An ansvver to a pamphlet, entit'led, a declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse of application to be made to the King.
This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A75409 of text R204748 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E438_3). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread
Approx. 25 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images.
EarlyPrint Project
Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO
2017
A75409
Wing A3323A
Thomason E438_3
ESTC R204748
99864211
99864211
116434
This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of
Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal
. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.
Early English books online.
(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A75409)
Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 116434)
Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 69:E438[3])
An ansvver to a pamphlet, entit'led, a declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse of application to be made to the King.
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 1609-1674, attributed name.
[2], 13, [1] p.
s.n.],
[S.l. :
Printed in the yeare, 1648.
Sometimes attributed to Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon.
The words: 'A declaration .. made to the King.' are enclosed in square brackets.
Annotation on Thomason copy: "May 3d".
Reproduction of the original in the British Library.
eng
England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800.
Declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled, expressing their reasons and grounds of passing the late resolutions touching no further addresse or application to be made to the King -- Early works to 1800.
Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800.
A75409 R204748 (Thomason E438_3). civilwar no An ansvver to a pamphlet, entit'led, a declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled,: expressing their reasons and grounds [Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of] 1648 4651 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 B The rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words.
2007-02 TCP
Assigned for keying and markup
2007-02 Apex CoVantage
Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images
2007-03 Mona Logarbo
Sampled and proofread
2007-03 Mona Logarbo
Text and markup reviewed and edited
2008-02 pfs
Batch review (QC) and XML conversion
AN
ANSWER
TO
A
PAMPHLET
,
ENTIT'LED
,
A
Declaration
of
the
Commons
of
England
in
Parliament
assembled
,
expressing
their
Reasons
and
Grounds
of
passing
the
late
Resolutions
touching
no
further
Addresse
or
Application
to
be
made
to
the
KING
.
CR
HONI
SOIT
QVI
MAL
Y
PENSE
DIEV
ET
MON
DROIT
royal blazon or coat of arms
Printed
in
the
yeare
,
1648.
An
ANSWER
to
a
Pamphlet
,
entit'led
,
[
A
DECLARATION
of
the
Commons
of
England
in
Parliament
assembled
,
expressing
their
Reasons
and
Grounds
of
passing
the
late
Resolutions
touching
no
farther
Addresse
or
Application
to
be
made
to
the
KING
.
]
I
Believe
that
it
was
never
heard
of
until
now
,
that
heavy
Imputations
were
laid
on
any
Man
(
I
speak
not
,
now
,
of
KINGS
,
which
I
confesse
makes
the
Case
,
yet
,
more
strange
and
unjust
)
and
He
not
permitted
to
see
,
much
lesse
to
Answer
them
:
but
so
it
is
now
with
the
KING
:
which
does
(
though
silently
)
yet
subject
Him
to
as
great
an
Imputation
,
as
there
is
any
in
the
said
Declaration
;
for
those
who
know
no
better
,
may
think
that
He
cannot
,
because
He
does
not
,
Answer
it
:
Wherefore
I
hold
it
my
Duty
(
knowing
these
things
better
then
every
ordinary
Man
)
to
do
my
best
,
that
the
KING
should
not
be
injured
,
by
the
ignorance
of
His
People
;
and
albeit
,
I
(
lying
under
Persecution
,
for
my
Conscience
,
and
Love
to
Regall
Authority
)
have
not
the
means
,
in
every
thing
,
to
make
full
Probations
;
yet
,
I
am
confident
,
in
all
the
most
materiall
Points
,
so
to
make
the
Truth
,
of
the
KINGS
Innocency
,
appear
;
that
I
shall
satisfie
any
Impartiall
judicious
Reader
.
What
the
Issue
of
former
Addresses
to
the
KING
hath
been
,
is
most
certainly
known
to
all
the
World
;
but
,
where
the
Fault
rests
,
whereby
Peace
hath
not
ensued
,
bare
Asseverations
,
without
Proofes
,
cannot
,
I
am
sure
,
satisfie
any
Judicious
Reader
.
And
indeed
,
it
seems
to
me
,
that
the
Penner
of
this
,
seeks
more
to
take
the
Eares
of
the
Ignorant
Multitude
,
with
big
Words
,
and
bold
Assertions
,
then
to
satisfie
Rationall
Men
with
reall
Proofs
or
true
Arguments
.
For
,
at
the
very
first
,
he
begs
the
Question
;
tak●ng
it
for
granted
,
that
the
KING
could
ease
the
Sighes
and
Groanes
,
dry
the
Teares
,
and
stanch
the
Blood
of
His
distressed
Subjects
:
Alas
!
Is
it
He
,
that
keeps
Armies
on
foot
,
when
there
is
none
to
oppose
?
Is
it
He
,
that
will
not
lay
down
Excise
,
Taxation
,
and
free-Quarterings
?
But
,
it
is
He
indeed
,
who
was
so
far
from
Power
,
even
at
that
time
,
(
being
far
worse
since
)
that
,
in
most
things
,
He
wanted
the
Liberty
of
any
free-born
Man
:
It
is
He
,
who
never
refused
to
ease
His
People
of
their
Grievances
;
witnesse
more
Acts
of
Grace
passed
in
His
Reigne
,
then
(
to
speak
within
my
compasse
)
in
any
five
Kings
or
Queens
Times
,
that
ever
were
before
Him
:
Moreover
,
It
is
He
,
who
,
to
settle
the
present
unhappy
Distractions
,
and
(
as
the
best
means
to
it
)
to
obtain
a
Personall
Treaty
,
hath
offered
so
much
;
that
(
to
say
Truth
)
during
His
own
Time
,
He
hath
left
Himself
little
more
then
the
Title
of
a
KING
;
as
it
plainly
appears
by
His
Message
from
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
concerning
the
Militia
,
and
choosing
the
Officers
of
State
,
and
Privy-Counsellours
;
besides
other
points
of
Complyance
,
which
is
needlesse
here
to
mention
.
Good
God!
are
these
Offers
,
unfit
for
them
to
receive
?
have
they
tendred
such
Propositions
,
that
might
occasion
the
World
to
judge
that
they
have
yeilded
up
,
not
only
their
Wills
and
Affections
,
but
their
Reasons
also
,
and
Judgements
,
for
obtaining
a
true
Peace
or
good
Accommodation
?
It
is
true
,
that
if
they
can
shew
,
what
,
Reasonably
,
they
could
have
asked
more
;
or
,
wherein
the
KING'S
Offers
were
deficient
(
either
in
Point
of
Security
,
or
,
by
with-holding
,
from
any
of
His
Subjects
,
a
jot
of
their
just
Priviledges
)
then
,
they
said
somewhat
,
to
challenge
Belief
:
But
,
bare
Asseverations
,
even
against
what
a
Man
sees
,
will
not
get
credit
with
any
,
but
such
who
abandon
their
Judgments
to
an
Implicit
Faith
:
Nor
can
the
Determinations
of
all
the
Parlaments
in
the
World
,
make
a
thing
Just
or
Necessary
,
if
it
be
not
so
of
it self
:
And
can
it
be
imagined
,
that
any
,
who
were
ever
acquainted
with
the
Passages
at
the
Treaties
,
of
Oxford
and
Uxbridge
,
will
believe
(
though
it
be
said
)
That
the
Propositions
tendred
at
Newcastle
,
were
the
same
in
effect
,
which
had
been
presented
to
the
King
before
,
in
the
midst
of
all
His
Strength
and
Forces
?
Indeed
methinks
such
grosse
slips
as
these
,
should
,
at
least
,
make
a
Man
be
wary
,
how
to
believe
such
things
,
for
which
he
sees
no
Proofs
;
And
yet
it
should
seem
,
that
a
Man
must
either
take
their
Words
,
for
good
Payment
,
or
remain
unsatisfied
;
for
a
little
after
,
it
is
said
,
That
the
Kings
strange
,
unexpected
,
and
conditionall
Answers
or
Denials
might
justly
have
made
them
consider
some
other
course
for
Setling
the
Kingdome
in
Peace
and
Safety
,
without
any
farther
Application
;
but
never
showes
,
wherein
the
strangenesse
of
His
Answers
or
Denials
consists
:
And
I
should
think
,
that
those
Reasons
,
upon
which
the
laying
by
of
a
Kings
Authority
is
grounded
(
for
it
is
no
lesse
)
ought
to
be
particularly
mentioned
,
for
the
Worlds
satisfaction
,
and
not
involved
in
generall
big
Words
:
for
it
thereby
seems
,
that
it
is
their
Force
of
Armes
,
more
then
that
of
Reason
,
which
they
trust
to
,
for
procuring
of
Obedience
to
their
Determinations
,
or
Belief
to
what
they
say
:
Otherwayes
,
can
it
be
imagined
,
that
their
saying
,
That
their
last
Propositions
were
to
be
qualified
,
that
(
where
it
might
stand
with
the
Publick
safety
)
the
wonted
Scruples
and
Objections
were
prevented
or
removed
,
can
give
satisfaction
to
any
Rationall
Man
,
who
hath
seen
all
their
former
Propositions
?
for
,
it
is
most
evident
,
that
their
Demands
have
alwaies
encreased
with
their
good
Fortune
.
And
for
their
great
Condescention
to
a
Personal
Treaty
(
which
,
under
favour
,
can
scarcely
be
called
so
;
for
the
KING
,
though
He
had
granted
what
was
desired
,
was
not
to
come
,
neither
to
nor
near
London
,
but
to
stay
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
and
there
to
Treat
with
Commissioners
)
upon
Signing
the
Four
Bils
;
Surely
,
they
incurred
therein
,
but
little
danger
;
for
it
is
most
evident
,
that
they
containe
the
very
substance
of
the
most
essentiall
parts
of
their
Demands
;
which
being
once
granted
,
the
KING
would
neither
have
had
Power
to
Deny
,
nor
any
thing
left
worth
the
refusing
;
for
after
He
had
confessed
,
that
He
had
taken
up
Armes
,
to
invade
the
liberty
of
his
People
,
(
whereas
it
was
only
for
the
Defence
of
His
own
Rights
)
and
had
likewise
Condemned
all
those
,
who
had
faithfully
served
Him
,
of
Rebellion
;
and
that
He
had
totally
devested
Himself
,
his
Heires
,
and
Successours
for
ever
,
of
the
Power
of
the
Sword
;
whereby
the
Protection
of
His
Subjects
(
which
is
one
of
the
most
essentiall
and
necessary
Rights
belonging
to
Regall
Authority
)
is
totally
torne
away
from
the
Crown
:
and
that
by
a
silent
Confession
,
He
had
done
Himself
and
Successours
,
an
irrepairable
prejudice
concerning
the
Great
Seal
(
I
speak
not
of
the
other
two
Bills
,
neither
of
which
are
of
little
importance
)
what
was
there
more
for
Him
to
grant
(
worth
the
insisting
upon
)
after
such
Concessions
?
or
,
indeed
,
what
Power
was
left
Him
to
deny
any
thing
?
So
that
the
KING'S
necessity
of
giving
the
Answer
He
did
(
for
it
was
no
absolute
Refusall
)
is
most
evident
;
unlesse
,
He
had
resolved
to
have
lived
in
quiet
,
without
Honour
;
and
to
have
given
His
People
Peace
,
without
Safety
;
by
Abandoning
them
to
an
Arbitrary
and
unlimited
Power
of
the
Two
Houses
,
for
ever
,
concerning
the
Levying
of
Land
or
Sea
Forces
,
without
stinting
of
Numbers
,
or
distinction
of
Persons
;
and
for
Payments
,
to
levy
such
summes
of
Monies
,
in
such
sort
,
and
by
such
waies
and
means
,
as
they
shall
think
fit
and
appoint
.
And
now
,
I
cannot
but
ask
;
Is
this
the
Militia
,
that
the
KING
contends
for
?
or
,
did
ever
any
King
of
England
pretend
to
,
or
seek
for
,
such
a
Power
?
surely
no
:
But
,
this
is
a
new
Militia
,
and
take
heed
,
lest
this
should
prove
like
the
Roman
Praetorian
Cohorts
,
that
what
they
did
in
choosing
and
changing
Emperours
,
these
do
not
to
this
Government
;
by
moulding
and
altering
it
according
to
their
Fancies
.
Now
,
my
eagernesse
to
clear
this
Point
concerning
the
four
Bills
,
had
almost
made
me
forget
,
a
most
materiall
Question
:
I
wonder
much
wherein
the
Danger
consists
of
a
Personall
Treaty
with
the
KING
,
ever
since
He
was
last
at
Newcastle
?
Surely
He
cannot
bring
Forces
along
with
Him
,
to
awe
His
Two
Houses
of
Parlament
:
and
it
is
as
well
known
that
He
hath
not
Mony
to
raise
an
Army
:
and
truly
,
there
is
as
little
fear
,
that
the
Eloquence
of
His
Tongue
should
work
Miracles
;
but
on
the
Contrary
,
if
He
were
so
ill
a
Man
,
as
you
describe
Him
to
be
,
whatsoever
He
shal
say
or
write
,
must
more
prejudice
Him
then
You
:
for
let
Him
never
flatter
Himself
;
it
must
be
clear
,
not
doubtfull
,
Reason
,
that
can
prevaile
against
that
great
visible
prevailing
Power
,
which
now
opposes
Him
:
nor
do
I
say
,
it
will
;
but
certainly
,
lesse
cannot
doe
it
:
Where
is
then
,
the
Danger
?
Believe
it
,
Reason
will
hardly
maintain
those
who
are
affraid
of
her
.
After
this
,
it
is
said
,
That
they
had
Cause
enough
to
remember
,
that
the
KING
sometimes
denied
to
receive
their
humble
Petitions
:
but
,
they
neither
tell
,
where
,
nor
when
;
which
,
I
am
most
confident
,
they
cannot
:
but
I
am
certain
,
that
the
KING
hath
sent
divers
Messages
of
Peace
to
them
,
unto
which
,
He
hath
yet
,
had
no
Answer
;
namely
,
His
last
from
Oxford
of
the
15.
Jan.
1645.
and
all
the
rest
since
:
As
for
the
Fight
at
Brainceford
,
whosoever
will
read
the
Collection
of
the
Declarations
in
Print
,
upon
that
subject
,
will
clearly
find
,
that
the
KING
hath
more
Reason
to
complain
,
that
they
under
colour
of
Treaty
,
sought
to
environ
Him
with
their
Forces
;
then
they
,
for
what
He
then
did
;
and
His
Retreat
was
neither
for
Feare
,
nor
with
Shame
;
for
the
appearing
of
the
Enemy
made
Him
retard
,
not
hasten
His
Orders
for
retiring
,
which
divers
howers
(
before
their
appearing
)
He
had
given
:
which
He
did
without
any
losse
at
all
,
but
(
on
the
contrary
)
Retreated
with
more
Armes
,
Eleven
Colours
,
and
fifteen
pieces
of
Ordnance
(
beside
good
store
of
Ammunition
)
then
He
had
before
:
and
for
Cruelty
;
there
was
not
a
drop
of
Bloud
shed
,
but
in
the
heat
of
the
Fight
,
for
I
saw
above
five
hundred
Prisoners
,
who
(
only
promising
,
never
after
,
to
beare
Armes
against
the
KING
)
were
freely
Released
.
Again
,
they
seem
to
have
good
Memories
,
saying
,
That
the
King
once
sent
them
a
specious
Message
of
renewing
a
Treaty
,
when
at
the
same
time
,
His
Messenger
was
instructed
how
to
manage
that
bloody
Massacre
in
London
,
which
was
then
Design'd
by
vertue
of
the
Kings
Commission
,
since
published
:
And
hath
the
KING
sent
but
one
Message
,
for
the
renewing
of
a
Treaty
?
Then
what
was
that
from
Tavestock
in
Aug.
1644.
and
*
five
others
from
Oxford
the
next
Yeare
?
But
indeed
this
,
that
is
here
mentioned
,
they
knew
not
how
to
Answer
(
for
at
that
time
,
they
knew
not
the
way
of
Silence
)
but
by
this
forged
Accusation
against
the
Messenger
;
who
,
I
dare
say
,
knew
nothing
of
that
,
which
might
have
been
(
at
that
time
)
intended
for
the
KING'S
service
,
by
some
who
had
more
Zeale
then
Judgment
:
But
,
that
there
was
a
Massacre
intended
,
or
,
that
any
Commission
from
the
KING
,
should
countenance
such
a
Designe
,
is
a
most
notorious
Slaunder
.
As
for
the
KING'
's
mentioned
Letter
to
the
QUEENE
;
I
am
confident
that
any
judicious
Reader
,
will
find
the
Glosse
made
upon
it
,
very
much
wrested
:
And
certainly
,
after-Ages
will
think
these
Times
very
Barbarous
,
wherein
private
Letters
betwixt
Man
and
Wife
are
published
to
open
view
:
and
in
other
Countries
,
there
is
such
Respect
carried
to
private
Letters
of
Princes
,
that
(
to
my
knowledge
)
the
last
Emperour
in
the
greatest
heat
of
the
Bohemian
Warre
,
having
intercepted
a
Packet
,
wherein
were
private
Letters
to
King
JAMES
of
blessed
Memory
(
who
was
then
known
,
no
great
Friend
to
the
Emperour
)
from
His
onely
Daughter
,
then
,
avowedly
the
Emperours
greatest
Enemy
;
yet
He
sent
them
to
the
KING
,
without
the
least
offer
of
violence
to
the
Scales
.
And
now
I
come
to
their
Determination
upon
the
whole
Matter
,
what
Course
they
have
resolved
to
take
with
the
KING
:
their
words
are
;
But
notwithstanding
this
and
other
former
Tenders
,
we
have
now
received
such
a
Denyall
that
we
are
in
Despaire
of
any
good
by
Addresses
to
the
KING
;
neither
must
we
be
so
injurious
to
the
People
in
further
delaying
their
Setlement
,
as
any
more
to
presse
His
Consent
to
these
,
or
any
other
Propositions
:
Besides
,
it
is
Resolved
upon
the
Question
:
That
they
will
receive
no
more
any
Message
from
the
King
;
and
do
enjoyne
,
That
no
Persons
do
presume
,
to
receive
or
bring
any
Message
from
the
King
to
both
or
either
Houses
of
Parlament
or
to
any
other
Person
.
Thus
you
see
,
that
the
KING
is
laid
by
;
but
,
that
is
not
all
;
for
,
He
must
,
neither
justifie
His
Innocency
against
Calumny
,
nor
is
there
any
way
left
Him
to
mend
any
Errour
,
that
He
may
have
committed
:
Is
this
a
Just
way
of
proceeding
?
when
Truth
,
though
offered
,
must
not
be
heard
;
and
that
no
way
must
be
left
to
recant
an
Error
?
And
why
all
this
Severity
?
Because
(
as
I
have
already
shown
you
)
the
KING
will
not
injure
His
Conscience
or
Honour
,
nor
suffer
His
People
to
be
oppressed
;
to
which
they
give
the
Terme
of
such
a
Denyall
,
though
really
it
was
none
.
But
since
they
thus
seek
to
hoodwink
the
People
;
it
is
no
great
Wonder
,
that
they
forbid
the
KING
to
repent
Him
of
those
Faults
,
which
He
never
committed
:
and
I
believe
all
Indifferent
Men
,
will
easily
judge
of
the
KING'S
Innocency
,
even
by
their
way
of
Accusation
:
for
,
those
who
wil
lay
such
High
Crimes
to
His
charge
,
as
the
breach
of
Oaths
,
Vows
,
Protestations
,
and
Imprecations
;
would
not
spare
to
bring
their
Proofs
if
they
had
any
:
But
on
the
Contrary
it
is
known
to
all
the
World
,
that
He
had
not
suffer'd
,
as
He
ha's
done
,
if
He
would
have
dispensed
with
that
part
of
His
Coronation
Oath
,
which
He
made
to
the
Clergy
;
which
is
no
great
signe
that
He
makes
slight
of
His
Engagements
:
of
which
it
is
so
universally
knowne
,
that
He
ha's
been
so
Religiously
Carefull
,
as
I
hold
it
a
wrong
to
His
Innocency
,
to
seek
to
clear
Him
of
such
Slaunders
,
for
which
there
are
no
Proofs
alledged
;
for
,
Malice
being
once
detected
,
is
best
Answered
,
with
Neglect
and
Silence
:
And
was
there
ever
greater
,
or
more
apparent
,
Malice
,
then
to
offer
to
put
the
horrid
slaunder
of
Paricide
upon
Him
,
who
was
eminently
known
to
be
as
obedient
and
loving
a
Son
to
His
blessed
Father
,
as
any
History
can
make
mention
of
?
But
indeed
the
losse
of
Rochell
doth
fitly
follow
;
to
show
,
how
Malice
,
when
it
is
at
the
height
,
is
ordinarily
accompanied
;
for
there
are
none
,
but
ignorant
or
forgetfull
Men
,
who
know
not
that
it
was
meerly
the
want
of
Assistance
,
from
the
Two
Houses
of
Parlament
(
contrary
to
their
Publick
Generall
Engagement
)
that
lost
Rochell
:
and
there
is
nothing
more
clear
(
to
any
who
hath
known
French
Occurrences
)
then
,
that
reall
Assistance
,
which
the
KING
,
to
the
uttermost
of
His
Power
,
gave
to
those
of
the
Religion
,
at
that
time
,
made
the
Cardinall
of
Richelieu
an
irreconcileable
enemy
to
the
KING
;
wherefore
I
cannot
but
say
,
that
it
is
a
strange
forgetfull
Boldnesse
to
charge
the
KING
with
that
which
was
evidently
other
mens
faults
.
There
are
also
other
things
,
that
,
to
any
knowing
Man
,
will
rather
seem
Jeers
,
then
Acusations
;
as
the
German
Horse
,
and
Spanish
Fleet
in
the
yeare
1639.
But
my
Affection
shall
not
so
blind
me
,
as
to
say
,
that
the
KING
never
erred
;
yet
,
as
when
a
just
Debt
is
paid
,
Bonds
ought
to
be
cancell'd
;
so
Grievances
,
be
they
never
so
just
,
being
once
redressed
,
ought
no
more
to
be
objected
as
Errours
.
And
it
is
no
Paradox
,
to
affirme
;
that
Truths
,
this
way
told
,
are
no
better
then
Slaunders
;
and
such
are
the
Catalogue
of
Grievances
here
enumerated
;
which
,
when
they
are
well
examin'd
,
every
one
of
them
,
will
not
be
found
such
as
here
they
are
described
to
be
.
Now
as
concerning
those
Discourses
which
mention
the
Beginnings
of
these
Troubles
,
(
which
are
in
Two
severall
places
of
this
Declaration
)
I
will
onely
say
this
;
that
what
the
KING
did
,
upon
those
Occasions
,
was
meerly
to
defend
the
Rights
of
His
Crown
,
which
were
and
are
evidently
sought
to
be
torne
from
Him
;
nor
can
I
acknowledge
all
those
Relations
to
be
true
,
such
as
Private
Levies
,
of
Men
;
by
Popish
Agents
;
Arming
of
Papists
in
the
North
,
Calling
in
of
Danish
Forces
,
and
the
like
:
And
as
for
the
stale
Slaunder
of
calling
up
the
Northerne
Army
,
now
renewed
;
it
is
well
known
,
that
the
Two
Houses
(
even
at
that
time
)
were
not
so
partiall
to
the
KING
,
as
to
have
conceal'd
a
Practise
of
that
kind
,
if
they
could
have
got
it
sufficiently
proved
.
But
,
if
the
Irish
Rebellion
can
be
justly
charged
upon
the
KING
,
then
I
shall
not
blame
any
for
beleeving
all
the
rest
of
the
Allegations
against
Him
;
onely
I
protest
against
all
Rebells
Testimonie
,
as
good
Proofe
;
it
being
most
certaine
by
experience
;
that
they
,
who
make
no
Conscience
of
Rebelling
,
will
make
lesse
of
Lying
,
when
it
is
for
their
Advantage
.
And
,
it
is
no
little
wonder
,
that
,
so
grave
an
Assembly
as
the
House
of
Commons
,
should
so
slightly
examine
a
Businesse
of
that
Great
Weight
,
as
to
alleage
,
that
the
Scots
Great
Seale
,
did
countenance
the
Irish
Rebellion
,
when
I
know
it
can
be
proved
,
by
Witnesses
without
exception
,
that
,
for
many
Moneths
before
,
untill
the
now
Lord
Chancellour
had
the
Keeping
of
it
,
there
was
nothing
at
all
Sealed
by
it
:
Nor
concerning
this
Great
Point
will
I
onely
say
,
that
the
KING
is
Innocent
,
and
bid
them
prove
(
which
,
to
most
Accusations
,
is
a
sufficient
Answer
)
but
,
I
can
prove
,
that
if
the
KING
had
been
obeyed
in
the
Irish
Affaires
before
He
went
last
into
Scotland
,
there
had
been
no
Irish
Rebellion
;
and
,
after
it
was
begun
,
it
had
,
in
few
Months
,
been
subpressed
,
if
His
Directions
had
been
observed
;
For
if
the
KING
had
been
suffered
to
have
performed
His
Engagements
to
the
Irish
Agents
;
and
,
had
disposed
of
the
discontented
Irish
Army
,
beyond
Sea
(
according
to
His
Contracts
with
the
French
and
Spanish
Ambassadours
)
there
is
nothing
more
cleare
,
then
that
there
could
have
been
no
Rebellion
in
Ireland
;
because
,
they
had
wanted
both
Pretence
and
Meanes
,
to
have
made
one
:
Then
,
when
it
was
broken
forth
,
if
those
vigorous
courses
had
been
pursued
,
which
the
KING
proposed
,
(
first
to
the
Scots
,
then
,
to
the
English
Parlament
)
doubtlesse
that
Rebellion
had
been
soon
suppressed
.
But
what
He
proposed
took
so
little
effect
,
that
in
many
months
after
,
there
was
nothing
sent
into
Ireland
,
but
what
the
KING
Himselfe
sent
(
assisted
by
the
Duke
of
Richmond
)
before
He
came
from
Scotland
,
unto
Sir
Rob
:
Steward
;
which
,
though
it
were
little
,
will
be
found
to
have
done
much
service
,
as
may
be
seen
by
the
said
Sir
Roberts
voluntary
Testimony
,
given
in
writing
to
the
Parlament
Commissioners
then
attending
the
KING
at
Stoak
.
And
certainly
,
a
greater
Evidence
for
Constancy
in
Religion
there
cannot
be
,
then
the
KING
shewed
in
His
Irish
Treaty
;
for
,
in
the
time
that
He
most
needed
Assistance
,
it
was
in
His
Power
to
have
made
that
Kingdome
Declare
unanimously
for
Him
,
and
have
had
the
whole
Forces
thereof
employed
in
His
Service
,
if
He
would
have
granted
their
Demand
in
Points
of
Religion
,
they
not
insisting
in
any
thing
of
Civill
Government
,
which
His
Majesty
might
not
have
granted
,
without
prejudice
to
Regal
Authority
;
and
this
can
be
clearly
proved
,
by
the
Marques
of
Ormonds
Treaties
with
the
Irish
,
not
without
very
good
Evidence
by
some
of
the
KING's
Letters
to
the
QUEENE
,
which
were
taken
at
Naseby
that
are
purposely
concealed
,
lest
they
should
too
plainly
discover
the
KING'S
detestation
of
that
Rebellion
,
and
His
rigid
firmnesse
to
the
Protestant
Profession
:
Nor
can
I
end
this
Point
,
without
remarking
with
Wonder
,
that
Men
should
have
so
ill
Memories
,
as
again
to
renew
that
old
Slander
,
of
the
King's
giving
Passes
,
to
divers
Papists
,
and
Persons
of
Quality
,
who
headed
the
Rebels
;
of
which
He
so
cleared
Himselfe
,
that
He
demanded
Reparation
for
it
,
but
could
not
have
it
,
albeit
no
shew
of
Proof
could
be
produced
,
for
that
Allegation
:
as
is
most
plainly
to
be
seen
in
the
first
book
of
the
Collection
of
all
Remonstrances
,
Declarations
,
&c.
fol.
69.
&
70.
Thus
having
given
a
particular
Answer
to
the
most
materiall
Points
in
this
Declaration
,
the
rest
are
such
frivolous
,
malicious
,
and
many
of
them
groundlesse
Calumnies
,
that
Contempt
is
the
Best
Answer
for
them
.
Yet
,
one
thing
more
,
I
must
observe
,
that
they
not
onely
endeavour
to
make
Fables
passe
for
currant
Coyne
,
but
likewise
seek
to
blind
Mens
Judgements
,
with
false
Inferences
upon
some
Truths
:
for
Example
;
It
is
true
,
that
the
KING
hath
said
in
some
of
His
Speeches
or
Declarations
;
That
He
oweth
an
Accompt
of
His
Actions
to
none
but
God
alone
;
and
That
the
Houses
of
Parlament
joynt
or
seperate
have
no
Power
,
either
to
make
or
Declare
any
Law
;
But
,
that
this
is
a
fit
foundation
for
all
Tyrannie
,
I
must
utterly
Deny
;
indeed
if
it
had
been
said
,
that
the
King
,
without
the
Two
Houses
of
Parlament
,
could
make
or
Declare
Lawes
,
then
there
might
be
some
strength
in
the
Argument
;
but
,
before
this
Parlament
,
it
was
never
,
so
much
as
Pretended
,
that
either
or
both
Houses
,
without
the
KING
,
could
make
or
Declare
any
Law
,
and
certainly
HIS
MAJESTY
is
not
the
first
(
and
I
hope
will
not
be
the
last
)
King
of
England
,
that
hath
not
held
Himself
Accomptable
to
any
Earthly
Power
;
besides
it
will
be
found
,
that
this
HIS
MAJESTY'S
Position
is
most
agreeable
to
all
Divine
and
Humane
Lawes
;
so
far
it
is
,
from
being
Destructive
to
a
Kingdome
,
or
a
Foundation
for
Tyrannie
.
To
conclude
,
I
appeale
to
GOD
,
and
the
World
,
whether
it
can
be
parallel'd
by
example
,
or
warranted
by
Justice
,
that
any
Man
should
be
Slander'd
,
yet
denyed
the
sight
thereof
;
and
so
far
from
being
permitted
to
Answer
,
that
if
He
have
erred
,
there
is
no
way
left
Him
to
acknowledge
or
mend
it
:
and
yet
this
is
the
KING'
's
present
Condition
;
who
is
,
at
this
time
,
laid
aside
;
Because
He
will
not
consent
that
the
old
Fundamentall
Lawes
of
this
Land
be
changed
,
Regall
Power
destroyed
,
nor
,
His
People
submitted
,
to
a
new
Arbitrary
Tyrannicall
Government
.
In
page
4.
line
4.
for
to
be
qualified
,
read
so
qualified
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A75409e-140
*
5.
15.
26.
29.
of
Decemb.
and
15.
of
Jan.
1645.