkst me to disgrace , that i an alien am , ( not rightly of this place ) my greatest glory is , and lancashire therefore , to nature for my birth , beholding is the more ; that yorkshire , which all shires for largenesse doth exceed , a kingdome to be cald , that well deserues ( indeed ) and not a fountaine hath , that from her wombe doth flow within her spacious selfe , but that she can bestow ; to lancaster yet lends , me ribbell , from her store , which adds to my renowne , and makes her bountie more . from penigents proud foot , as from my source i slide , that mountaine my proud syre , in height of all his pride , takes pleasure in my course , as in his first-borne flood : and ingleborow hill of that olympian brood , with pendle , of the north the highest hills that be , doe wistly me behold , and are beheld of me , these mountaines make me proud , to gaze on me that stand : so long-ridge , once ariu'd on the lancastrian land , salutes me , and with smiles , me to his soyle inuites , so haue i many a flood , that forward me excites , as hodder , that from home attends me from my spring ; then caldor comming downe , from blackstonedze doth bring me eas'ly on my way , to preston the greatst towne , where with my banks are blest ; where at my going downe , cleere darwen on along me to the sea doth driue , and in my spacious fall no sooner i arriue , but sauock to the north , from longridge making way , to this my greatnesse adds , when in my ample bay , swart dulas comming in , from wiggin with her ayds , short taud , and dartow small , two little country mayds , ( in those low watry lands , and moory mosses bred ) doe see mee safely layd in mighty neptunes bed ; and cutting in my course , euen through the very heart of this renowned shire , so equally it part , as nature should haue said , loe thus i meant to doe ; this flood diuides this shire thus equally in two . ye mayds , the horne-pipe then , so minsingly that tread , as yee the egg-pye loue , and apple cherry-red ; in all your mirthfull songs , and merry meetings tell , that ribbell euery way , your erwell doth excell . heere ended shee againe , when mertons mosse and mere , vvith ribbels sole reply so much reuiued were , that all the shores resound the riuers good successe , and wondrous ioy there was all ouer * andernesse , vvhich straight conuayd the newes into the vpper land , where pendle , penigent , and ingleborow stand like gyants , and the rest doe proudly ouerlooke ; or atlas-like as though they onely vndertooke to vnder-prop high heauen , or the wide welkin dar'd , who in their ribbles praise ( be sure ) no speeches spar'd ; that the loud sounds from them downe to the forrests fell , to bowland braue in state , and wyersdale , which as well , as any syluan nymphes , their beautious scites may boast , whose eccho's sent the same all round about the coast , that there was not a nymph to iollity inclind , or of the wooddy brood , or of the watry kind , but at their fingers ends , they ribbels song could say , and perfectly the note vpon the bag-pipe play . that wyre , when once she knew how well these floods had sped , ( when their reports abroad in euery place was spred ) it vex'd her very heart , their eminence to see , their equall ( at the least ) who thought her selfe to be , determins at the last to neptunes court to goe , before his ample state , with humblenesse to show the wrongs she had sustain'd by her proud sisters spight , and offring them no wrong , to doe her greatnesse right ; arising but a rill at first from wyersdales lap , yet still receiuing strength from her full mothers pap , as downe to seaward she , her serious course doth ply , takes caldor comming in , to beare her company . from woolfcrags cliffy foot , a hill to her at hand , by that fayre forrest knowne , within her verge to stand . so bowland from her breast sends brock her to attend , as she a forrest is , so likewise doth shee send her child , on wyresdales flood , the dainty vvyre to wayt , with her assisting rills , when vvyre is once repleat : shee in her crooked course to seaward softly slides , where pellins mighty mosse , and mertons , on her sides their boggy breasts out lay , and skipton downe doth crawle , to entertaine this vvyer , attained to her fall : when whilst each wandring flood seem'd setled to admire , first erwell , ribbell then , and last of all this vvyre , that mighty wagers would haue willingly been layd , ( but that these matters were with much discretion staid ) some broyles about these brooks had surely been begun . when coker a coy nymph , that cleerely seemes to shun all popular applause , who from her christall head , in wyresdale , neere where wyre is by her fountaine fed , that by their naturall birth , they seeme ( in deed ) to twin , yet for her sisters pride shee careth not a pin , of none , and being help'd , she likewise helpeth none , but to the irish sea goes gently downe alone of any vndisturbd , till comming to her sound , endangered by the sands , with many a loftie bound , shee leaps against the tydes , and cries to christall lon , the flood that names the towne , from whence the shire begun , her title first to take , and loudly tells the flood , that if a little while she thus but trifling stood , these pettie brooks would bee before her still preferd . which the long-wandring lon , with good aduisement heard , as shee comes ambling on from westmerland , where first arising from her head , amongst the mountaines nurst , by many a pretty spring , that howerly getting strength , ariuing in her course in lancashire at length , to lonsdale showes her selfe , and louingly doth play with her deare daughter dale , which her frim cheeke doth lay to her cleere mothers breast , as minsingly she traces , and oft imbracing her , she oft againe imbraces , and on her darling smiles , with euery little gale . when lac the most lou'd child of this delicious dale , and wemming on the way , present their eithers spring . next them she henbourne hath , and robourne , which do bring their bounties in one banke , their mistris to preferre , that shee with greater state may come to lancaster , of her which takes the name , which likewise to the shire , the soueraigne title lends , and eminency , where to giue to this her towne , what rightly doth belong , of this most famous shire , our lun thus frames her song . first , that most precious thing , and pleasing most to man , who from him ( made of earth ) imediatly began , his shee selfe woman , which the goodliest of this isle , this country hath brought forth , that much doth grace my stile ; why should those ancients else , which so much knowing were , when they the blazons gaue to euery seuerall shire , fayre women as mine owne , haue titled due to me ? besides in all this isle , there no such cattell be , for largenesse , horne , and haire , as these of lancashire ; so that from euery part of england farre and neere , men haunt her marts for store , as from her race to breed . and for the third , wherein she doth all shires exceed , be those great race of hounds , the deepest mouth'd of all the other of this kind , which we our hunters call , which from their bellowing throats vpon a sent so roare , that you would surely thinke , that the firme earth they tore with their wide yawning chaps , or rent the clouds in sunder , as though by their lowd crie they meant to mocke the thunder . besides , her natiues haue been anciently esteem'd , for bow-men neere our best , and euer haue been deem'd so loyall , that the guard of our preceding kings , of them did most consist ; but yet mongst all these things , euen almost euer since the english crowne was set vpon the lawfull head , of our plantaginet , in honor , next the first , our dukedome was allow'd , and alwayes with the greatst , reuenewes was endow'd : and after when it hapt , france-conquering edwards blood diuided in it selfe , here for the garland 〈◊〉 ; the right lancastrian line , it from yorks issue bare ; the red-rose , our braue badge , which in their helmets ware , in many a bloody field , at many a doubtfull fight , against the house of yorke , which bare for theirs the white . and for my selfe there 's not the tiuy , nor the vvye , nor any of those nymphs , that to the southward lye , for salmon me excels ; and for this name of lun , that i am christned by , the britaines it begun , which fulnesse doth import , of waters still encrease : to neptune lowting low , when christall lun doth cease , and conder comming in , conducts her by the hand , till lastly shee salute the poynt of * sunderland , and leaues our dainty lun to amphitrites care . so blyth and bonny now the lads and lasses are , that euer as anon the bag-pipe vp doth blow , cast in a gallant round about the harth they goe , and at each pause they kisse , was neuer seene such rule in any place but heere , at boon-fire , or at yeule ; and euery village smokes at wakes with lusty cheere , then hey they cry for lun , and hey for lancashire ; that one high hill was heard to tell it to his brother , that instantly againe to tell it to some other : from hill againe to vale , from vale to hill it went , the high-lands they againe , it to the lower sent , the mud-exhausted meres , and mosses deepe among , with the report thereof , each road , and harbor rung ; the sea-nymphs with their song , so great a coyle doe keepe , they cease not to resound it ouer all the deepe , and acted it each day before the isle of man , who like an empresse sits in the virgiuian , by her that hath the calse , long walney , and the pyle , as hand-may ds to attend on her their soueraigne isle , to whom , so many though the hebrides doe show , acknowlege , that to her they due subiection owe : with corne and cattell stor'd , and what for hers is good , ( that we , nor ireland , need not scorne her neighbourhood ) her midst with mountaines set , of which , from * sceafels height , a cleere and perfect eye , the weather being bright , ( be neptunes visage ne'r so terrible and sterne ) the scotch , the irish shores , and th' english may discerne ; and what an empire can , the same this island brings her pedigrecs to show , her right successiue kings , her chronicles and can as easily rehearce , and with all forraine parts to haue had free commerce ; her municipiall lawes , and customes very old , belonging to her state , which strongly shee doth hold : this island , with the song of lun is taken so , as shee hath speciall cause before all other , who for her bituminous turfe , squar'd from her mossy ground , and trees farre vnder earth , ( by daily digging found , as for the store of oats , which her blacke gleabe doth beare , in euery one of these resembling lancashire , to her shee 'l stoutly stick , as to her neerest kin , and cries the day is ours , braue lancashire doth win . but yet this isle of man more seemes not to reioyce for lancashires good luck , nor with a louder voyce to sound it to the shores ; then furnesse whose sterne face , with mountaines set like warts , which nature as a grace bestow'd vpon this tract , whose browes doe looke so sterne , that when the nymphs of sea did first her front discerne , amazedly they fled , to amphitrite's bower . her grim aspect to see , which seem'd to them so sower , as it malign'd the rule which mighty neptune bare , whos 's fells to that grim god , most sterne and dreadfull are , with hills whose hanging browes , with rocks about are bound , whose weighty feet stand fixt in that blacke beachy ground , vvhereas those scattered trees , which naturally pertake , the fatnesse of the soyle ( in many a slimy lake , their roots so deeply sok'd ) send from their stocky bough , a soft and sappy gum , from which those tree-geese grow , call'd barnactes by vs , which like a ielly first to the beholder seeme , then by the fluxure nurst , still great and greater thriue , vntill you well may see them turn'd to perfect fowles , when dropping from the tree into the meery pond , which vnder them doth lye , vvaxe ripe , and taking wing , away in flockes doe flye , vvhich well our ancients did among our wonders place : besides by her strong scite , she doth receaue this grace , before her neighbouring tracts , ( which fournesse well may vaunt ) that when the saxons here their forces first did plant , and from the inner-land the ancient britains draue , to their distrest estate it no lesse succour gaue , then the trans seuern'd hills , which their old stocke yet stores , which now we call the welsh , or the cornubian shores. vvhat countrey lets ye see those soyles within her seat , but shee in little hath , what it can shew in great ? as first without her selfe at sea to make her strong , ( yet how soe'r expos'd , doth still to her belong ) and fence her furthest poynt , from that rough neptunes rage , the isle of walney lyes , whose longitude doth swage his 〈◊〉 when his waues , on furnesse seeme to warre , vvhose crooked back is arm'd with many a rugged * scarre against his boystrous shocks , which this defensiue isle of walney still assayle , that shee doth scorne the while , vvhich to assist her hath the pyle of fouldra set , and fulney at her backe , a pretty insulet , which all their forces bend , their furnesse safe to keepe : but to his inner earth , diuert we from the deepe , where those two mightie meres , out-stretcht in length do wander , the lesser thurstan nam'd , the famouser wynander , so bounded with her rocks , as nature would desery , by her how those great seas mediserranean lye . to sea-ward then shee hath her sundry sands agen , as that of dudden first , then leain , lastly ken , of three bright naiades nam'd , as dudden on the west , that cumberland cuts off from this shire , doth inuest those sands with her proud style , when leuin from the fells , besides her naturall source , with the abundance swells , which those two mighty meres , vpon her either side contrribute by recourse , that out of very pride , shee leaues her ancient name , and fosse her selfe doth call , till comming to the sands , euen almost at her fall , on them her ancient style shee liberally bestowes . vpon the east from these , cleere ken her beautie showes , from kendale comming in , which shee doth please to grace , first with her famous type , then lastly in her race , her name vpon those sands doth liberally bequeath , whereas the muse a while may sit her downe to breath , and after walke along tow'rds torkshire on her way , on which shee strongly hopes to get a noble day . the eight and twentieth song . the argvment . inuention hence her compasse steeres , towards yorke the most renown'd of shires , makes the three ridings in their stories , each seuerally to shew their glories . ouse for her most-lou'd cities sake , doth her dukes title vndertake ; his floods then humber welcomes in , and showes how first he did begin . the muse from blackstonedge , no whit dismaid at all , with sight of the large shire , on which shee was to fall , ( whose forrests , hils , & floods , then long for her ariue from lancashire , that lookt her beauties to contriue ) doth set her selfe to sing , of that aboue the rest a kingdome that doth seeme , a prouince at the least , to them that thinke themselues no simple shires to be ; but that wherein the world her greatnesse most may see , and that which doth this shire before the rest preferre , is of so many floods , and great , that rise from her , except some silly few out of her verge that flow , so neere to other shires , that it is hard to know , if that their springs be hers , or others them diuide , and those are onely found vpon her setting side . else be it noted well , remarkeable to all , that those from her that flow , in her together fall . nor can small praise beseeme so beaurious brooks as these , for from all other nymphs these be the nayades , in amphitrites bower , that princely places hold , to whom the orkes of sea dare not to be so bold , as rudely once to touch , and wheresoere they come , the tritons with their trumps proclaime them publique roome . now whiles the muse prepares these floods along to lead , the wide vvest-riding first , desires that shee may plead the right that her belongs , which of the muse she winnes , when with the course of don , thus she her tract begins . thou first of all my floods , whose banks doe bound my south , and offrest vp thy streame to mightie humbers mouth , of ewe , and climing elme , that crown'd with many a spray , from thy cleare fountaine first through many a mead dost play , till rother , whence the name of rotheram first begun , at that her christened towne doth loose her in my don , which proud of her recourse , tow'rds doncaster doth driue , her greatst and chiefest towne , the name that doth deriue from don's neere bordering banks , when holding on her race , shee dancing in and out , indenteth 〈◊〉 ' chase , whose brauery 〈◊〉 adds , new honors to her banke : when sherwood sends her in slow iddie , that made ranke with her profuse excesse , shee largely it bestowes on marshland , whose swolne wombe with such abundance flowes , as that her batning brest , her fatlings sooner feeds , and with more lauish waste then oft the grasier needs : whose soyle , as some report that be her borderers note , with th' water vnder earth vndoubtedly doth flote : for when the waters rise , it risen doth remaine high whilst the floods are high , and when they fall againe , it falleth : but at last , when as my linely don , along by marshlands side , her lusty course hath runne , the little wandring went , wonne by the lowd report of the magnifique state , and height of humbers court , drawes on to meet with don , at her approch to aire : now speake i of a flood , who thinks there 's none should dare ( once ) to compare with her , supposd by her discent , the darling daughter borne of loftie penigent , who from her fathers foot , by skipton downe doth scud , and leading thence to leeds , that delicatest flood , takes caldor comming in by wakefield , by whose force , as from a lusty flood , much strengthened in her course ; but caldor as shee comes , and greater still doth wax , and trauelling along by heading halifax , which horton once was cald , but of a virgins haire , ( a martyr that was made , for chastity , that there was by her louer slaine ) being fastned to a tree : the people that would needs it should a relique be , it halifax since nam'd , which in the northerne tongue , is holy haire : but thence as caldor comes along , it chanc'd shee in her course on kirkbey cast her eye , where merry robbin hood , that honest thiefe doth lye , beholding fitly too before how wakefield stood , shee doth not onely thinke of lustie robin hood , but of his merry man , the pindar of the towne of wakefield , george a greene , whose sames so farre are blowne , for their so valiant fight , that euery free mans song , can tell you of the same , quoth she be talk'd on long , for yee were merry lads , and those were merry dayes ; when aire to caldor calls , and bids her come her wayes , who likewise to her helpe , brings hebden , a small rill : thus aire holds on her course tow'rds humber , till she fill her fall with all the wealth that don can her affoord . quoth the vvest-riding thus , with riuers am i stor'd . next guide i on my vvharfe , the great'st in her degree , and that i well may call the worthicst of the three , who her full fountaine takes from my wast westerne wild , ( vvhence all but mountaineers , by nature are exild ) on langstrethdale , and lights at th'entrance of her race , vvhen keeping on her course , along through barden chase , shee watreth wharfdales breast , which proudly beares her name ; for by that time shee s growne a flood of wondrous fame , vvhen vvashbrooke with her wealth her mistris doth supply ; thus vvharfe in her braue course imbracing vvetherby , small cock , a sullen brooke comes to her succour then , whose banks receau'd the blood of many thousand men , on sad palme sunday slaine , that towton-field we call , whose channell quite was chok'd with those that there did fall , that vvharfe discolored was with gore , that then was shed , the bloodiest field betwixt the white rose , and the red , of welneere fifteene fought in england first and last : but whilst the goodly 〈◊〉 doth thus tow'rds humber haste , from wharnside hill not farre , outflowes the nimble nyde , through nydersdale along , as neatly she doth glide tow'rds knarsburg on her way , a pretty little rill , call'd kebeck , stowes her streame , her mistris banks to fill , to intertaine the vvhafe where that braue * forrest stands , entitled by the towne , who with vpreared hands makes signes to her of ioy , and doth with garlands crowne the riuer passing by ; but wharfe that hasteth downe to meet her mistris ouse , her speedy course doth hie ; dent , rother , riuell , gret , so on my set haue i , which from their fountaines there all out of me do flow , yet from my bounty i on lancashire bestow , because my rising soyle doth shute them to the west : but for my mountaines i , will with the isle contest , all other of the north in largenesse shall exceed , that ages long before it finally decreed , that ingleborow hill , pendle , and penigent , should named be the high'st betwixt our tweed and trent . my hills , braue whelpston then , thou wharnside , and thou cam , since i west-riding still your onely mother am ; all that report can giue , and iustly is my due , i as your naturall dam , share equally with you ; and let me see a hill that to the north doth stand , the proudest of them all , that dare but lift a hand o'r penigent to peere ; not skiddo , that proud mount , although of him so much , rude cumberland account , nor cheuiot , of whose height northumberland doth boast * albania to suruey ; nor those from coast to coast that welneere runne in length , that rew of mountaines tall , by th' name of th' english alpes , that our most learned call ; as soone shall those , or these remoue out of their place , as by their lofty lookes , my penigent out face : yee thus behold my hills : my forrests , dales , and chases vpon my spacious breast note too how nature places , farre vp into my west , first langstrethdale doth lye , and on the banke of wharfe , my pleasant bardon by , with wharfdale hard by her , as taking hand in hand : then lower tow'rds the sea braue knarsborough doth stand , as higher to my north , my niddersdale by nyde , and bishopsdale aboue vpon my setting side , marshland , and hatfield chase , my easterne part doe bound , and barnsdale there doth butt on dons wel-watred ground : and to my great disgrace , if any shall obiect that i no wonder haue that 's worthy of respect in all my spacious tract , let them ( so wise ) suruey my ribbles rising banks , their worst , and let them say ; at giggleswick where i a fountaine can you show , that eight times in a day is sayd to ebbe and flow , who sometime was a nymph , and in the mountaines hye of crauen , whose blew heads for caps put on the skye , amongst * th' oread's there , and syluans made abode , ( it was e'r humane foot vpon those hills had trod ) of all the mountaine kind and since she was most faire , it was a satyrs chance to see her siluer haire flow loosely at her backe , as vp a cliffe she clame , her beauties noting well , her features , and her frame , and after her he goes ; which when she did espie , before him like the winde , the nimble nymph doth flie , they hurry downe the rocks , o'r hill and dale they driue ; to take her he doth straine , t'outstrip him shee doth striue , like one his kind that knew , and greatly fear'd his rape , and to the * topick gods by praying to escape , they turn'd her to a spring , which as she then did pant , when wearied with her course , her breath grew wondrous scant : euen as the fearefull nymph , then thicke and short did blow , now made by them a spring , so doth shee ebbe and flow . and neere the streame of nyde , another spring haue i , as well as that , which may a wonders place supply , which of the forme it beares , men dropping well doe call , because out of a rock , it still in drops doth fall , neere to the foot whereof it makes a little pon , which in as little space conuerteth wood to stone , cheuin , and kilnsey crags , were they not here in me , in any other place , right well might wonders be , for their gygantick height , that mountaines doe transcend ? but such are frequent here , and thus she makes an end . when your thus hauing heard the genius of this tract , her well-deserued praise so happily to act , this riuer in her selfe that was extreamely loth , the other to deferre , since that shee was to both indifferent , straitly wills west-riding there to cease ; and hauing made a signe to all the watry prease for silence ; which at once , when her commaund had wonne , the proud north-riding thus for her great selfe begunne . my soueraigne flood , quoth shee , in nature thou art bound t' acknowledge me of three to be the worthiest ground : for note of all those floods , the wild west-riding sends , ther 's scarcely any one thy greatnesse that attends , till thou hast passed yorke , and drawest neere thy fall ; and when thou hast no need of their supplies at all , then come they flattring in , and will thy followers be ; so as you oftentimes these wretched worldlings see , that whilst a man is poore , although some hopes depend vpon his future age , yet ther 's not one will lend a farthing to releeue his sad distressed state , not knowing what may yet befall him ; but when fate doth poure vpon his head his long expected good , then shall you see those slaues , aloofe before that stood , and would haue let him starue , like spaniels to him crouch , and with their glauering lips , his very feet to touch : so doe they by thee your ; whereas the floods in me , that spring and haue their course , ( euen ) giue thy life to thee : for till that thou and swale , into one banke doe take , meeting at borough-bridge , thy greatnesse there to make : till then the name of ouse thou art not knowne to owe , a tearme in former times the ancients did bestow on many a full-bankt flood ; but for my greater grace , these floods of which i speake , i now intend to trace from their first springing founts , beginning with the your , from moruils mightie foot which rising , with the power that bant from sea-mere brings , her somewhat more doth fill , neere bishops-dale at hand , when couer a cleere rill , next commeth into your , whereas that lustie chace for her lou'd couers sake , doth louingly embrace your as shee yeelds along , amongst the parks and groues , in middlehams amorous eye , as wandringly shee roues , at rippon meets with skell , which makes to her amaine , whom when she hath receau'd into her nymphish traine , ( neere to that towne so fam'd , for colts there to be bought , for goodnesse farre and neere , by horsemen that are sought ) fore-right vpon her way shee with a merryer gale , to borough bridge makes on , to meet her sister swale , ( a wondrous holy flood ( which name she euer hath ) for when the saxons first receau'd the christian faith , paulinus of old yorke , the zealous bishop then , in swales abundant streame christned ten thousand men , with women and their babes , a number more beside , vpon one happy day , whereof shee boasts with pride ) which springs not farre from whence your hath her siluer head ; and in her winding banks along my bosome led , as shee goes swooping by , to swaledale whence shee springs , that louely name shee leaues , which foorth a forrest brings , the vallies style that beares , a brauer syluan mayd , scarce any shire can show ; when to my riuers ayd , come barney , arske , and marske , their soueraigne swale to guide , from applegarths wide waste , and from new forrest side . whose fountaines by the fawnes , and satyrs , many a yeere , with youthfull greens were crownd , yet could not stay thé there , but they will serue the swale , which in her wandring course , a nymph nam'd holgat hath , and risdale , all whose force , small though ( god wot ) it be , yet from their southerne shore , with that salute the swale , as others did before , at richmond and ariue , which much doth grace the flood , for that her precinct long amongst the shires hath stood : but yorkshire wills the same her glory to resigne . when passing thence the swale , this mineon flood of mine next takes into her traine , cleere wiske , a wanton gyrle , as though her watry path were pau'd with orient pearle , so wondrous sweet she seemes , in many a winding gyre , as though shee gambolds made , or as she did desire , her labyrinth-like turnes , and mad meandred trace , with maruell should amaze , and comming doth imbrace * north-alerton , by whom her honour is increast , vvhose liberties include a county at the least , to grace the wandring wiske , then well vpon her way , which by her count'nance thinks to carry all the sway ; when hauing her receau'd , swale bonny codbeck brings , and willowbeck with her , two pretty riuellings , and bedall bids along , then almost at the ouze , who with these rills enrich'd begins her selfe to rouse . when that great forrest-nymph faire gautresse on her way , shee sees to stand prepar'd , with garlands fresh and gay to decke vp ouze , before her selfe to yorke she show , so out of my full wombe the fosse doth likewise flow , that meeting thee at yorke , vnder the cities side , her glories with thy selfe doth equally diuide , the east part watring still , as thou dost wash the west , by whose imbraces yorke aboundantly is blest . so many riuers i continually maintaine , as all those lesser floods that into darwin straine , their fountaines find in me , the ryedale naming rye , fosse , rycall , hodbeck , dow , with semen , and them by cleere costwy , which her selfe from blackmore in doth bring , and playing as shee slides through shady pickering , to darwent homage doth ; and darwent that diuides the east-riding and me , vpon her either sides , although that to vs both , she most indifferent bee , and seemeth to affect her equally with me , from my diuision yet her fountaine doth deriue , and from my blackmore here her course doth first contriue . let my demensions then be seriously pursude , and let great britaine see in my braue latitude , how in the high'st degree , by nature i am grac'd ; for tow'rds the crauen hills , vpon my west are plac'd new-forrest , applegarth , and swaledale , * dryades all , and lower towards the ouze , if with my floods ye fall , the goodly gautresse keeps chiefe of my syluan kind , there stony stanmore view , bleake with the sleet and wind , vpon this easterne side , so ryedale darke and deepe , amongst whose groues of yore , some say that elues did keepe ; then pickering , whom the fawnes beyond them all adore , by whom not farre away lyes large-spred blackimore , the cleeueland north from these , a state that doth maintaine , leaning her lustie side to the great germane maine , which if she were not heere confined thus in me , a shire euen of her selfe might well be said to be . nor lesse hath pickering leigh , her libertie then this , north-alerton a shire so likewise reckoned is ; and richmond of the rest , the greatest in estate , a countie iustly call'd , that them accommodate ; so i north-riding am , for spaciousnesse renown'd , our mother yorkshires eldst , who worthily is crown'd the queene of all the shires , on this side trent , for we the ridings seuerall parts of her vaste greatnesse be , in vs , so we againe haue seuerall seats , whose bounds doe measure from their sides so many miles of grounds , that they are called shires ; like to some mightie king , may yorkshire be compar'd , ( the lik'st of any thing ) who hath kings that attend , and to his state retaine , and yet so great , that they haue vnder them againe great princes , that to them be subiect , so haue we shires subiect vnto vs , yet wee her subiects be ; although these be ynough sufficiently to show , that i the other two for brauery quite out-goe : yet looke yee vp along into my setting side , where teis first from my bounds , rich * dunelme doth diuide , and you shall see those rills , that with their watry prease , their most beloued teis so plenteously increase , the cleere yet lesser lune , the bauder , and the gret , all out of me doe flow ; then turne ye from the set , and looke but tow'rds the rise , vpon the german maine , those rarities , and see , that i in me containe ; my scarborough , which looks as though in heauen it stood , to those that lye below , from th' bay of robin hood , euen to the fall of teis ; let me but see the man , that in one tract can show the wonders that i can , like whitbies selfe i thinke , ther 's none can shew but i , o'r whose attractiue earth there may no wild geese flie , but presently they fall from off their wings to ground : if this no wonder be , wher 's there a wonder found , and stones like serpents there , yet may yee more behold , that in their naturall gyres are vp together rold . the rocks by 〈◊〉 too , my glories forth to set , out of their cranied cleeues , can giue you perfect 〈◊〉 , and vpon huntclipnab , you euery where may find , ( as though nice nature lou'd to vary in this kind ) stones of a spherick forme of sundry 〈◊〉 fram'd , that well they globes of stone , or bullets might be nam'd for any ordnance fit : which broke with hammers blowes , doe headlesse snakes of stone , within their rounds enclose . marke gisboroughs gay scite , where nature seemes so nice , as in the same shee makes a second paradice , whose soyle imbroydered is , with so rare sundry flowers , her large okes so long greene , as summer there her bowers , had set vp all the yeare , her ayre for health refin'd , her earth with allome veines most richly intermin'd . in other places these might 〈◊〉 be thought , so common but in me , that i esteeme as nought . then could i reckon vp my ricall , making on by rydale , towards her dear-lou'd darwent , who 's not gone farre from her pearly springs , but vnder-ground she goes ; as vp towards crauen hills , i many haue of those , amongst the cranied cleeues , that through the 〈◊〉 creepe , and dimbles hid from day , into the earth so deepe , that oftentimes their sight , the senses doth appall , which for their horrid course , the people helbecks call , which may for ought i see , be with my wonders set , and with much maruell seene : that i am not in debt to none that neigboureth me ; nor ought can they me lend . when darwent bad her stay , and there her speech to end , for that east-riding cald , her proper cause to plead : for darwent a true nymph , a most impartiall mayd , and like to both ally'd , doth will the last should haue that priuiledge , which time to both the former gaue , and wills th' east-riding then , in her owne cause to speake , who mildly thus begins ; although i be but weake , to those two former parts , yet what i seeme to want in largenesse , for that i am in my compasle scant , yet for my scite i know , that i them both excell ; for marke me how i lye , ye a note me very well , how in the east i raigne , ( of which my name i take ) and my broad side doe beare vp to the german lake , which brauely i suruey ; then turne ye and behold vpon my pleasant breast , that large and spacious ould of torke that takes the name , that with delighted eyes , when he beholds the sunne out of the seas to rise , with pleasure feeds his flocks , for which he scarse giues place to cotswold , and for what becomes a pastorall grace , doth goe beyond him quite ; then note vpon my south , how all along the shore , to mighty humbers mouth , rich holdernesse i haue , excelling for her graine , by whose much plentie i , not onely doe maintaine my selfe in good estate , but shires farre off that lye , vp humber that to hull , come euery day to buy , to me beholding are ; besides , the neighbouring townes , vpon the verge whereof , to part her , and the downes , hull downe to humber hasts , and takes into her banke some lesse but liuely rills , with waters waxing ranke , shee beuerley salutes , whose beauties so delight the fayre-enamoured flood , as rauisht with the sight , that shee could euer stay , that gorgeous phane to view , but that the brooks , and bournes , so hotly her pursue , to kingston and conuey , whom hull doth newly name , of humber-bordring hull , who hath not heard the fame : and for great humbers selfe , i challenge him for mine : for whereas 〈◊〉 first , and sheifleet doe combine , by meeting in their course , so courteously to twin , gainst whom on th' other side , the goodly trent comes in , from that especiall place , great humber hath his raigne , beyond which hee 's mine owne : so i my course maintaine , from kilnseys pyle-like poynt , along the easterne shore , and laugh at neptunes rage , when lowdl'est he doth rore , till flamborough iutt foorth into the german sea. and as th' east-riding more yet ready was to say , ouse in her owne behalfe doth interrupt her speech , and of th' imperious land doth liberty beseech , since she had passed 〈◊〉 , and in her wandring race , by that faire cities scite , receiued had such grace , shee might for it declame , but more to honor yorke , shee who supposd the same to bee her onely worke , still to renowne those dukes , who strongly did pretend a title to the crowne , as those who did descend from them that had the right , doth this oration make , and to vphold their claime , thus to the floods she spake . they very idly erre , who thinke that blood then spilt , in that long-lasting warre , proceeded from the guilt , of the proud yorkist , 〈◊〉 ; for let them vnderstand , that richard duke of yorke , whose braue and martiall hand the title vndertooke , by tyranny and might , sought not t' attaine the crowne , but from succesfull right , which still vpheld his claime , by which his valiant sonne , great edward earle of march , the garland after wonne : for richard duke of yorke , at wakefield battell slaine , who first that title broach'd , in the 〈◊〉 henries raigne , from edmond a fift sonne of edward did descend , that iustly he thereby no title could pretend , before them com'n from gaunt , well knowne of all to be , the fourth to edward borne , and therefore a degree before him to the crowne ; but that which did preferre his title , was the match with dame anne mortimer , of roger earle of march the daughter , that his claime , from clarence the third sonne of great king edward came , which anne deriu'd alone , the right before all other , of the delapsed crowne , from philip her faire mother , daughter and onely heire of clarence , and the bride to edmond earle of march ; this anne her daughter tide in wedlocke to the earle of cambridge , whence the right of richard as i said , which fell at wakefield fight , descended to his sonne , braue edward after king , ( henry the sixt depos'd ) thus did the yorkists bring their title from a straine , before the line of gaunt , whose issue they by armès did worthily supplant . by this the ouze perceau'd great humber to looke grim ; ( for euermore shee hath a speciall eye to him ) as though he much disdain'd each one should thus be heard , and he their onely king , vntill the last defer'd , at which hee seem'd to frowne ; wherefore the ouze off breaks , and to his confluent floods , thus mighty humber speaks . let trent her tribute pay , which from their seuerall founts , for thirtie floods of name , to me her king that counts , be much of me belou'd , braue riuer ; and from me , receiue those glorious rites that 〈◊〉 can giue to thee . and thou marsh-drowning don , and all those that repaire with thee , that bringst to me thy easie 〈◊〉 aire , embodying in one banke : and wharfe , which by thy fall dost much augment my ouze , let me embrace you all , my braue west-riding brooks , your king you need not 〈◊〉 , proud nyades neither yee , north-riders that are borne ; my yellow-sanded your , and thou my sister swale , that dauncing come to 〈◊〉 , through many a daintie dale , doe greatly me inrich , cleare darwent driuing downe from cleeueland ; and thou hull , that highly dost renowne th' east-riding by thy rise , doe homage to your king , and let the sea nymphs thus of 〈◊〉 humber sing ; that full an hundred floods my 〈◊〉 court maintaine , which either of themselues , or in their greaters traine , their tribute pay to me ; and for my princely name , from humber king of 〈◊〉 , as anciently it came ; so still i sticke to him : for from that easterne king once in me drown'd , as i my pedigree doe bring : so his great name receiues no preiudice thereby ; for as he was a king , so know ye all that i am king of all the floods , that north of trent doe flow ; then let the idle world no more such cost bestow , nor of the muddy nyle , so great a wonder make , though with her bellowing fall , shee violently take the neighbouring people deafe ; nor ganges so much praise , that where he narrowest is , eight miles in broadnesse layes his bosome , nor so much hereafter shall be spoke of that ( but lately found ) guyanian orenoque , whose * cateract a noyse so horrible 〈◊〉 keepe , that it euen neptune frights ; what flood comes to the deepe , then humber that is heard more horribly to rore ? for when my * higre comes , i make my either shore euen tremble with the sound , that i afarre doe send . no sooner of this speech had humber made an end , but the applauding . floods sent foorth so shrill a shout , that they were eas'ly heard all holdernesse about , aboue the beachy brack , amongst the marshes rude , when the east-riding her oration to conclude , goes on ; my sisters boast that they haue little shires their subiects , i can shew the like of mine for theirs ; my howdon hath as large a circuit , and as free , on ouse , and humbers banks , and as much graceth me , my latitude compar'd with those that me oppugne : not richmond nor her like , that doth to them belong , doth grace them more then this doth me , vpon my coast , and for their wondrous things , whereof so much they boast , vpon my easterne side , which iutts vpon the sea , amongst the white-scalp'd cleeues , this wonder see they may , the mullet , and the awke , ( my fowlers there doe finde ) of all great britain brood , birds of the strangest kind , that building in the rocks , being taken with the hand , and cast beyond the cliffe , that poynteth to the land , fall instantly to ground , as though it were a stone , but put out to the sea , they instantly are gone , and flye a league or two before they doe returne , as onely by that ayre , they on their wings were borne . then my prophetick spring at veipsey , i may show , that some yeares is dry'd vp , some yeares againe doth flow ; but when it breaketh out with an immoderate birth , it tells the following yeare of a penurious dearth . here ended shee her speech , the ridings all made friends , and from my tyred hand , my labored canto ends . the nine and twentieth song . the argvment . the muse the bishopricke assayes , and to her fall sings downe the teis , then takes shee to the dainty wer , and with all braueries fitted her . tyne tells the victories by vs got , in soughten fields against the scot. then through northumberland shee goes , the floods and mountaines dotb dispose ; and with their glories doth proceed , not staying till shee come to tweed . the muse this largest shire of england hauing sung , yet seeing more then this did to her taske belong , looks still into the north , the bishopricke and viewes , which with an eager eye , whilst wistly she pursues , teis as a bordering flood , ( who thought her selfe diuine ) confining in her course that countie palatine , and yorke the greatest shire doth instantly begin , to rouze her selfe ; quoth shee , doth euery rillet win applause for their small worth's , and i that am a queene , with those poore brooks compar'd , shall i alone be seene thus silently to passe , and not be heard to sing , when as two countries are contending for my spring : for cumberland , to which the cumri gaue the name , accounts it to be hers , northumberland the same , will needsly hers should bee , for that my spring doth rise , so equallytwixt both , that he were very wise , could tell which of these two , me for her owne may claime . but as in all these tracts , there 's scarce a flood of fame , but shee some vally hath , which her braue name doth beare : my teisdale , nam'd of me , so likewise haue i heare , at my first setting foorth , through which i nimbly slide ; then yorkshire which doth lye vpon my setting side , me lune and bauder lends , as in the song before th' industrious muse hath shew'd ; my * dunelmenian shore , sends 〈◊〉 to helpe my course , with some few other becks , which 〈◊〉 ( as it should seeme ) so vtterly neglects , that they are namelesse yet ; then doe i bid adiew , to 〈◊〉 battelled towers , and seriously pursue my course to neptunes court , but as forthright i runne , the skern , a dainty nymph , saluting darlington , comes in to giue me ayd , and being prowd and ranke , shee chanc'd to looke aside , and spieth neere her banke , three blacke and horrid pits , which for their boyling heat , ( that from their lothsome brimms , doe breath a sulpherous sweat ) hell-kettles rightly cald , that with the very sight , this water-nymph , my skern is put in such 〈◊〉 , that with vnusuall speed , she on her course doth hast , and rashly runnes her selfe into my widened waste . in pompe i thus approch great amphetrites state . but whilst teis vndertooke her story to relate , wer waxeth almost wood , that she so long should stand vpon those loftie tearmes , as though both sea and land were tyde to heare her talke : quoth wer , what wouldst thou say , vaine-glorious bragging brooke , hadst thou so cleere a way t' aduance thee as i haue , hadst thou such meanes and might , how wouldst thou then exult ? o then to what a height wouldst thou put vp thy price ? hadst thou but such a trine of rillets as i haue , which naturally combine , their springs thee to beget , as these of mine doe me , in their consenting sounds , that doe so well agree ? as kellop comming in from kellop-law her syre , a mountaine much in fame , small wellop doth require , with her to walke along , which burdop with her brings . thus from the full conflux of these three seuerall springs my greatnesse is begot , as nature meant to show my future strength and state ; then forward doe i flow through my delicious dale , with euery pleasure rife , and wyresdale still may stand , with teisdale for her life : comparing of their scites , then casting on my course , so satiate with th' excesse of my first naturall source , as petty bournes and becks , i scorne but once to call , wascrop a wearish gyrle , of name the first of all , that i vouchsafe for mine , vntill that i ariue at aukland , where with force me forward still to driue , cleere gauntlesse giues her selfe , when i begin to gad , and whirling in and out , as i were waxed mad , i change my posture oft , to many a snakie gyre , to my first fountaine now , as seeming to retyre : then suddenly againe i turne my watry trayle , now i endent the earth , and then i it engrayle with many a turne and trace , thus wandring vp and downe , braue durham i behold , that stately seated towne , that dunholme hight of yore ( euen ) from a desart wonne , whose first foundation zeale , and piety begun , by them who thither first saint cutberts body brought , to saue it from the danes , by fire and sword that sought subuersion of those things , that good and holy were , with which beloued place , i seeme so pleased here , as that i clip it close , and sweetly hug it in my cleare and amorous armes , as iealous time should win me further off from it , as our diuorce to be . hence like a lustie flood most absolutely free , none mixing then with me , as i doe mix with none , but scorning a colleague , nor neere me any one , to neptunes court i come ; for note along the strond , from hartlepoole ( euen ) to the poynt of sunder land , as farre as * wardenlaws can possibly suruey ; there 's not a flood of note hath entrance to the sea . here ended shee her speech , when as the goodly tyne , ( northumberland that parts from this shire palatine ) which patiently had heard , looke as before the wer had taken vp the teis , so tyne now takes vp her , for her so tedious talke , good lord ( quoth she ) had i no other thing wherein my labor to imply , but to set out my selfe , how much ( well ) could i say , in mine owne proper praise , in this kind euery way as skilfull as the best ; i could if i did please , of my two fountaines tell , which of their sundry wayes , the south and north are nam'd , entitled both of tyne , as how the prosperous springs of these two floods of mine are distant thirty miles , how that the south-tyne nam'd , from stanmore takes her spring , for mines of brasse that 's fam'd , how that nam'd of the north , is out of wheel-fell sprung , amongst these english alpes , which as they runne along , england , and scotland here impartially diuide . how south-tyne setting out from cumberland is plide , with hartley which her hasts , and tippall that doth striue , by her more sturdy streame , the tyne along to driue ; how th' allans , th' east , and west , their bounties to her bring , two faire and full-brim'd floods , how also from her spring , my other north-nam'd tyne , through tyndale maketh in , which she le her hand-mayd hath , and as she hasts to twin with th' other from the south , her sister , how cleere rhead , with perop comes prepar'd , and cherlop , me to lead , through ridsdale on my way , as farre as exham , then dowell me homage doth , with blood of englishmen , vvhose streame was deeply dy'd in that most cruell warre of lancaster and yorke . now hauing gone so farre , their strengths me their deare tyne , doe wondrously enrich , as how cleere darwent drawes downe to newcastle , which the honour hath alone to entertaine me 〈◊〉 , as of those mighty ships , that in my mouth i beare , fraught with my country coale , of this * newcastle nam'd , for which both farre and neere , that place no lesse is fam'd , then india for her mynes ; should i at large declare my glories , in which time commands me to bee spare , and i but slightly touch , which stood i to report , as freely as i might , yee both would fall too short of me ; but know that tyne hath greater things in hand : for , to tricke vp our selues , whilst trifling thus we stand , bewitch'd with our owne praise , at all we neuer note , how the albanian floods now lately set afloat , with th' honour to them done , take heart , and lowdly crie defiance to vs all , on this side tweed that lye ; and hearke the high-brow'd hills alowd begin to 〈◊〉 , with sound of things that forth prepared is to sing : when once the muse ariues on the albanian shore ; and therefore to make vp our forces here before the on-set they begin , the battels wee haue got , both on our earth and theirs , against the valiant scot , i vndertake to tell ; then muses i intreat your ayd , whilst i these fights in order shall repeat . when mighty malcolme here had with a violent hand , ( as he had oft before ) destroy'd northumberland , in rufus troubled raigne , the warlike mowbray then , this earledome that 〈◊〉 , with halfe the power of men , for conquest which that king from scotland hither drew , at anwick in the field their armies ouerthrew ; where malcolme and his sonne , braue edward both were found , slaine on that bloody field : so on the english ground , when dauid king of scots , and henry his sterne sonne , entitled by those times , the earle of huntingdon , had forradg'd all the north , beyond the riuer teis , in stephens troubled raigne , in as tumultuous dayes as england euer knew , the archbishop of yorke , stout thurstan , and with him ioynd in that warlike work , ralfe , ( both for wit and armes ) of durham bishop then renownd , that called were the valiant clergy men , with th' earle of aubemarle , especk , and peuerell , knights , and of the lacies two , oft try'd in bloody fights , twixt aluerton and yorke , the doubtfull battell got , on dauid and his sonne , whilst of th' inuading scot , ten thousand strew'd the earth , and whilst they lay to bleed , ours followed them that fled , beyond our sister tweed . and when * fitz-empresse next in normandy , and here , and his rebellious sonnes in high combustions were , william the scottish king , taking aduantage then , and entring with an host of eighty thousand men , as farre as kendall came , where captaines then of ours , which ayd in yorkshire raisd , with the northumbrian powers , his forces ouerthrew , and him a prisoner led . so long shanks , scolands scourge , him to that country sped , prouoked by the scots , that england did inuade , and on the borders here such spoyle and hauock made , that all the land lay waste betwixt the tweed and me . this most coragious king , from them his owne to free , before proud berwick set his puisant army downe , and tooke it by strong siege , since when that warlike towne , as cautionary long the english after held . but tell me all you floods , when was there such a field by any nation yet , as by the english wonne , vpon the scottish power , as that of halidon , seauen earles , nine hundred horse , and of foot-souldiers more , neere twenty thousand slaine , so that the scottish gore ranne downe the hill in streames ( euen ) in albania's sight . by our third edwards prowesse , that most renowned knight , as famous was that fight of his against the scot , as that against the french , which he at cressy got . and when that conquering king did afterward aduance his title , and had past his warlike powers to france , and dauid king of scots heere entred to inuade , to which the king of france did that false lord perswade , against his giuen faith , from france to draw his bands , to keepe his owne at home , or to fill both his hands with warre in both the realmes : was euer such a losse , to scotland yet befell , as that at neuills crosse , where fifteene thousand scots their soules at once forsooke , where stout iohn copland then , king dauid prisoner tooke , i' th head of all his troups , that brauely there was seene . vvhen english philip , that braue amazonian queene , encouraging her men , from troupe to troupe did ride , and where our cleargy had their ancient valourtride : thus often comming in , they haue gone out too short . and next to this the fight of nesbit i report , vvhen hebborn that stout scot , and his had all their hire , vvhich in t' our marches came , and with inuasiue fire , our villages laid waste , for which defeat of ours , when doughty douglasse came with the albanian powers . at holmdon doe but see , the blow our 〈◊〉 gaue to that bold daring scot , before him how he draue his armie , and with shot of our braue english bowes , did wound them on the backs , whose brests were hurt with blows , ten thousand put to sword , with many a lord and knight , some prisoners , wounded some , some others 〈◊〉 outright , and entring scotl'and then , all 〈◊〉 o'r-ran . or who a brauer field then th' earle of surrey wan , where their king iames the fourth himselfe so brauely bore , that since that age wherein he liu'd , nor those before , yet neuer such a king in such a battell saw , amongst his fighting friends , where whilst he breath could draw , hee brauely fought on foot , where flodden hill was 〈◊〉 with bodies of his men , welneere to mammocks hew'd , that on the mountaines side , they couered neere a mile , where those two valiant earles of lenox and arguyle , were with their soueraigne slaine , abbots , and bishops there , which had put armor on , in hope away to beare the victory with them , before the english fell . but now of other fields , it 〈◊〉 the muse to tell , as when the noble duke of norfolke made a road to scotland , and therein his hostile 〈◊〉 bestow'd on welneere thirtie townes , and staying there so long , till victuall waxed weake , the winter waxing strong , returning ouer tweed , his booties home to 〈◊〉 , which to the very heart did vex the scottish king , the fortune of the duke extreamely that did grutch , remaining there so long , and doing there so much , thinking to spoyle and waste , in england as before , the english men had done on the albanian shore , and gathering vp his force , before the english fled to scotlands vtmost bounds , thence into england sped , when that braue bastard sonne of 〈◊〉 , and his friend , iohn musgraue , which had charge the marches to attend , with wharton , a proud knight , with scarce foure hundred horse , encountring on the plaine with all the scottish force , thence from the field with them , so many prisoners brought , which in that furious fight were by the english caught , that there was scarce a page or lackey but had store , earles , barrons , knights , esquires , two hundred there and more , of ordinary men , seuen hundred made to yeeld , there scarcely hath been heard , of such a foughten field , that iames the fifth to thinke , that but 〈◊〉 very few , his vniuersall power so strangely should subdue , so tooke the same to heart , that it abridg'd his life . such foyles by th' english giuen , amongst the scots were rife . these on the english earth , the english men did gaine ; but when their breach of faith did many times constraine our nation to inuade , and carry conquests in to scotland ; then behold , what our successe hath bin , euen in the latter end of our eight henries dayes , who seymor sent by land , and dudley sent by seas , with his full forces then , o forth , then didst thou beare , that nany on thy streame , whose bulke was fraught with feare , when edenbrough and leeth , into the ayre were blowne with powders sulphurous smoke , & twenty townes were throwne vpon the trampled earth , and into ashes trod ; as in t ' albania when we made a second road , in our sixt edwards dayes , when those two martiall men , which conquered there before , were thither sent agen : but for their high desarts , with greater titles grac'd , the first created duke of somerset , the last the earle of warwicke made , at muscleborough field , where many a doughty scot that did disdaine to yeeld , vvas on the earth layd dead , where as for fiue miles space in length , and foure in bredth , the english in the chase , with carkeises of scots , strew'd all their naturall ground , the number of the slaine were fourteene thousand found , and fifteene hundred more ta'n prisoners by our men . so th' earle of sussex next to scotland sent agen , to punish them by warre , which on the borders here , not onely rob'd and spoyl'd , but that assistants were to those two puisant earles , northumberland , who rose with westmerland his peere , suggested by the foes to great eliza's raigne , and peacefull gouernment ; wherefore that puisant queene him to albania sent , who fiftie rock-reard pyles and castles hauing cast farre lower then their scites , and with strong fires 〈◊〉 three hundred townes , their wealth , with him worth carrying to england ouer tweed , when now the floods besought ( brought the tyne to hold her tongue , when presently began a rumour which each where through all the country ran , of this proud riuers speech , the hills and floods among , and lowes , a forrest-nymph , the same so lowdly sung , that it through tindale straight , and quite through 〈◊〉 ran , and sounded shriller there , then when it first began , that those high alpine hills , as in a row they stand , receiu'd the sounds , which thus went on from hand to hand . the high-rcar'd red-squire first , to aumond hill it told , when aumond great therewith , nor for his life could hold , to kembelspeth againe , the businesse but relate , to black-brea he againe , a mountaine holding state with any of them all , to cocklaw he it gaue ; and cocklaw it againe , to cheuiot , who did raue with the report thereof , hee from his mighty stand , resounded it againe through all northumberland , that white-squire lastly caught , and it to berwick sent , that braue and warlike towne , from thence incontinent , the sound from out the south , into albania came , and many a lustie flood , did with her praise inflame , affrighting much the forth , who from her trance awooke , and to her natiue strength her presently betooke , against the muse should come to the albanian coast. but pictswall all this while , as though he had been lost , not mention'd by the muse , began to fret and fume , that euery petty brooke thus proudly should presume to talke ; and he whom first the romans did inuent , and of their greatnesse yet , the longst-liu'd monument , should this be ouer-trod ; wherefore his wrong to wreake , in their proud presence thus , doth aged pictswall speake . me thinks that offa's ditch in cambria should not dare to thinke himselfe my match , who with such cost and care the romans did erect , and for my safeguard set their legions , from my spoyle the proling pict to let , that often in roads made , our earth from them to win , by adrian beaten back , so he to keepe them in , to sea from east to west , begun me first a wall of eightie myles in length , twixt tyne and edens fall : long making mee they were , and long did me maintaine . nor yet that trench which tracts the westerne wiltshire plaine , of woden , wansdyke cal'd , should paralell with me , comparing our descents , which shall appeare to be mere vpstarts , basely borne ; for when i was in hand , the saxon had not then set foot vpon this land , till my declining age , and after many a yeare , of whose poore petty kings , those the small labors were . that on newmarket-heath , made vp as though but now , who for the deuils worke the vulgar dare auow , tradition telling none , who truly it began , where many a reuerent booke can tell you of my man , and when i first decayd , seuerus going on , what adrian built of turfe , he builded new of stone , and after many a time , the britans me repayr'd , to keepe me still in plight , nor cost they euer spar'd . townes stood vpon my length , where garrisons were laid , their limits to defend ; and for my greater ayd , vvith turrets i was built-where sentinels were plac'd , to watch vpon the pict ; so me my makers grac'd , with hollow pipes of brasse , along me still that went , by which they in one fort still to another sent , by speaking in the same , to tell them what to doe , and so from sea to sea could i be whispered through : vpon my thicknesse , three march'd eas'ly breast to breast , twelue foot was i in height , such glory i possest . old pictswall with much pride thus finishing his plea , had in his vtmost course attain'd the easterne sea , yet there was hill nor flood once heard to clap a hand ; for the northumbrian nymphs had come to vnderstand , that tyne exulting late o'r scotland in her song , ( which ouer all that realme report had loudly rung ) the calidonian * forth so highly had displeas'd , and many an other flood , ( which could not be appeas'd ) that they had vow'd reuenge , and proclamation made , that in a learned warre the foe they would inuade , and like stout floods stand free from this supputed shame , or conquered giue themselues vp to the english name : which these northumbrian nymphs , with doubt & terror strook , which knew they from the foe , for nothing were to looke , but what by skill they got , and with much care should keepe , and therefore they consult by meeting in the deepe , to be deliuered from the ancient enemies tage , that they would all vpon a solemne pilgrimage vnto the holy-isle , the vertue of which place , they knew could very much auaile them in this case : for many a blessed saint in former ages there , secluded from the world , to abstinence and prayer , had giuen vp themselues , which in the german maine , and from the shore not farre , did in it selfe conteine sufficient things for food , which from those holy men , that to deuotion liu'd , and sanctimony then , it holy-isle was call'd , for which they all prepare , as i shall tell you how , and what their number are . with those the farthest off , the first i will begin , as pont a pearlesse brook , brings blyth which putteth in with her , then wansbeck next in wading to the maine , neere morpet meets with font , which followeth in her traine ; next them the little lyne alone doth goe along , when cocket commeth downe , and with her such a throng , as that they seeme to threat the ocean ; for with her comes ridley , ridland next , with vsway , which preferre their fountaines to her flood , who for her greater fame , hath at her fall an isle , call'd cocket , of her name , as that great neptune should take notice of her state ; then alne by anwicke comes , and with as proud a gate , as cocket came before , for whom at her faire fall , ( in brauery as to show , that she 〈◊〉 past them all ) the famous isle of ferne , and staples aptly stand , and at her comming foorth , doe kisse her christall hand . whilst these resolu'd vpon their pilgrimage , proceed , till for the loue shee beares to her deare mistris tweed , of bramish leaues the name , by which shee hath her birth ; and though shee keepe her course vpon the english earth , yet bowbent , a bright nymph , from scotland comming in , to goe with her to tweed , the wanton flood doth winne . though at this headstrong stream , proud flodden from his height , doth daily seeme to fret , yet takes he much delight her louelinesse to view , as on to tweed she straines , where whilst this mountaine much for her sweet sake sustaines , this canto we conclude , and fresh about must cast , of all the english tracts , to consummate the last . the thirtieth song . the argvment . of westmerland the muse now sings , and fetching eden from her springs , sets her along , and kendall then surueying , beareth backe agen ; and climing skidows loftie hill , by many a riuer , many a rill , to cumberland , where in her way , shee copland calls , and doth display her beauties , backe to eden goes , whose floods , and fall shee aptly showes . yet cheerely on my muse , no whit at all dismay'd , but look alost tow'rds heauen , to him whose powerfull ayd ; hath led thee on thus long , & through so sundry soiles , steep mountains , forrests rough , deepe riuers , that thy toyles most sweet refreshings seeme , and still thee comfort sent , against the bestiall rout , and boorish rabblement of those rude vulgar sots , whose braines are onely slime , borne to the doting world , in this last yron time , so stony , and so dull , that orpheus which ( men say ) by the inticing straines of his melodious lay , drew rocks and aged trees , to whether he would please ; he might as well haue moou'd the vniuerse as these ; but leaue this frie of hell in their owne filth defilde , and seriously pursue the sterne westmerian wilde , first ceazing in our song , the south part of the shire , where westmerland to west , by wide wynander mere , the eboracean fields her to the rising bound , where can first creeping forth , her feet hath scarcely found , but giues that dale her name , where kendale towne doth stand , for making of our cloth scarce match'd in all the land . then keeping on her course , though hauing in her traine , but sput , a little brooke , then vvinster doth retaine , tow'rds the vergiuian sea , by her two mighty falls , ( which the braue roman tongue , her catadupae calls ) this eager riuer seemes outragiously to rore , and counterfetting nyle , to deafe the neighboring shore , to which she by the sound apparantly doth show , the 〈◊〉 foule or faire , as then the wind doth blow : for when they to the north , the noyse doe easliest heare , they constantly affirme the weather will be cleere ; and when they to the south , againe they boldly say , it will be clouds or raine the next approaching day . to the hibernick gulfe , when soone the riuer hasts , and to those queachy sands , from whence her selfe she casts , she likewise leaues her name as euery place where she , in her cleare course doth come , by her should honored be . but backe into the north from hence our course doth lye , as from this fall of can , still keeping in our eye , the source of long liu'd lun , i long-liu'd doe her call ; for of the british floods , scarce one amongst them all , such state as to her selfe , the destinies assigne , by christning in her course a countie palatine , for luncaster so nam'd ; the fort vpon the lun , and lancashire the name from lancaster begun : yet though shee be a flood , such glory that doth gaine , in that the british crowne doth to her state pertaine , yet westmerland alone , not onely boasts her birth , but for her greater good the kind westmerian earth , cleere burbeck her bequeaths , and barrow to attend her grace , till shee her name to lancaster doe lend . with all the speed we can , to cumberland we hye , ( still longing to salute the vtmost albany ) by eden , issuing out of husseat-moruill hill , and pointing to the north , as then a little rill , there simply takes her leaue of her sweet sister swale , borne to the selfe same sire , but with a stronger gale , tow'rds humber hyes her course , but eden making on , through malerstrang hard by , a forrest woe begone in loue with edens eyes , of the cleere naiades kind , whom thus the wood-nymph greets : what passage shalt thou find , my most beloued brook , in making to thy bay , that wandring art to wend through many a crooked way , farre vnder hanging hills , through many a cragged strait , and few the watry kind , vpon thee to await , opposed in thy course with many a rugged cliffe , besides the northern winds against thy streame so stiffe , as by maine strength they meant to stop thee in thy course , and send thee easly back to moruill to thy source . o my bright louely brooke , whose name doth beare the sound of gods first garden-plot , th'imparadized ground , wherein he placed man , from whence by sinne he fell . o little blessed brooke , how doth my bosome swell , vvith loue i beare to thee , the day cannot suffice for malerstang to gaze vpon thy beautious eyes . this sayd , the forrest rubd her rugged front the while , cleere eden looking back , regreets her with a smile , and simply takes her leaue , to get into the maine ; when below a bright nymph , from stanmore downe doth straine to eden , as along to appleby shee makes , which passing , to her traine , next troutbeck in shee takes , and leuenant , then these , a somewhat lesser rill , vvhen glenkwin greets her well , and happily to fill , her more abundant banks , from vlls , a mightie mere on cumberlands confines , comes eymot neat and cleere , and loder doth allure , with whom she haps to meet , vvhich at her comming in , doth thus her mistris greet . quoth shee , thus for my selfe i say , that where i swell vp from my fountaine first , there is a tyding-well , that daily ebbs and flowes , ( as writers doe report ) the old euripus doth , or in the selfe same sort , the * venedocian fount , or the * demetian spring , or that which the cold peake doth with her wonders bring , why should not loder then , her mistris eden please , with this , as other floods delighted are with these . when eden , though shee seem'd to make vnusuall haste , about cleere loders neck , yet louingly doth cast her oft infolding armes , as westmerland shee leaues , vvhere cumberland againe as kindly her receiues . yet vp her watry hands , to winfield forrest holds in her rough wooddy armes , which amorously infolds cleere eden comming by , with all her watry store , in her darke shades , and seemes her parting to deplore . but southward sallying hence , to those sea-bordring sands , vvhere dudden driuing downe to the lancastrian lands , this cumberland cuts out , and strongly doth confine , this meeting there with that , both meerly maratine , where many a daintie rill out of her natiue dale , to the virgiuian makes , with many a pleasant gale ; as eske her farth'st , so first , a coybred cumbrian lasse , who commeth to her road , renowned rauenglasse , by deuock driuen along , ( which from a large-brim'd lake , to hye her to the sea , with greater haste doth make ) meets nyte , a nimble brooke , their rendeuous that keepe in rauenglasse , when soone into the blewish deepe comes irt , of all the rest , though small , the richest girle , her costly bosome strew'd with precious orient pearle , bred in her shining shels , which to the deaw doth yawne , vvhich deaw they sucking in , conceaue that lusty spawne , of which when they grow great , and to their fulnesse swell , they cast , which those at hand there gathering , dearly sell. this cleare pearle-paued 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 to her harbor brings , from copland comming downe , a forrest , nymph , which sings her owne praise , and those floods , their fountains that deriue from her , which to extoll , the forrest thus doth striue . yee northerne * dryades all adorn'd with mountaines steepe , vpon whose hoary heads cold winter long doth keepe , where often rising hils , deepe dales and many make , where many a pleasant spring , and many a large-spread lake , their cleere beginnings keepe , and doe their names bestow vpon those humble vales , through which they eas'ly flow ; whereas the mountaine nymphs , and those that doe frequent the fountaines , fields , and groues , with wondrous meriment , by moone-shine many a night , doe giue each other chase , at hood-winke , barley-breake , at tick , or prison-base , with tricks , and antique toyes , that one another mocke , that skip from crag to crag , and leape from rocke to rocke . then copland , of this tract a corner , i would know , what place can there be found in britan , that doth show a surface more austere , more sterne from euery way , that who doth it behold , he cannot chuse but say , th' aspect of these grim hills , these darke and mistie dales , from clouds scarce euer cleer'd , with the strongst northern gales , tell in their mighty roots , some minerall there doth lye , the islands generall want , whose plenty might supply : wherefore as some suppose of copper mynes in me , i copper-land was cald , but some will haue 't to be from the old britans brought , for cop they vse to call the tops of many hils , which i am stor'd withall . then eskdale mine ally , and niter dale so nam'd , of floods from you that flow , as borowdale most fam'd , with wasdale walled in , with hills on euery side , hows'euer ye extend within your wasts so wide , for th'surface of a soyle , a copland , copland cry , till to your shouts the hills with ecchoes all reply . which copland scarce had spoke , but quickly euery hill , vpon her verge that stands , the neigbouring vallies 〈◊〉 ; heluillon from his height , it through the mountaines threw , from whom as soone againe , the sound dunbalrase drew , from whose stone-trophied head , it on to wendresse went , which tow'rds the sea againe , resounded it to dent , that brodwater therewith within her banks astound , in sayling to the sea , told it in egremound , vvhose buildings , walks , and streets , with ecchoes loud and long , did mightily commend old copland for her song . vvhence soone the muse proceeds , to find out fresher springs , where darwent her cleere fount from borowdale that brings , doth quickly cast her selfe into an ample lake , and with thurls mighty mere , betweene them two doe make an * island , which the name from darwent doth 〈◊〉 ; vvithin whose secret breast nice nature doth contriue , that mighty copper myne , which not without its vaines , of gold and siluer found , it happily obtaines of royaltie the name , the richest of them all that britan bringeth forth , which royall she doth call . of borowdale her dam , of her owne named isle , as of her royall mynes , this riuer proud the while , keepes on her course to sea , and in her way doth win cleere coker her compeere , which at her comming in , giues coker-mouth the name , by standing at her fall , into faire darwents banks , when darwent there withall , runnes on her 〈◊〉 race , and for her greater fame , of neptune doth obtaine a hauen of her name , when of the cambrian hills , proud skiddo that doth show the high'st , respecting whom , the other be but low , perceiuing with the floods , and forrests , how it far'd , and all their seuerall tales substantially had heard , and of the mountaine kind , as of all otherhe , most like pernassus selfe that is suppos'd to be , hauing a double head , as hath that sacred mount , which those nine sacred nymphs held in so hie account , bethinketh of himselfe what he might iustly say , when to them all he thus his beauties doth display . the rough hibernian sea , i proudly ouerlooke , amongst the scattered rocks , and there is not a nooke , but from my glorious height into its depth i pry , great hills farre vnder me , but as my pages lye ; and when my helme of clouds vpon my head i take , at very sight thereof , immediatly i make th' inhabitants about , tempestuous stormes to feare , and for faire weather looke , when as my top is cleere ; great fournesse mighty fells , i on my south suruay : so likewise on the north , albania makes me way , her countries to behold , when * scurfell from the skie , that anadale doth crowne , with a most amorous eye , salutes me euery day , or at my pride lookes grim , oft threatning me with clouds , as i oft threatning him : so likewise to the east , that rew of mountaines tall , which we our english alpes may very aptly call , that scotland here with vs , and england doe diuide , as those , whence we them name vpon the other side , doe italy , and france , these mountaines heere of ours , that looke farre off like clouds , shap't with embattelled towers , much enuy my estate , and somewhat higher be , by lifting vp their heads , to state and gaze at me . cleere darwent 〈◊〉 on , i looke at from aboue , as some enamoured youth , being deeply struck in loue , his 〈◊〉 doth behold , and euery beauty notes ; who as shee to her fall , through fells and vallies flotes , oft lifts her limber selfe aboue her banks to view , how my braue by clift top , doth still her course pursue . o all yee topick gods , that doe inhabite here , to whom the romans did , those ancient 〈◊〉 reare , oft found vpon those hills , now sunke into the soyles , which they for trophies left of their victorious spoyles , ye genij of these floods , these mountaines , and these dales , that with poore shepheards pipes , & harmlesse heardsmans tales haue often pleased been , still guard me day and night , and hold me skidow still , the place of your delight . this speech by skidow spoke , the muse makes forth againe , tow'rds where the in-borne floods , cleere eden intertaine , to cumberland com'n in , from the westmerian wasts , where as the readyest way to carlill , as shee casts , shee with two wood-nymphs meets , the first is great and wilde , and westward forrest hight ; the other but a childe , compared with her phere , and inglewood is cald , both in their pleasant scites , most happily instald . what syluan is there seene , and be she nere so coy , whose pleasures to the full , these nymphs doe not enioy , and like dianas selfe , so truly liuing chast : for seldome any tract , doth crosse their waylesse waste , with many a lustie leape , the shagged satyrs show them pastime euery day , both from the meres below , and hils on euery side , that neatly hemme them in ; the blushing morne to breake , but hardly doth begin , but that the ramping goats , swift deere , and harmelesse sheepe , which there their owners know , but no man hath to keepe , the dales doe ouer-spread , by them like motley made ; but westward of the two , by her more widened slade , of more abundance boasts , as of those mighty mynes , which in her verge she hath : but that whereby she shines , is her two daintie floods , which from two hils doe flow , which in her selfe she hath , whose banks doe bound her so vpon the north and south , as that she seemes to be much pleased with their course , and takes delight to see how elne vpon the south , in sallying to the sea confines her : on the north how wampull on her way , her purlews wondrous large , yet limitteth againe , both falling from her earth into the irish maine . no lesse is westward proud of vvauer , nor doth win lesse praise by her cleere spring , which in her course doth twin vvith vviz , a neater nymph scarce of the watry kind ; and though shee be but small , so pleasing vvauers mind , that they entirely mix'd , the irish seas imbrace , but earnestly proceed in our intended race . at eden now arriu'd , whom we haue left too long , which being com'n at length , the cumbrian hils among , as shee for carlill coasts , the floods from euery where , prepare each in their course , to entertaine her there , from skidow her tall sire , first cauda cleerely brings in eden all her wealth ; so petterell from her springs , ( not farre from skidows foot , whence dainty cauda creeps ) along to ouertake her soueraigne eden sweeps , to meet that great concourse , which seriously attend that dainty cumbrian queene ; when gilsland downe doth send her riuercts to receiue queene eden in her course ; as irthing comming in from her most plenteous source , through many a cruell crag , though she be forc'd to crawle , yet working forth her way to grace her selfe with all , first pultrosse is her page , then gelt shee gets her guide , which springeth on her south , on her septentrion side , shee crooked cambeck calls , to wait on her along , and eden ouertakes amongst the watry throng . to carlill being come , cleere bruscath beareth in , to greet her with the rest , when eden as to win her grace in carlils sight , the court of all her state , and cumberlands chiefe towne , loe thus shee doth dilate . what giueth more delight , ( braue citie ) to thy seat , then my sweet louely selfe ? a riuer so compleat , with all that nature can a dainty flood endow , that all the northerne nymphs me worthily allow , of all their nyades kind the nearest , and so farre transcending , that oft times they in their amorous warre , haue offered by my course , and beauties to decide the mastery , with her most vaunting in her pride , that mighty roman fort , which of the picts we call , but by them neere those times was 〈◊〉 seuerus wall , of that great emperour nam'd , which first that worke began , betwixt the irish sea , and german ocean , doth cut me in his course neere carlill , and doth end at boulnesse , where my selfe i on the ocean spend . and for my country here , ( of which i am the chiefe of all her watry kind ) know that shee lent reliefe , to those old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when from the 〈◊〉 they , for succour hither 〈◊〉 , as 〈◊〉 out of their way , amongst her mighty 〈◊〉 , and mountains 〈◊〉 from feare , and from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , race residing long time here , which in their genuine tongue , themselues did 〈◊〉 name , of 〈◊〉 , the name of cumberland first came ; and in her praise bee 't spoke , this soyle whose best is mine , that fountaine bringeth forth , from which the southern 〈◊〉 . ( so nam'd for that of north , another hath that stile ) this to the easterne sea , that makes forth many a mile , her first beginning takes , and vent , and alne doth lend , to wait vpon her 〈◊〉 ; but further to transcend to these great things of note , which many countries call their wonders , there is not a tract amongst them all , can shew 〈◊〉 like to mine , at the lesse sakeld , neere to edens bank , the like is scarcely any where , stones seuentie seuen stand , in manner of a ring , each full ten foot in height , but yet the strangest thing , their equall distance is , the circle that compose , within which other stones lye flat , which doe inclose the 〈◊〉 of men long dead , ( as there the people say ; ) so neere to loders spring , from thence not farre away , be others nine foot high , a myle in length that 〈◊〉 , the victories for which these trophies were begun , from darke obliuion thou , o time shouldst haue protected ; for mighty were their minds , them thus that first erected : and neere to this againe , there is a piece of ground , a little rising bank , which of the table round , men in remembrance keepe , and arthurs table name . but whilst these more and more , with glory her inflame , supposing of her selfe in these her wonders great , all her attending floods , faire eden doe entreat , to lead them downe to sea , when 〈◊〉 comes along , and by her double spring , being mightie them among , there ouertaketh eske , from scotland that doth hye , faire 〈◊〉 to behold , who meeting by and by , downe from these westerne sands into the sea doe fall , where i this canto end , as also therewithall my england doe conclude , for which i vndertooke , this strange 〈◊〉 toyle , to this my thirtieth booke . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a20849-e3090 an iland lying in the thames , on essex side . albion fained to be the son of neptune , going ouer into frāce to fight with hercules , by whom he was vanquished , is supposed to leaue his children , the iles of thanet , 〈◊〉 , greane , and this cauney , lying in the mouth of 〈◊〉 , to the 〈◊〉 of neptune their grand father . see to the latter end of the 18. song . the braue scituation of vvaltham 〈◊〉 . hatfield forest lying lower towards the east betweene stortford and dunmovv . many townes that stand on this riuer , haue 〈◊〉 name as an addition : as kythorp roding , leadenkoding , with many other . the fruitfulst hundred of essex . * anciently called 〈◊〉 where these ominous signes foreran that great ouerthrow giuen to the roman co. lony by the britans . see the 8. song . chelmsfoid ( abruptly 〈◊〉 ) as much to say , as the ford vpon the riuer che'mer . * anciently called 〈◊〉 where these ominous signes foreran that great ouerthrow giuen to the roman colony by the britans . see the 8. song . walfleet oysters cizicum is a city of bythinia . lucrinia is a citie of apulia vpon the adriatick sea ; the oysters of which places , were reckoned for great delicates with the romans . the bones of gyantlike people found in those parts . medvvay in the 18. song , reciteth the catalogue of the english warriors . see the 4. song . sea-voyages . the great riuer of russia . the greatest riuer of danske . the greatest wonder of nature . the wonderful aduenture of macham . meta incognita . 〈◊〉 dauisium . suffolke bounded on the south and north. a meeting , or feast os nymphs . 〈◊〉 hauen . the place of her spring . at gatesend not far thence . 〈◊〉 , in place the 4. city of england . the dutch a most industrious people . roots and garden . fruits of this iland . so called by the falling of y ar into the sea. supposed to be trumpeters to neptune . the vertuall properties incident to waters , as well seas , as riuers , expressed by their name in the persons of nymphs , as hath bin vsed by the ancients . the delicacies of the sea. sea-nymphs . nymphs of riuers . coronets of flowers . the song of the sea-nymphs in praise of neptune . the fountaines of these riuers , not farre asunder , vet one running northward , the other to the east . a description of a flight at riuer . after pigeons , crowes , or such like . when they sore as kites doo . crossing the ayre in their downe-come . lay the fowles againe into the water . the washes , lying betweene marsh-land , and the sea. the diuels ditch . the great ditch cutting nevv-market . heath , beginneth at rech , & endeth at covvlidge . alias , seuen mile ditch , being so much in length from the east side of the riuer 〈◊〉 to balsham . from hinxston to horsheath fiue miles . from melburne to fulmer , the shortest of the foure . the vale of ringdale , of the vulgar falsly called ringtaile . this vale standeth part in 〈◊〉 , part in cambridgeshire . a famous village in the confines of hartfordshire . the embleme of cambridge . fuell cut out of the earth in squares , like brickes . famous ditches , or waterdraughts in the 〈◊〉 . though ely be in part of cambridge shire , yet are these meres for the most part in 〈◊〉 shire . the towne and church of ely. the progresse of the riuer of ouze to the german sea. one of the wonders of this iland . after this riuer hath entred bedford shire , there is scarce any riuer in this iland , that runneth with so many intricate gyres and turnings as this ouze . the holy springs of harlvveston . a little iland made by this riuer , lying neere huntingdon . prodigious signes fores running the wars betwixt the houses of lancaster and yorke in this riuer of ouze . in sussex , neere the sea. the battell at lincolne . the battell at saint edmunds bury . henry the second . the battell of levves . prince edvvard after called edvvard the first . the battell at eusham . the conflicts at burton and burrough bridge in the second barons warres richard the second , borne at burdeux . jack stravv , kild by the maior of london with his dagger . john litstar , 2 dyer of norvvich . henry spencer , the warlike bishop of norvvich . at hatfield . vvarvvicke , darby , arnndell , & nottingham . the battell of shrevv : bury . the high courage of dovvglasse wan him that addition of doughty dovvglasse , which after grew to a prouerbe . the first battell of saint albans . henry the fourth . men brought out of the marches of vvales . the battell of 〈◊〉 heath . the battell of northampton . the riuer running by northampton . the battell of vvakefield . the battell at mortimerscrosse the second battell of saint albans . the battell of tovvton . a little riuilet neere to tovvton , running into vvharfe . the 〈◊〉 at hexam . a little riuer neere hexam . the 〈◊〉 of banbury . the citie of 〈◊〉 to haue bin 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 faction . the battell of stamford , or loose : coat feld . the battell of barnet . george duke of clarence . the battell at tevvxbury . the murther of prince ed. vvard . a briefe passage of the bastard falkonhridge his rebellion . the battell of 〈◊〉 . richards fearefull dreames the night before the battell . the battell of stoke . the dutchesse of burgundy was sister to edvvard the 4 , and so was this earles mother . the lord francis louell . the lord thomas geraldine on the coast of 〈◊〉 . sir thomas broughton . a field brauely fought . michael joseph with the cornisb rebels . the rebellion of cornvvall , in the third yeere of edvvard the sixt . sir thomas vvyat . a hill not farre from dauentry the anclent name of peterborough . the french sea. the spanish sea. a discription of the surface of the sundrie tracts of england . the riuer running by vxbridge , falling into the thames at colebrooke . see to the 13. song . here follow the blazons of the shires . northimpton , for north 〈◊〉 avonton , the towne vpon the north of auon . so called of his many wells or fonntaines . a place in the north part of northomtonshire , excellent for coursing with greyhonnds . the hare-finder . a description of a course at the hare . a curre . when one greyhound outstrips the other in the course . the fountaine of vvelland . an ancient prophecie of the 〈◊〉 of vvelland . the conrse of vvellana to the sea. saints in the primitiue british church . britain sendeth her holy men to other countries . the cambro british saints . those that came from forraine parts into this i le , & were canonized here for saints . an islet vpon the coast of scotland , in the german sea. how the name of henry came so frequent among the english . henry the second . natiue english 〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉 parts , canonized . bishops of this land canonized saints . an isle neere to scotland , lying into the german ocean , since that called holy iland , as you may read in the next page following . henry the first . saxon kings canonized for saints . a towne in 〈◊〉 . a people of the saxons , who gaue the name to england , of angles land . saint edmunsbury . holy women canonized saints . saint audries liberties . wild. geese falling downe , if they fly ouer the place . holland diuided into two parts , the lower , and the higher . the iength of holland by the sea shore from the coast of norsolke to vvainfleet . the description of the vvashes . hollands orztion a nymph supposed to haue the charge of the shore . fuell cut out of the marsh. brookes and pooles worne by the water , into which the rising floods haue recourse . the word in palconry , for a company of teale . salt water . the pleasures of the fennes . kestiuens oration . ancaster heath no tract can 〈◊〉 so braue churches . a towne so called . lincolne anciently dyed the best greene of england . botulphs towne contractedly boston . lyndsies oration vvytham eele , and ancum pyke , in all the world there is none syke . the bounds of kestiven . the vale of beuer bordreth vpon 3. shires . not a more pleasant vale in all great britaine , then beuer. the 2. famous wayes of england . see to the 13. song . a little village at the rising of soare . lecester forrest . a simily of soare . two mightie rocks in the forrest . a hill in the forrest . a simily of charnvvood forrest . two riuers of one name in one shire . whence trent is supposed to deriue her name . see to the 12. song . the 〈◊〉 . robin hoods story . a riueret parting the two shires . the peakes wonders . the diuels-arse in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hole . elden hole . saint anne of buskston . 〈◊〉 . sandy hill. the peake forrest . darvvin , of the british doure guin , which is white water . darby from thence , as the place by the water . the irish sea. the circuit and true demension of 〈◊〉 the lancashire horne-pipe . ervvels oration he that wilfish for a lancashire man , at any time or tide , must 〈◊〉 his booke with a good 〈◊〉 , or an apple with a red side . a wonder in nature . a part of lancashire so called jngleborovv , pendle , and penigent , the highest hils betwixt barvvick and trent . see to the 28. song . lunesdale . lancashire , faire women . lancashire breed of cattel the best . lancashire , deepe mouthd hounds . lancashire bowmen . the white and red 〈◊〉 . see to the sixt song . llun , in the british , sulnesse . a part of lancashire iutting out into the jrish sea. the calfe of man , a little island . a mountaine in the isle of man. barnacles one of the 〈◊〉 wonders . a scarre is a rock . a great brauery of yorkshire . the vvest ridings oration . much ewe and elme vpon the bank of don. a strange opinion held by those of the neighboring villages . beheading , which we call halifax law. robin hoods burying place . see to the 22. song . 〈◊〉 forrest . pendle hill is neere vpon the verge of this tract , but standeth in . lancashire . scotland . the metamorphosis of that fountaine . nymphs of the mountaines . the supposed genius of the place . your , the chiefest riuer of yorkshire , who alter her long course , by the confluence of other floods , gets the name of ouse . the north-ridings oration . the simily . rippon fayre . the reason why svvale is called holy. richmondshire within yorkeshire . a countie within yorkeshire . nymphs of the woods . a simily of yorkshire . the bishoprick of 〈◊〉 . a catalogue of the wonders of the north-riding the east-ridings 〈◊〉 . yorks 〈◊〉 the church of 〈◊〉 . the marks how farre he is called number . the length of the east riding vpon the sea. quzes oration . the title of the house of yorke to the crowne . the oration of humber . a fall of water the roring of the waters , at the comming in of the tyde . a liberty in the 〈◊〉 . some wonders of the east . riding . the bishoprick of durham . 〈◊〉 springeth out of stanmore , which lyeth almost equally between cumberland , & 〈◊〉 . the bishoprick of durham . a mountaine on that part of the shire . nevvcastle coale . the 〈◊〉 of anvvicke . see to the 18. song . the battell of 〈◊〉 . henry the second . the second battell at anvvicke . the battell at halidon . the battell at neuils crosse. the battell of 〈◊〉 . the battell of flodden . a road into scotland by the duke of norfolke . the siege of leeth . the road into scotland by the earle of sussex . a repetition of the hils parting northumberland and scotlād , as they lye from south to north. 〈◊〉 vvall . see to the 〈◊〉 . song . the great riuer on which edenborough standeth . the holy island a catalogue of the riuers of northumberlād , as they run into the german sea , vpon the east part of the countrey betwixt the fals of tine and 〈◊〉 . see to the 〈◊〉 end of the 27. song . see to the 27. song . the first place of note which shee runnes through . two fountains the one in the south , th' other in northvvales . see to the 5. 10. and 27. song . nymphes of the forrest . the isle of darvvent . the mynes royall . a hill in scotland . see to the 29. song . the west end of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . why 〈◊〉 so called .