The legall fundamentall liberties of the people of England revived, asserted, and vindicated. Or, an epistle written the eighth day of June 1649, by Lieut. Colonel John Lilburn (arbitrary and aristocratical prisoner in the Tower of London) to Mr. William Lenthall Speaker to the remainder of those few knights, citizens, and burgesses that Col. Thomas Pride at his late purge thought convenient to leave sitting at Westminster ... who ... pretendedly stile themselves ... the Parliament of England, intrusted and authorised by the consent of all the people thereof, whose representatives by election ... they are; although they are never able to produce one bit of a law, or any piece of a commission to prove, that all the people of England, ... authorised Thomas Pride, ... to chuse them a Parliament, as indeed he hath de facto done by this pretended mock-Parliament: and therefore it cannot properly be called the nations or peoples Parliament, but Col. Pride's and his associates, whose really it is; who, although they have beheaded the King for a tyrant, yet walk in his oppressingest steps, if not worse and higher.
Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657.
1649
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The legall fundamentall liberties of the people of England revived, asserted, and vindicated. Or, an epistle written the eighth day of June 1649, by Lieut. Colonel John Lilburn (arbitrary and aristocratical prisoner in the Tower of London) to Mr. William Lenthall Speaker to the remainder of those few knights, citizens, and burgesses that Col. Thomas Pride at his late purge thought convenient to leave sitting at Westminster ... who ... pretendedly stile themselves ... the Parliament of England, intrusted and authorised by the consent of all the people thereof, whose representatives by election ... they are; although they are never able to produce one bit of a law, or any piece of a commission to prove, that all the people of England, ... authorised Thomas Pride, ... to chuse them a Parliament, as indeed he hath de facto done by this pretended mock-Parliament: and therefore it cannot properly be called the nations or peoples Parliament, but Col. Pride's and his associates, whose really it is; who, although they have beheaded the King for a tyrant, yet walk in his oppressingest steps, if not worse and higher.
Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657.
Lenthall, William, 1591-1662.
[4], 75, [1] p.
[s.n.],
London :
Printed in the grand yeer of hypocriticall and abominable dissimulation. 1649.
Annotation on Thomason copy: "June 18".
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eng
Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657 -- Imprisonment -- Early works to 1800.
England and Wales. -- Parliament. -- House of Commons.
Civil rights -- England -- Sources.
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800.
Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800.
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The
Legall
Fundamentall
LIBERTIES
OF
THE
PEOPLE
of
ENGLAND
Revived
,
Asserted
,
and
Vindicated
.
OR
,
An
EPISTLE
written
the
eighth
day
of
June
1649
,
by
Lieut.
Colonel
JOHN
LILBVRN
(
Arbitrary
and
Aristocratical
prisoner
in
the
Tower
of
London
)
to
Mr.
William
Lenthall
Speaker
to
the
remainder
of
those
few
Knights
,
Citizens
,
and
Burgesses
that
Col.
Thomas
Pride
at
his
late
purge
thought
convenient
to
leave
sitting
at
Westminster
(
as
most
fit
for
his
and
his
Masters
designes
,
to
serve
their
ambitious
and
tyrannical
ends
,
to
destroy
the
good
old
Laws
,
Liberties
and
Customs
of
England
,
the
badges
of
our
freedom
,
(
as
the
Declaration
against
the
King
,
of
the
7
of
March
1648
,
pag.
23.
calls
them
)
and
by
force
of
arms
to
rob
the
people
of
their
lives
,
estates
and
properties
,
and
subject
them
to
perfect
vassalage
and
slavery
,
as
he
cleerly
evinceth
in
his
present
Case
&c.
they
have
done
)
who
(
and
in
truth
no
otherwise
)
pretendedly
stile
themselves
(
the
Conservators
of
the
peace
of
England
,
or
)
the
Parliament
of
England
,
intrusted
and
authorised
by
the
consent
of
all
the
people
thereof
,
whose
Representatives
by
election
.
(
in
their
Declaration
last
mentioned
,
pag.
27.
they
say
)
they
are
;
although
they
are
never
able
to
produce
one
bit
of
a
Law
,
or
any
piece
of
a
Commission
to
prove
,
that
all
the
people
of
England
,
or
one
quarter
,
tenth
,
hundred
,
or
thousand
part
of
them
authorised
Thomas
Pride
,
with
his
Regiment
of
Souldiers
,
to
chuse
them
a
Parliament
,
as
indeed
he
hath
de
facto
done
by
this
pretended
mock-Parliament
:
And
therefore
it
cannot
properly
be
called
the
Nations
or
Peoples
Parliament
,
but
Col.
Pride's
and
his
associates
,
whose
really
it
is
;
who
,
although
they
have
beheaded
the
King
for
a
Tyrant
,
yet
walk
in
his
oppressingest
steps
,
if
not
worse
and
higher
.
JOHN
7.
51.
Doth
our
Law
judge
any
men
,
before
it
hear
him
,
and
know
what
he
doth
?
ACTS
24.
23.
And
he
commanded
a
Centurion
to
keep
Paul
,
and
to
let
him
have
liberty
,
and
that
he
should
forbid
none
of
his
acquaintance
to
minister
,
or
come
unto
him
,
(
although
in
ver
.
5.
he
was
accused
for
a
most
pestilent
fellow
,
and
a
mover
of
sedition
throughout
all
the
world
.
)
ACTS
25.
27.
For
it
seemeth
to
me
unreasonable
(
saith
the
heathen
Judge
)
to
send
a
prisoner
,
and
not
withall
to
signifie
the
crimes
laid
against
him
.
ACTS
28.
30.
And
Paul
(
IN
HIS
IMPRISONMENT
AT
ROME
UNDER
THE
HEATHEN
PERSECUTORS
)
dwelt
two
whole
years
in
his
own
hired
house
,
and
received
all
that
came
in
unto
him
.
LONDON
,
Printed
in
the
grand
yeer
of
hypocriticall
and
abominable
dissimulation
.
1649.
SIR
,
FOr
distinction●
sake
,
I
will
〈◊〉
stile
you
Mr.
SPEAKER
,
although
it
be
but
to
Col.
Pride's
〈…〉
Parliament
,
sitting
at
Westminster
,
(
not
the
Nation
's
,
for
they
never
gave
him
Authority
to
issue
out
Writs
,
elect
or
constitute
a
Parliament
for
them
)
and
you
being
their
mouth
,
I
could
not
think
of
any
man
to
whom
I
could
better
direct
my
Lines
at
〈…〉
(
in
my
gr●●t
Oppressions
by
You
and
your
Lord
and
Master
CROMVVEL
)
then
your self
:
And
therefore
cannot
now
chuse
but
put
you
in
minde
,
That
the
4th
.
April
,
1648.
when
I
was
like
unjustly
to
be
destroyed
by
Mr.
Oliver
Cromwell
in
my
late
unjust
and
tyrannicall
Imprisonment
in
the
Tower
;
I
writ
you
a
large
Epistle
,
and
stiled
it
in
print
,
The
prisoners
Plea
for
a
Habeas
corpus
;
in
the
9
,
10
,
11
,
12
,
13
pages
of
which
,
I
positively
accuse
Mr.
Oliver
Cromwell
for
a
wilfull
murderer
,
and
desire
you
there
to
acquaint
your
House
therewith
(
who
then
had
some
little
face
of
a
Parliament
stamp
upon
it
)
and
,
That
I
would
engage
upon
my
life
to
prove
him
to
be
so
by
Law
:
You
your selves
in
your
Declaration
of
the
4th
.
March
,
1647.
in
answer
to
the
Scotch-Commissioners
Papers
Declare
p.
5.
16.
that
the
subduing
the
enemies
forces
in
the
Nation
,
(
which
then
were
,
as
you
there
say
,
wholly
subdued
&
suppressed
)
though
the
Parliament
keep
up
an
Army
,
in
a
time
of
peace
,
when
all
the
ordinary
Courts
of
Justice
were
open
,
where
only
and
alone
,
all
Law
and
Justice
ought
to
be
dispensed
to
all
Englishmen
in
all
cases
whatsoever
,
yea
,
even
to
Soldiers
as
well
as
others
;
as
in
the
aforesaid
pages
,
and
in
Mr.
Overtons
and
My
printed
Epistle
to
the
Generall
(
in
Mr.
Lockiers
behalf
)
of
the
27
April
,
1649.
is
by
Law
undeniably
proved
;
which
Epistle
you
may
read
at
the
last
end
of
the
second
Edition
of
my
Pictur●
of
the
〈◊〉
to
of
State
:
And
yet
about
or
upon
the
15
Nov.
1647.
your
W●re
in
Hertford-shire
,
He
,
〈◊〉
wilfully
and
of●et-malice
murdered
Rich.
Arnell
,
a
freeborn
Englishman
;
and
so
shed
the
bloud
of
War
in
the
time
of
Peace
,
which
was
Joabs
case
in
reference
to
Abner
and
Amasa
,
2
Sam.
3.
27.
and
20.
10.
of
whom
when
David
delivered
his
charge
to
his
son
Salomon
,
he
saith
thus
,
Moreover
,
thou
knewest
also
what
Joab
the
son
of
Zervich
did
to
me
,
and
what
he
did
to
the
two
Captains
of
the
best
of
Israel
,
〈◊〉
Abner
the
son
of
Ner
,
and
unto
Amasa
the
son
of
Jother
,
whom
he
slew
,
and
shed
the
blood
of
war
in
peace
,
and
put
the
blood
of
war
upon
his
girdle
that
was
about
his
loins
;
and
in
his
sho●s
that
were
on
his
feet
:
Doe
therefore
(
saith
he
)
recording
to
thy
wisdom
,
and
he
not
his
bo●ry
head
get
down
to
the
grave
in
peace
,
1
Kings
2.
5
,
6.
which
charge
he
accordingly
performed
;
and
so
delivered
himself
and
his
Fathers
house
from
the
guilt
of
innocent
blood
,
ver
.
29
,
30
,
31
,
32
,
33.
And
you
may
also
remember
that
upon
the
19
of
Jan.
1647
,
at
your
Barr
I
openly
delivered
a
formal
charge
or
impeachment
of
high
Treason
(
according
to
your
own
Ordinances
)
against
the
foresaid
Mr.
Oliver
Cromwell
,
and
his
subtil
machevilian
son-in-Law
Mr.
Henry
Iveton
,
for
their
notorious
doing
that
in
reference
to
the
King
;
for
but
the
petty
acting
of
which
in
comparison
to
theirs
,
they
impeached
Mr.
Denzill
Hollis
,
Sir
Philip
Stapleton
,
&c.
of
high
Treason
,
(
as
appeareth
in
their
own
Book
of
Declarations
,
pag.
81
,
82.
Article
2
&
3.
)
and
forcibly
expunged
them
your
House
as
Traytors
therefore
.
And
in
the
foresaid
pages
of
my
plea
for
a
Habeas
Corp●●●
,
I
truly
acquaint
you
with
the
plot
and
design
,
Master
Cromwell
laid
to
take
away
my
life
,
for
but
a
little
opposition
to
the
King
,
whose
professed
and
avowed
〈◊〉
he
and
his
The
PLEA
it self
thus
followeth
.
May
it
please
this
Honourable
Committee
,
I
Was
commanded
by
you
,
upon
Tuesday
the
13
day
of
this
present
June
1648
,
to
bring
in
an
Answer
this
day
to
the
Petition
and
complaint
of
Henry
Wollastone
Kepeer
of
the
prison
of
Newgate
,
in
which
Petition
he
complains
that
I
have
brought
an
action
at
the
common
Law
against
him
,
for
detaining
me
in
safe
custody
according
to
his
duty
,
by
vertue
of
a
Warrant
from
the
House
of
Lords
;
and
therefore
prayes
indemnity
for
his
acting
therein
in
obedience
to
the
Authority
of
Parliament
,
and
his
trebble
damages
,
and
that
at
common
Law
there
may
be
no
further
proceedings
in
the
said
Action
.
And
being
demanded
by
the
then
Chairman
of
this
Committee
whether
I
had
caused
such
an
Action
to
be
commenced
,
yea
or
no
,
I
positively
declared
,
I
had
,
and
that
I
had
very
good
ground
in
Law
so
to
do
,
considering
that
the
Law
of
England
(
which
is
my
Birth-right
and
Inheritance
)
requires
,
That
I
shall
not
be
deprived
of
my
Liberty
but
by
due
processe
of
Law
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Land
;
and
that
if
any
shall
detain
my
body
in
prison
without
legall
Authority
,
he
is
liable
in
Law
to
make
me
satisfaction
therefore
:
but
Mr.
Wollastone
had
kept
me
in
prison
divers
weeks
by
vertue
of
a
pretended
Warrant
of
the
single
House
of
Lords
,
who
in
Law
,
I
will
maintain
it
,
have
not
the
least
power
in
the
World
to
commit
my
body
to
prison
:
yet
they
did
(
upon
the
tenth
day
of
June
1646
,
laying
no
crime
to
my
charge
)
command
me
to
be
kept
for
all
my
short
eternity
in
this
world
;
for
the
Warrant
is
,
during
their
pleasures
:
and
then
by
another
illegall
Warrant
,
within
fourteen
dayes
after
,
dated
the
23
of
June
1646
,
they
(
for
no
cause
in
the
world
)
commit
me
close
prisoner
,
and
command
that
I
be
not
permitted
to
have
pen
,
ink
nor
paper
,
and
that
none
shall
have
acceffe
unto
me
in
any
kinde
,
but
onely
my
Keeper
,
untill
the
Lords
otherwise
please
.
Which
most
illegall
Warrant
Mr.
Wollastone
executed
upon
me
with
a
great
deal
of
severitie
and
barbarism
,
not
permitting
my
Wife
to
come
into
the
prison
yard
to
speak
with
me
at
a
distance
out
of
my
grates
,
nor
suffering
me
to
receive
either
meat
,
drink
,
or
money
,
or
any
other
necessaries
from
the
hands
of
my
Wife
,
servant
,
or
friends
,
nor
suffering
me
to
see
their
faces
when
they
sent
me
in
my
diet
:
All
which
usages
are
against
the
Laws
and
Statutes
of
this
Kingdom
;
and
therefore
I
have
cause
and
ground
enough
in
Law
,
to
seek
for
my
remedy
in
Law
against
the
said
Mr.
Wollastone
;
and
I
hope
the
Members
of
this
Committee
have
taken
too
many
Oaths
to
maintain
the
fundamentall
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
the
Liberties
of
the
People
,
then
now
to
go
about
to
deprive
me
of
the
benefit
of
them
.
It
is
true
,
you
sit
here
by
verue
of
an
Ordinance
of
both
Houses
,
to
indemnifie
all
those
that
have
acted
or
done
,
or
commanded
to
be
acted
ordone
,
any
thing
by
sea
or
land
,
by
the
Authority
,
or
for
the
service
or
benefit
of
this
present
Parliament
:
But
under
the
favour
of
this
Committee
,
I
do
conceive
,
That
the
said
Ordinance
,
which
is
your
Commission
,
doth
not
in
the
least
authorise
you
to
meddle
with
my
present
case
;
forasmuch
as
I
do
not
prosecute
Mr.
Wollastone
for
actions
done
by
the
Command
and
Authority
of
Parliament
,
but
for
actions
done
directly
against
their
Authority
publickly
declared
in
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
their
own
Declarations
:
and
I
hope
this
Committee
will
not
so
much
undervalue
their
own
House
,
as
to
adjudge
the
House
of
Lords
singly
to
be
the
Parliament
of
England
,
nor
their
single
Order
to
be
the
Parliaments
Authority
of
England
:
and
if
not
,
then
I
cleerly
conceive
,
that
upon
your
own
principles
,
you
have
nothing
to
do
with
my
business
before
you
;
neither
can
I
conceive
,
that
you
can
in
the
least
judge
Mr.
Wollaston's
illegal
and
barbarous
actions
done
upon
me
,
to
be
for
the
service
and
benefit
of
the
Parliament
,
but
rather
the
quite
contrary
,
by
rendering
them
odious
and
adominable
in
the
eyes
of
the
people
,
if
they
shall
〈◊〉
such
tyrannicall
doings
,
after
they
have
taken
so
many
Oathes
〈…〉
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
caused
so
much
English
bloud
to
be
shed
pretendedly
therefore
.
Whereupon
,
after
a
little
debate
amongst
the
members
of
this
Committee
by
themselves
,
my
L.
Munson
the
Chairman
thereof
was
pleased
to
tell
me
,
then
the
business
was
weighty
,
and
did
concern
the
Priviledges
of
the
Lords
Houses
;
and
therefore
they
judged
it
convenient
to
put
it
off
till
this
day
,
and
to
acquaint
the
Lords
with
it
,
that
so
,
if
they
pleased
,
some
of
them
might
here
be
present
:
and
you
also
ordered
me
to
fit
my self
with
a
formall
Answer
to
the
Petition
,
which
accordingly
I
have
done
,
and
with
the
favour
of
this
Committee
,
giving
me
free
leave
to
speak
,
I
am
ready
to
deliver
unto
you
,
and
do
deliver
it
unto
you
thus
.
My
Lord
,
I
read
in
the
Statutes
of
4.
Edw.
3.
ch
.
4.
and
36.
Edw.
3
ch
.
10.
and
in
the
tyrannical
Act
made
this
Parliament
16
C.
R.
and
in
the
4
part
Cooks
Instit
.
fol.
9
11.
37.
38.
39.
41.
42.
and
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
701
,
702.
that
Parliaments
are
principally
called
for
the
maintenance
of
the
Laws
,
and
for
the
redresse
of
divers
mischiefs
and
grievances
that
daily
happen
;
and
sutable
to
this
are
the
ends
contained
in
the
Writs
that
summon
them
,
and
the
intentions
of
those
that
chuse
the
Members
and
send
them
.
And
if
Parliaments
be
principally
called
for
the
maintenance
of
the
Laws
,
and
redresse
of
mischiefs
and
grievances
,
then
not
for
the
destruction
of
the
Laws
,
not
for
the
increase
of
mischiefs
and
grievances
.
And
therefore
when
this
present
Parliament
in
the
dayes
of
their
verginity
and
primitive
puritie
,
in
their
Actions
,
Declarations
,
and
Remonstrances
expressed
much
zeal
,
for
accomplishing
of
those
ends
for
which
they
were
trusted
in
providing
for
the
safety
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
peace
of
the
people
,
which
you
call
God
to
witness
is
your
only
aime
,
protesting
in
the
presence
of
the
all
seeing
deity
,
that
the
foresaid
ends
is
the
only
end
of
all
your
counsels
and
indeavours
,
wherein
you
are
resolved
to
continue
freed
,
and
inlarged
from
all
private
aims
,
personall
respects
or
passions
whatsoever
,
and
persevere
in
the
vigorous
indevoring
to
preserve
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
this
Land
,
though
you
should
perish
in
the
work
,
*
calling
upon
God
,
that
sees
your
innocency
;
and
that
you
have
no
aims
but
at
his
glory
&
the
publick
good
for
protection
in
your
straits
;
I
say
yet
notwitstanding
all
this
,
the
King
to
make
you
odious
,
and
to
be
deserted
of
the
people
,
in
several
of
his
Declarations
Declares
that
all
these
were
but
guilded
dissimulations
,
it
being
your
reall
intentions
to
destroy
Liberty
and
property
,
meum
and
mum
,
and
to
subvert
the
Lawes
and
introduce
new
forms
of
arbitrary
government
,
and
to
introduce
Anarchy
,
a
paritie
and
confuon
by
levelling
of
all
degrees
&
conditions
,
and
to
monopolise
into
your
hands
all
the
rich
and
great
places
in
the
Kingdom
,
for
your
own
particular
advantage
and
profit
;
and
to
get
such
a
power
into
your
hands
,
as
thereby
to
enable
you
inevitably
to
destroy
all
that
opposed
you
;
and
that
the
maintenance
and
advancement
of
Religion
,
Justice
,
Liberty
,
Propertie
,
and
peace
,
are
really
but
your
stalking
horses
,
and
neither
the
grounds
of
the
war
,
nor
of
your
demands
;
and
that
for
all
your
fair
pretences
to
the
people
,
you
will
extirpate
the
Law
,
root
,
and
branch
,
alter
the
whole
frame
of
Government
,
and
leave
not
any
thing
like
Law
,
Liberty
or
Property
,
introduce
Democracy
and
Parity
,
and
leave
nether
King
,
nor
Gentlemen
;
and
so
the
people
will
too
late
discover
all
this
to
their
costs
,
that
they
have
undone
themselves
with
too
much
discretion
,
and
obtained
nothing
by
their
compliance
with
you
,
and
adherence
to
you
,
but
to
be
destroyed
last
,
1
part
Book
Declar.
pag.
284
,
285
,
298
,
316
,
320
,
334
,
378
,
514
,
515
520
,
521
,
530
,
539
,
543
,
550
,
558.
2
Part
,
pag.
100
,
102
,
112
,
113
,
117.
In
answer
unto
all
which
,
to
disprove
what
he
saith
,
and
keep
up
your
rereputations
amongst
the
people
for
a
company
of
honest
men
,
that
really
sought
their
good
,
and
always
intended
to
be
as
good
as
their
words
,
promises
,
and
engagements
,
in
your
declarations
of
the
19
of
May
1642.
1
Part
,
Book
Decl.
Pag
207.
you
repeat
your
votes
,
against
which
the
King
excepts
,
the
weight
of
which
lieth
in
these
words
:
That
the
Kingdom
hath
been
of
late
,
and
still
is
in
so
eminent
danger
,
both
from
enemies
abroad
,
and
a
popish
discontented
party
at
home
;
that
there
is
an
urgent
and
an
inevitable
necessity
,
for
puting
the
Kingdom
into
a
posture
of
defence
,
for
the
safegard
thereof
;
and
that
in
this
case
of
extreme
danger
,
and
his
Majesties
refusall
,
the
Ordinance
of
Parliament
agreed
upon
by
both
Houses
for
the
Militia
,
doth
oblige
the
people
,
and
ought
to
be
obeyed
,
by
the
fundamentall
Lawes
of
this
Kingdom
.
By
all
which
(
say
you
)
it
doth
appear
,
That
there
is
no
colour
of
this
tax
,
that
we
go
about
to
introduce
a
new
Law
;
much
less
to
exercise
an
Arbitrary
power
,
but
indeed
to
prevent
it
;
for
this
Law
(
say
you
)
is
as
old
as
the
Kingdom
,
That
the
Kingdom
must
not
be
without
a
means
to
preserve
it self●
and
in
the
conclusion
of
the
same
Decl.
Pag.
214.
speaking
of
the
many
difficulties
you
grapple
with
,
the
many
hazards
you
undergo
in
your
places
,
you
conclude
thus
,
yet
we
doubt
not
but
we
shall
overcome
all
this
at
last
,
if
the
people
suffer
not
themselves
to
be
deluded
with
falfe
and
specious
shewes
,
and
so
drawn
to
betray
us
to
their
own
undoing
,
who
have
ever
been
willing
to
hazard
the
undoing
of
our selves
,
that
they
might
not
be
betrayed
by
our
neglect
of
the
trust
reposed
in
us
;
but
if
it
were
possible
the
Kings
party
should
prevail
,
herein
yet
(
say
you
)
we
would
not
fall
,
through
Gods
grace
still
to
persist
in
our
duties
,
and
to
look
beyond
our
own
lives
,
estates
and
advantages
,
as
those
who
think
nothing
worth
the
enjoying
without
the
libertie
,
peace
,
and
fafety
of
the
Kingdom
;
nor
any
thing
too
good
to
be
hazarded
in
discharge
of
our
consciences
,
for
the
obtaining
of
it
;
and
shall
always
repose
our selves
upon
the
protection
of
the
Almighty
,
which
we
are
confident
shall
never
be
wanting
to
us
(
while
we
seek
his
glory
.
)
And
in
your
Declaration
of
the
26
of
May
1642
,
which
is
an
answer
to
the
Kings
Declaration
of
the
4
of
May
,
a
out
the
business
of
Hull
,
in
the
1
Part
Decl.
pag.
263.
speaking
of
the
new
engine
of
the
Malignant
party
about
the
King
,
to
beget
and
increase
distrust
,
and
disaffection
between
the
King
,
the
Parliament
,
and
the
People
;
We
cannot
(
say
you
)
be
so
much
wanting
to
our
own
innocency
,
or
to
the
duty
of
our
trust
,
as
not
to
clear
our selves
from
those
false
aspersions
,
and
(
which
is
our
chiefest
care
)
to
disabuse
the
peoples
minds
,
and
open
their
eyes
that
under
the
false
shews
and
pretexts
of
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
(
frequently
interwoven
in
his
Majesties
foresaid
Declaration
)
and
of
their
own
Rights
and
Liberties
,
they
may
not
be
carried
into
the
road-way
that
leadeth
to
the
utter
ruine
and
subversion
thereof
,
and
to
destroy
them
both
with
their
own
hands
,
by
taking
their
Lives
,
Liberties
,
and
Estates
out
of
their
hands
whom
they
have
chosen
and
entrusted
therewith
,
and
resigning
them
up
unto
some
evil
Counsellors
about
his
Majestie
,
who
can
lay
no
other
foundation
of
their
own
greatness
,
but
upon
the
ruine
of
this
Parliament
;
and
in
it
of
all
other
Parliaments
,
and
in
them
of
the
freedom
of
this
Nation
:
And
these
are
the
men
that
would
perswade
the
people
that
both
Houses
of
Parliament
containing
all
the
Peers
,
&
representing
all
the
Commons
of
England
,
would
destroy
the
Lawes
of
the
Land
,
and
Liberties
of
the
People
;
wherein
besides
the
trust
of
the
whole
,
they
themselves
in
their
own
particulars
have
so
great
an
interest
of
honour
and
estate
,
that
we
hope
it
will
gain
little
credit
with
any
that
have
the
least
use
of
reason
,
that
such
as
must
have
so
great
a
share
in
the
misery
,
should
take
so
much
paines
in
the
procuring
thereof
,
and
spend
so
much
time
and
run
so
many
hazards
to
make
themselves
slaves
,
and
to
destroy
the
property
of
their
estates
.
But
remarkable
are
your
words
in
the
same
Declaration
pag.
267.
where
you
say
,
You
have
given
no
occasion
to
his
Majestie
to
declare
his
resolution
with
so
much
earnestness
,
that
he
will
not
suffer
either
or
both
Houses
by
their
votes
without
or
against
his
consent
to
injoyn
any
thing
that
is
forbidden
by
the
Law
,
or
to
forbid
any
thing
that
is
injoyned
by
the
Law
;
for
our
votes
(
say
you
)
have
done
no
such
thing
,
and
as
we
shall
be
very
tender
of
the
Law
(
which
we
acknowledg
to
be
the
safegard
and
custody
of
all
publick
and
private
interests
,
&c.
)
And
in
the
same
declaration
having
argued
it
soundly
against
the
King
,
for
the
calumniations
and
aspersions
call
upon
you
as
you
are
pleased
to
call
them
in
;
p.
270.
you
have
these
words
,
All
this
considered
,
we
cannot
but
wonder
,
that
the
contrivers
of
the
aforesaid
message
,
should
conceive
the
people
of
this
land
to
be
so
void
of
common-sence
,
as
to
enter
into
so
deep
a
mistrust
of
those
that
they
have
,
and
his
Majestie
ought
to
repose
so
great
a
trust
in
,
as
to
dispair
of
any
security
in
their
private
estates
,
by
dissents
,
purchases
,
assurances
,
or
conveyances
,
unless
his
Majestie
should
by
his
vote
,
prevent
the
prejudice
they
might
receive
therein
by
the
votes
of
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
as
if
they
who
are
especially
chosen
and
intrusted
for
that
purpose
,
and
who
themselves
must
needs
have
so
great
a
share
in
all
grievances
of
the
Subject
,
had
wholy
cast
off
the
care
of
the
Subjects
good
,
and
his
Majestie
had
soly
taken
it
up
.
And
in
your
most
notablest
of
Declarations
,
made
about
Agust
1642.
1
Part
Book
Decl.
pag.
491.
wherein
you
indeavour
to
give
an
account
to
the
world
of
the
justice
of
your
proceedings
,
in
being
necessitated
to
take
up
armes
against
his
Majesty
,
who
you
say
was
then
in
armes
against
you
and
the
Kingdom
,
for
the
suppression
of
the
Lawes
and
Liberties
thereof
;
which
you
say
every
honest
man
is
bound
to
defend
,
especially
those
that
have
taken
the
late
Protestation
,
in
which
Declaration
you
declare
,
that
the
long
designe
which
hath
been
carried
on
to
alter
the
frame
and
constitution
of
the
Government
of
the
Kingdom
,
from
Law
and
Liberty
,
to
slavery
and
vassaladge
,
is
now
come
to
ripeness
;
there
you
go
on
to
declare
an
Epitome
of
the
Kings
dealings
with
the
Kingdom
before
this
Parliament
;
in
which
time
you
say
the
Lawes
were
no
defence
nor
protection
of
any
mans
right
;
all
was
subject
to
will
and
power
,
which
imposed
what
payment
they
thought
fit
,
to
drain
the
Subjects
purse
of
,
and
supply
those
necessities
which
ill
councels
had
brought
upon
the
King
,
or
gratifie
such
as
were
instruments
in
promoting
those
illegall
and
oppresive
courses
.
They
who
yeelded
and
complyed
,
were
countenanced
and
advanced
,
all
others
disgraced
and
kept
under
,
that
so
mens
mindes
made
poor
and
base
,
and
their
Liberties
lost
and
gone
,
they
might
be
ready
to
let
go
their
Religion
,
whensoever
they
should
be
resolved
to
alter
it
;
and
then
ennumerate
divers
strange
actions
of
his
done
to
the
Kingdom
since
this
Parliament
;
and
in
pag.
494.
you
declare
,
that
after
his
ill
councel
had
got
him
from
the
Parliament
,
then
they
doc
work
upon
him
and
upon
the
Queen
,
and
perswade
her
to
retire
out
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
carry
him
further
and
further
from
the
Parliament
,
and
so
possess
him
with
a
hatred
of
it
,
that
they
cannot
put
words
bitter
enough
into
his
mouth
,
to
express
upon
all
occasions
;
they
make
him
cross
oppose
and
envy
upon
all
the
proceedings
of
Parliament
,
incourage
and
protect
all
those
that
will
affront
it
,
take
away
all
power
and
authority
from
it
to
make
it
contemptible
,
and
of
less
esteem
then
the
meanest
Court
,
draw
away
the
members
,
commanding
them
to
come
to
him
to
York
,
and
insteed
of
discharging
their
duty
in
the
service
of
the
Parliament
,
to
contribute
their
advice
,
and
assistance
to
the
destruction
of
it
.
indeavouring
an
arbitrary
Government
,
a
thing
(
say
you
)
which
every
honest
Morall
man
abhors
;
much
more
the
Wisdom
,
Justice
,
and
Piety
of
the
two
Houses
of
Parliament
;
and
in
truth
such
a
charge
as
no
rational
man
can
beleeve
is
,
it
being
unpossible
so
many
several
persons
at
the
Houses
of
,
Parliament
consist
of
about
600
;
and
in
either
House
all
of
equall
power
,
should
all
of
them
,
or
at
least
the
major
part
,
agree
in
Acts
of
will
and
Tyranny
,
which
makes
up
an
arbitrary
Government
;
and
most
improbable
that
the
Nobility
and
chief
Gentry
of
this
Kingdom
,
should
conspire
to
take
away
the
Law
by
which
they
injoy
their
estates
,
are
protected
from
any
act
of
violence
and
power
,
and
differenced
from
the
meanest
sort
of
people
,
with
whom
otherwise
they
would
be
but
fellow
servants
;
so
having
given
an
answer
to
his
charges
laid
upon
you
in
pag.
496.
you
vehemently
pre●●e
the
people
to
come
in
to
the
help
of
the
Parliament
(
against
the
Kings
forces
)
And
save
themselves
their
Laws
and
Liberties
,
and
though
both
they
and
we
(
say
you
)
must
perish
,
yet
have
we
discharged
our
consciences
,
and
delivered
our
soules
,
and
will
look
for
a
reward
in
heaven
;
should
we
be
so
ill
required
upon
earth
,
as
to
be
deserted
by
the
people
,
whom
in
the
next
page
you
tell
,
nothing
will
satisfie
the
King
and
those
evill
men
with
him
,
but
the
destruction
of
this
Parliament
,
and
to
be
Masters
of
Religion
and
Liberties
,
to
make
us
Slaves
,
and
alter
the
Government
of
this
Kindom
,
and
reduce
it
to
the
condition
of
some
other
Countryes
which
are
not
governed
by
Parliaments
,
and
so
by
Laws
,
but
by
the
will
of
the
Prince
,
or
rather
of
those
who
are
about
him
;
And
thersore
in
the
zeal
of
your
Spirits
,
you
declare
your
resolved
resolutions
to
continue
firme
to
maintain
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
your
Country
,
according
to
your
duty
;
saying
,
Woe
be
to
us
if
we
do
it
not
,
at
least
doe
our
utmost
endeavours
for
the
discharge
of
our
duties
,
and
the
saving
of
our
souls
,
and
leave
the
successe
to
God
Almighty
;
and
you
conclude
with
these
words
;
and
therefore
we
do
here
require
all
who
have
any
sence
of
piety
,
honour
,
or
compession
,
to
help
2
distressed
State
,
and
to
come
in
to
our
aid
and
assistance
.
And
in
your
reply
to
the
Kings
Answer
of
yours
,
of
26
May
1642.
1
par
.
Book
Declar.
pag.
693.
you
declare
with
indignation
your
abhorrance
of
the
Kings
charging
you
by
your
votes
to
dispose
of
the
peoples
lives
,
liberties
and
estates
,
〈◊〉
to
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
&
throw
back
the
Charge
upon
himself
and
those
that
are
about
him
.
And
in
the
next
page
you
say
thus
;
and
for
that
concerning
our
inclination
to
be
slaves
it
is
affirmed
,
that
his
Majestie
said
nothing
that
might
imply
any
such
inclination
in
us
,
but
sure
,
what
ever
be
ovr
inclination
,
slavery
would
be
our
condition
,
if
we
should
go
aboue
to
overthrow
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
and
the
propritey
of
every
mans
estate
,
and
the
liberty
of
his
person
;
for
therein
we
must
needs
be
as
much
Patients
as
Agents
,
and
must
every
one
in
his
turn
suffer
our selves
,
what
ever
we
should
impose
upon
others
as
in
nothing
we
have
laid
upon
other
we
haue
ever
refused
to
do
or
suffer
our selves
,
and
that
in
a
high
proportion
And
then
when
you
come
in
the
next
page
to
speake
of
the
Kings
,
charging
of
you
that
you
afect
to
be
Tyrants
,
because
you
will
admit
no
rule
to
Govern
by
but
your
own
wills
,
yea
worse
then
those
thirty
most
perfect
Tyrants
of
Athens
,
spoken
of
by
Sir
Walter
Rawley
in
his
third
Book
of
the
History
of
the
world
,
Chap.
Sect.
2.
you
abhor
the
charge
with
the
height
of
detestation
,
and
therefore
in
the
next
page
unto
it
,
being
page
696
you
say
We
do
still
acknowledg
that
it
were
a
very
great
crime
in
us
,
if
we
had
or
should
do
any
thing
whereby
the
title
and
interest
of
all
the
Subjects
to
their
lands
were
destroyed
;
which
I
say
of
necessitie
must
be
,
if
they
be
deprived
of
the
benefit
of
the
Law
,
which
is
all
I
crave
at
your
hands
,
and
which
I
hope
you
will
not
deny
me
;
especially
considering
in
your
Declaration
of
the
10
of
June
1642
,
1
par
.
Book
Decla
.
pag.
342
,
for
bringing
in
mony
and
plate
,
you
positively
declare
,
that
whatsoever
is
brought
in
,
shall
not
at
all
be
imployed
about
any
other
occasion
,
then
to
the
purposes
aforesaid
,
which
amongst
others
,
are
principally
for
destroying
Tyranny
,
maintaining
of
Liberty
and
Propriety
,
the
free
Course
of
Justice
according
to
the
known
Laws
of
the
Land
;
but
Propriety
cannot
be
maintained
,
if
Liberty
be
destroyed
;
for
the
Liberty
of
my
Person
is
more
neerer
to
me
then
my
Propriety
,
or
goods
;
and
he
that
contrary
to
Law
and
Justice
,
robs
or
deprives
me
of
the
Liberty
of
my
Person
,
the
nighest
to
me
,
may
much
more
by
the
some
reason
,
rob
and
deprive
me
at
his
will
and
pleasure
of
my
goods
and
estate
,
the
further
of
from
me
,
and
so
Propriety
is
overthrowne
and
destroyed
;
and
this
if
done
avowedly
by
you
,
is
distructive
to
your
honours
and
engagements
;
yea
,
&
in
an
absolute
violation
of
all
your
Oaths
and
Promises
;
whereby
you
will
be
rendred
,
by
your
own
actions
,
in
the
eyes
of
the
people
that
trusted
you
,
the
basest
and
worst
of
men
,
fit
for
nothing
but
desertion
,
opposition
and
distruction
;
Again
how
can
Law
be
maintained
,
when
the
free
execution
of
Justice
in
the
ordinary
course
thereof
shall
be
hindered
by
you
?
which
you
in
your
Declaration
23
of
October
1642.
1
par
.
Book
.
Declar
pag.
656
)
call
the
soule
and
life
of
all-Laws
,
which
ordinary
course
of
Jestice
,
you
in
your
first
Remonstrance
page
7
call
the
common
birth-right
of
the
Subject
of
England
;
And
therefore
1
par
.
Book
Decl.
pag.
660
you
own
it
as
your
duty
,
to
use
the
best
of
your
endeavours
that
the
meanest
of
the
Commonalty
may
enjoy
their
own
birth-right
,
freedom
and
liberty
of
the
Lawes
of
the
Land
,
being
equally
intitled
thereunto
with
the
greatest
subject
;
and
if
so
?
how
can
you
in
justice
and
honour
or
conscience
,
deprive
and
ebereave
me
of
my
birth
right
?
the
benefit
of
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
in
the
ordinary
course
of
Justice
in
the
Judicatures
thereof
?
who
have
done
no
actrons
either
by
Sea
or
Land
,
but
what
doth
become
an
honest
,
true-bred
Englishman
and
constantly
in
the
midst
of
many
deaths
,
maintaining
the
Laws
i
and
Liberties
of
my
Native
Country
,
which
actions
are
consonant
to
the
Authority
of
Parliament
,
and
for
the
service
and
benefit
thereof
;
and
therfore
I
ought
not
to
be
molested
and
troubled
therefore
;
especially
by
you
,
who
in
your
Declarations
in
the
case
of
the
Five
Members
,
declare
1
par
.
Boo.
Decl.
pa.
39.
you
are
very
sensible
that
it
equally
imports
you
,
aswell
to
see
Justice
done
against
them
that
are
criminous
,
as
to
defend
the
just
rights
and
Liberties
of
the
Subjects
and
Parliament
of
England
;
but
if
you
shall
stop
my
proceedings
at
Common
Law
against
Master
Wollaston
the
Jaylour
of
Newgate
,
for
keeping
me
there
against
Law
by
the
Lords
Order
,
You
are
so
far
from
punishing
the
criminous
,
that
you
justifie
the
wicked
,
and
condemn
the
righteous
,
break
all
your
Oaths
,
Protestations
and
Covenants
,
that
you
have
taken
to
maintain
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
dissolve
the
whole
frame
and
constitution
of
the
Civill
Policy
and
Government
of
this
Kingdom
into
the
originall
Law
of
Nature
,
which
crime
you
taxe
the
King
with
,
1
par
.
Book
.
Decl.
pag.
690.
yea
,
and
thereby
become
destructive
to
the
being
of
the
Common-wealth
,
and
the
safety
of
the
people
,
the
preservation
of
which
is
the
chief
end
of
the
Law
,
the
institution
of
all
Government
,
as
you
declare
in
your
Declarations
of
the
6
of
May
1643
&
17
April
1647.
2
part
.
Book
.
Decla
.
fol.
95.
879.
For
the
Illustration
of
which
I
desire
to
observe
this
Method
.
First
.
I
averre
that
the
House
of
Lords
have
not
the
Least
Jurisdiction
in
the
world
over
me
in
the
case
in
controversie
betwixt
us
;
and
I
am
ready
upon
my
life
to
make
this
good
by
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
against
all
the
Judges
and
Lawyers
in
England
;
but
I
conceive
,
I
have
already
so
fully
done
it
in
my
three
pleas
against
the
Lords
,
that
they
are
unanswerable
,
viz.
First
in
my
Plea
before
the
Committee
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
where
Master
Henry
Martin
had
the
Chaire
6
Novemb.
1646.
And
Secondly
in
my
Plea
the
20
of
October
1647.
before
another
Committee
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
where
M.
Iohn
Maynard
had
the
Chaire
;
And
Thirdly
,
in
my
Plea
before
the
Judges
of
the
Kings
Bench
,
the
8
of
May
1648.
all
three
of
which
I
desire
to
communicate
unto
your
consideration
.
And
if
the
Lords
by
Law
have
no
originall
Jurisdiction
over
me
,
then
no
power
to
summon
me
,
nor
no
power
to
try
me
nor
commit
me
;
Wherefore
M.
Wollaston
by
Law
ought
to
have
refused
to
have
received
my
body
,
or
detained
it
in
prison
,
by
vertue
of
their
illegall
warrant
,
which
being
both
illegall
in
the
power
that
made
it
,
&
in
the
forme
of
drawing
it
up
,
he
is
liable
to
make
me
satisfaction
in
Law
for
executing
it
,
which
at
present
I
illustrate
out
of
your
own
Declarations
,
which
are
the
most
unanswerable
arguments
against
you
that
I
can
use
,
Acts
17
26.
Titus
1.
12.
And
first
in
your
Declaration
of
the
17
of
January
1641.
1
par
.
Book
.
Decl.
pag.
38.
39.
where
speaking
of
the
Five
Members
,
you
say
his
Majestic
did
issue
forth
severall
warrants
to
divers
Officers
,
under
his
own
hand
for
the
apprehension
of
the
persons
of
the
said
Members
,
which
by
Law
he
cannot
do
,
there
being
not
all
this
time
any
legall
charge
or
accusation
,
or
due
processe
of
Law
issued
against
them
,
or
any
pretence
of
charge
made
known
to
the
House
of
Commons
;
all
which
are
against
the
Fundamentall
Liberties
of
the
Subjects
,
and
the
Rights
of
Parliament
;
Whereupon
we
are
necessitited
according
to
our
duty
to
declare
,
That
if
any
person
shall
arrest
M.
Ho●●●
,
Sir
Arthur
Haslerig
,
Master
Pym
,
Master
Hamden
,
Master
Strode
,
or
any
of
them
,
or
any
Member
of
Parliament
,
by
pretence
or
colour
of
any
warrant
issuing
out
from
the
King
onely
,
is
guilty
of
the
breach
of
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
and
of
the
Priviledges
of
Parliament
,
and
a
publick
enemy
to
the
Common-wealth
;
and
that
the
arresting
of
the
said
Members
,
or
any
of
them
,
or
any
Members
of
Parliament
,
by
any
Warrant
whatsoever
,
without
a
legall
proceeding
against
them
,
and
without
consent
of
that
House
,
whereof
such
a
person
is
a
Member
,
is
against
the
Libertie
of
the
Subject
,
and
a
breach
of
Priviledge
of
Parliament
:
and
the
person
which
shall
arrest
any
of
these
persons
,
or
any
other
Member
of
the
Parliament
,
is
declared
a
publick
enemy
of
the
Common-wealth
.
Yea
,
and
upon
the
15
of
January
1641
,
you
voted
and
ordered
a
Charge
to
be
brought
in
against
Mr.
Atturney
General
Herbert
,
to
require
of
him
satisfaction
for
his
great
injury
and
scandal
that
particularly
be
had
done
to
the
said
Mr.
Hollis
,
&c.
and
generally
to
the
publick
Justice
of
the
Kingdom
,
in
so
illegally
accusing
the
foresaid
five
Gentlemen
,
without
due
processe
of
Law
,
as
appears
in
your
first
part
Book
Declarat
.
pag.
53.
And
therefore
in
your
Petition
of
the
2
Feb.
1641.
1
part
.
Book
Decl.
67.
you
rel
the
King
,
It
is
your
duty
to
tell
him
of
the
injustice
done
unto
the
five
Members
,
for
impeaching
them
without
due
processe
of
Law
,
and
to
require
reparations
for
them
.
And
therefore
in
your
second
Petition
of
the
same
month
,
1
par
.
Book
Decl.
pag.
76.
77.
you
tell
the
King
again
,
notwithstanding
all
your
importunity
,
the
said
five
Members
and
the
Lord
Kimbolton
still
lie
under
that
heavie
charge
of
Treason
,
to
the
exceeding
prejudice
not
onely
of
themselves
,
but
also
of
the
whole
Parliament
.
And
whereas
by
the
expresse
Laws
and
Statutes
of
this
Realm
,
that
is
to
say
,
by
two
Acts
of
Parliament
,
the
one
made
in
the
37
,
and
the
other
in
the
38
year
of
the
reign
of
your
most
noble
Progenitor
King
Edward
the
3
it
s
said
,
If
any
person
whatsoever
make
suggestion
to
the
King
himself
of
any
souls
committed
by
another
,
the
same
person
might
to
be
sent
with
the
suggestion
before
the
Chancellor
,
or
Keeper
of
the
great
Seal
,
Treasurer
,
and
the
great
Councel
,
there
to
finde
Surery
to
pursue
his
suggestion
:
which
if
he
cannot
prove
,
he
is
to
be
imprisoned
till
he
hath
satisfied
the
party
accused
of
his
dammages
and
stander
,
and
made
Fine
and
Ransom
to
the
King
:
The
benefit
of
these
Laws
you
claim
at
the
Kings
hand
,
and
there
tell
him
,
he
ought
not
of
right
and
justice
to
deny
it
to
you
.
And
also
in
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
101
,
speaking
to
the
King
,
you
say
Your
Majesty
lays
a
generall
tax
upon
us
;
if
you
will
be
graciously
pleased
to
let
us
know
the
particulars
,
we
shall
give
a
cleer
and
satisfactory
Answer
:
But
what
hope
can
we
have
of
ever
giving
your
Majestic
safaction
,
when
those
particulars
which
you
have
been
made
beleeve
were
true
,
yet
being
produced
and
made
known
to
us
,
appeared
to
be
false
?
and
your
Majestic
notwithstanding
will
neither
punish
,
nor
produce
the
Authors
,
but
go
on
to
contract
new
jealousies
and
fears
,
upon
generall
and
uncertain
grounds
,
affording
us
no
means
or
possibilitie
of
particular
answer
,
to
the
cleering
of
our selves
.
For
proof
whereof
we
beseech
your
Majestic
to
consider
;
The
heavie
charge
and
accusation
of
the
Lord
Kimbolton
,
and
the
five
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
who
refused
no
Triall
or
Examination
which
might
stand
with
the
Priviledge
of
Parliament
:
yet
no
Authors
,
no
Witnesses
produced
,
against
whom
they
may
have
reparation
for
the
great
injury
and
infamy
cast
upon
them
,
notwithstanding
three
severall
Petitions
of
both
Houses
,
and
the
Authority
of
two
Acts
of
Parliament
vouched
in
the
last
of
those
Petitions
.
And
in
a
fourth
Petition
about
the
same
business
,
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
123.
We
beseech
your
Majesty
(
say
you
)
to
remember
,
that
the
Government
of
this
Kingdom
,
as
it
was
in
a
great
part
mannaged
by
your
ministers
before
the
beginning
of
this
Parliament
,
consisted
of
many
continued
and
multiplied
acts
of
violation
of
Laws
,
the
wounds
whereof
were
scarcely
bealed
,
when
the
extremitie
of
all
those
violations
was
far
exceeded
by
the
late
strange
and
unheard
of
breach
of
our
Laws
in
the
accusation
of
the
Lord
Kimbolton
and
the
five
Members
of
the
Commons
House
,
and
in
the
proceedings
thereupon
;
for
which
we
have
yet
received
no
full
satisfaction
.
And
in
your
Declaration
of
the
19
of
May
2642
,
1.
par
.
Book
Dec.
p
200.
201.
you
are
very
remarkable
,
and
fly
,
The
accusation
of
the
L.
Kimbolton
,
and
the
5
Members
of
the
House
of
Cōmons
,
is
called
a
breach
of
Priviledge
;
and
truly
so
it
was
and
a
very
high
one
,
far
above
any
satisfaction
that
hath
yet
been
given
:
How
can
it
be
said
to
be
largely
satisfied
,
so
long
as
his
Majestic
laboured
to
preserve
his
Atturney
from
punishment
,
who
was
the
visible
Actor
in
it
?
so
long
as
his
Majestic
hath
not
onely
justified
him
,
but
by
his
Letter
declared
,
that
it
was
his
duty
to
accuse
them
,
and
〈◊〉
he
would
have
punished
him
if
he
had
not
done
it
;
so
long
as
those
members
have
not
the
means
of
cleering
their
innocency
,
and
the
authors
of
that
malicious
Charge
undiscovered
,
though
both
Houses
of
Parliament
have
severall
times
petitioned
his
Majestie
to
disco●●●
them
;
and
that
not
onely
upon
grounds
of
common
Justice
,
but
by
Act
of
Parliament
his
Majestie
is
bound
to
do
it
;
so
long
as
the
King
great
such
to
passe
a
Bill
for
their
discharge
,
alledging
,
that
the
Nati●●tive
in
that
Bill
i●
against
his
Honour
;
whereby
he
seems
still
to
●●ow
the
matter
of
that
false
and
scandalous
Accusation
,
though
he
deserts
the
Prosecution
,
offering
to
passe
a
Bill
for
their
acquital
;
yet
with
intimation
,
that
they
trust
desert
the
avowing
their
own
innocency
,
which
would
more
wound
them
in
〈◊〉
,
that
secure
them
in
Law.
And
in
vindication
of
this
great
Priviledge
of
Parliament
,
we
do
not
〈◊〉
that
we
have
invaded
any
Priviledge
belonging
to
his
Majesty
,
as
is
alledged
in
his
Declaration
.
But
we
look
not
upon
this
onely
in
the
notion
of
a
breach
of
Priviledge
,
which
might
be
,
though
the
Accusation
were
true
or
false
;
but
under
the
nation
of
an
hainous
crime
in
the
Attourney
,
and
all
other
Subjects
,
who
had
a
hand
in
it
,
a
crime
against
the
Law
of
Nature
,
against
the
Rules
of
Justice
,
that
innocent
men
should
be
charged
with
so
great
an
offence
as
Treason
,
is
the
face
of
the
highest
Judicatory
of
the
Kingdom
,
whereby
their
〈◊〉
,
and
estates
,
their
bloud
and
honour
are
in
danger
,
without
witnesse
,
without
●isdence
,
without
all
poss●bility
of
reparation
in
a
legall
course
;
yet
a
〈◊〉
of
such
a
nature
,
that
his
Majesties
Command
can
no
more
warrant
,
then
it
can
any
other
act
of
injustice
.
It
is
true
that
those
things
which
are
evil
in
the●●
can
nature
,
such
as
a
false
testimony
,
or
a
false
accusation
,
cannot
bothe
subject
of
any
Command
,
or
induce
any
obligation
of
obedience
upon
any
man
,
by
any
Authority
whatsoever
;
therefore
the
Attourney
in
this
case
was
b●●●●
to
refuse
to
execute
such
a
Command
unlesse
he
had
had
some
such
evidence
or
testimony
as
might
have
warranted
him
against
the
parties
,
and
〈…〉
make
satisfaction
if
it
should
prove
false
.
And
further
,
to
prove
that
〈…〉
liable
to
punishment
,
that
puts
in
execution
the
Kings
illegall
Commands
,
is
must
excellently
proved
,
and
largely
evident
from
your
own
words
in
〈◊〉
Book
Decl.
pag.
259.
260.
276.
279.
280.
721.
722.
723.
727.
803.
〈…〉
largely
declare
,
that
Alexander
Archbishop
of
York
,
Robert
de
Ve●●●
〈…〉
Irland
,
&c.
were
executed
in
Richard
the
Second's
time
as
Traytors
,
for
〈◊〉
in
execution
the
commands
of
the
King
against
the
Law
;
and
if
they
are
punishable
that
execute
the
commands
of
the
King
the
Primitive
,
against
Law
:
then
much
more
by
Law
is
Mr.
Wollaston
punishable
for
executing
the
commands
of
the
single
House
of
Lords
the
Derivative
,
against
Law
:
and
if
in
my
own
defence
,
when
I
was
in
Mr.
Wollaston's
custody
,
I
had
served
him
,
for
his
actions
done
to
me
in
pursuance
of
the
Lords
single
illegall
commands
,
●4
Simson
of
Northampton-shire
did
Johnson
in
the
42
of
Elizabeth
for
his
doing
actions
in
pursuance
of
the
Queens
Letters
Patents
,
contrary
to
Law
,
in
endeavouring
by
a
Warrant
(
flowing
from
the
High
Commission
,
which
was
established
by
Act
of
Parliament
,
and
had
legall
cognizance
of
any
facts
in
Controversie
grounded
thereupon
)
to
imprison
his
body
:
for
doing
of
which
,
Simson
(
in
his
own
defence
,
and
his
Liber●●●●
)
slew
the
said
Johnson
:
For
which
he
was
justified
by
the
Judges
of
Affi●e
,
and
all
the
Judges
of
England
,
as
you
may
read
in
Sir
Edward
Cook
4.
part
Iustitutes
,
fol.
333.
334.
and
in
my
Plea
before
the
Judges
of
the
Kings
Bench
,
called
The
Laws
funerall
,
page
214.
25.
I
say
in
case
I
had
in
my
own
defence
,
and
the
defence
of
my
legall
Liberties
slain
Wollaston
&c.
for
executing
the
Lords
single
illegall
Orders
upon
me
for
any
thing
I
can
read
in
the
Law
,
he
had
his
mends
in
his
own
hands
.
But
to
come
more
close
upon
your
own
principles
,
to
prove
that
a
single
Order
of
the
Lords
cannot
stand
in
competition
with
the
Law
,
I
do
it
,
thus
;
In
all
your
Declarations
you
declare
,
that
binding
and
permanent
Laws
according
to
the
Constitution
of
this
Kingdom
,
are
made
by
King
,
Lords
,
and
Commons
,
and
so
is
the
opinion
of
Sir
Ed.
Cook
whose
Books
are
published
by
your
own
Order
,
and
who
in
the
2
part
of
his
Institutes
,
fol.
48.
157
and
3
part
fol.
22.
and
4
part
fol.
23.
25.
48.
292.
saith
that
Act
that
is
made
by
King
and
Lords
,
in
Law
binds
not
,
nor
by
King
and
Commons
binds
not
,
or
by
Lords
and
Commons
binds
not
in
Law
;
if
so
,
then
much
more
invalid
is
the
single
Order
of
the
Lords
made
against
Law
,
and
can
indemnifie
no
man
that
acts
by
vertue
of
it
,
and
your
Ordinances
made
this
Parliament
in
time
of
extream
necessitie
,
during
denounced
Wars
,
are
by
your selves
in
abundance
of
your
own
Declarations
,
esteemed
,
adjudged
,
declared
but
temporary
and
invalid
as
durable
Laws
,
which
is
evidently
cleer
out
of
the
1
par
.
Book
Decl.
p.
93.
102.
112.
142.
143.
150.
171.
173.
179.
207.
208.
267.
277.
303.
305.
382.
697.
705.
709.
727.
your
expressions
in
the
last
page
are
,
we
did
and
doe
say
that
the
Soveraign
power
doth
reside
in
the
King
and
both
Houses
of
Parliament
,
and
that
his
Majesties
Negative
voice
doth
not
import
a
Liberty
to
deny
things
as
he
pleaseth
,
though
never
so
requisite
and
necessary
for
the
Kingdom
,
and
yet
we
did
not
nor
do
say
,
that
such
bills
as
his
Majestie
is
so
bound
both
in
Conscience
and
Justice
to
passe
,
shall
notwithstanding
be
law
without
his
consent
,
so
far
are
we
from
taking
away
his
Negative
voice
.
And
if
such
Ordinances
and
Bills
as
passe
both
Houses
are
not
Lawes
by
your
own
Doctrine
,
without
the
Kings
Consent
;
then
,
muchlesse
can
the
Order
of
the
single
House
of
Lords
be
Lawes
or
supersedeaes
to
the
Lawes
;
And
besides
,
when
divers
honest
and
well-affected
Citizens
,
it
may
be
out
of
a
sensible
apprehension
of
the
mischiefs
that
acrue
to
the
Kingdom
by
having
the
Supream
authority
lodged
in
three
distinct
Estates
,
which
many
times
so
falls
out
,
that
when
two
Estates
grant
things
essentially
good
for
the
wellfare
of
the
Kingdom
,
the
third
Estate
opposeth
it
,
and
will
not
passe
it
,
which
many
〈…〉
occasions
war
and
bloud-shed
,
to
the
hazard
of
the
being
of
the
Kingdom
;
for
the
preventing
of
which
,
they
framed
a
Petition
to
your
House
,
Entitling
it
,
To
the
Supream
Authority
of
this
Nation
,
the
Commons
assembled
in
Parliament
;
in
which
they
intreat
you
to
be
careful
of
the
mischief
of
Negative
Voices
in
any
whomsoever
;
which
said
Petition
your
House
upon
the
20
of
May
1647.
Voted
to
be
burnt
at
the
Exchange
and
Westminster
by
the
hands
of
the
Common
Hangman
,
and
lately
as
I
am
informed
,
there
was
a
Petition
of
Master
John
Mildmans
presented
to
your
House
,
and
it
was
rejected
by
them
,
for
no
other
cause
,
but
because
it
had
the
foresaid
title
;
and
therfore
you
your selves
,
having
rejected
to
be
stiled
the
Supream
Authority
of
this
Nation
;
I
can
see
no
ground
or
reason
,
how
you
can
upon
your
own
Principles
,
grant
a
supersedeas
to
Master
Wollaston
to
overule
my
action
at
law
against
him
;
and
so
de
facto
exercise
the
Supream
Authority
,
which
in
words
,
you
would
have
the
Kingdom
beleeve
you
abhorre
;
neither
can
I
i●
reason
or
Justice
conceive
,
that
if
now
you
should
own
your selves
for
the
Supream
Authority
of
the
Nation
,
and
the
single
and
absolute
Law-Repealers
,
and
Law-Makers
thereof
,
how
you
can
deprive
me
of
the
benefit
of
those
just
Laws
,
viz.
Magna
Charta
,
Petition
of
Right
,
and
the
Act
that
abolished
the
Star-Chamber
,
that
you
have
not
avowedly
and
particularly
declared
to
be
void
,
null
and
vacated
,
as
never
to
be
in
use
any
more
in
England
;
Again
,
yet
in
your
Protestation
,
in
your
Vote
and
Covenant
,
and
in
your
League
and
Covenant
,
swore
to
maintain
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
with
your
estates
and
lives
,
and
make
the
Kings
Person
and
Authority
but
subservient
thereunto
,
or
dependant
thereupon
;
And
you
have
been
so
zealous
to
make
Votes
to
disfranchise
all
those
that
will
not
take
your
Covenant
,
as
unfit
to
bear
any
Office
in
the
Common-wealth
,
or
to
give
a
Vote
to
chuse
an
Officer
,
and
can
it
stand
with
your
Justice
and
Honour
to
deny
me
the
benefit
of
that
(
viz
the
Law
)
which
you
have
been
so
zealous
in
forcing
the
People
of
England
to
swear
to
maintain
?
or
can
you
in
Justice
and
Honor
,
be
angry
with
me
for
standing
for
that
(
viz.
)
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
England
,
)
which
you
have
ingaged
,
incited
and
forced
,
thousands
and
ten
thousands
of
the
people
of
England
,
to
loose
their
Lives
and
Blouds
for
,
which
I
amongst
others
have
upon
zealous
and
true
principles
,
as
hazardously
ventured
my
life
for
as
any
man
in
England
?
O
let
such
an
abominable
thing
be
farre
from
men
of
honour
,
conscience
and
honesty
,
and
let
the
fearfull
judgments
that
befell
the
Hungarians
,
as
it
were
,
from
God
from
heaven
for
breaking
,
violating
and
falling
from
their
faith
and
Covenant
,
made
with
Amurah
the
Second
,
the
Sixt
Emperor
of
the
Turkes
Recorded
in
the
Fourth
Edition
of
the
Turkes
History
sol
.
267.
269.
273.
277
deterr
all
Covenant
Makers
,
and
Covenant
takers
from
breach
of
their
Oaths
,
Covenants
,
and
Contracts
,
the
breaking
of
which
is
highly
detested
and
abhorred
of
God
as
a
thing
that
his
soul
loathe
as
he
declares
in
Scripture
,
as
you
may
read
Exo.
20.
7.
Lev.
19.
11
,
12.
Deut.
23.
21
,
22
,
23.
Psal
.
15.
4.
Eccels
.
5.
45.
Ezek.
17.
13
,
14
,
15.
10.
17
,
18.
〈◊〉
.
5.
3
,
4
&
8.
16.
17.
Yea
I
say
let
the
fearfull
judgements
,
wrath
and
vengeance
Recorded
by
Sir
Walter
Rawley
in
his
excellent
preface
to
his
history
of
the
World
that
befell
Tyrants
and
Oppressors
,
whoafter
they
had
broke
their
Oaths
,
Faith
,
Promises
and
Lawes
made
with
the
People
,
and
then
turned
Tyrants
,
deterr
you
from
such
practises
,
but
especially
the
fearfull
judgments
of
God
that
befel
the
most
execrable
thirty
Tyrants
of
Athens
,
who
after
the
people
of
that
City
had
set
them
up
for
the
Conservators
of
their
Laws
and
Liberties
,
and
who
did
many
things
well
til
they
had
got
power
into
their
own
hands
which
they
had
no
sooner
done
,
but
they
turned
it
poin
blank
against
the
people
,
and
fell
a
murthering
,
robbing
,
spoyling
and
destroying
the
innocent
people
,
and
raised
a
Guard
of
three
or
foure
thousand
men
of
their
own
Mercenary
faction
,
whose
destruction
was
fatall
by
the
steeled
resolution
and
valour
of
seventy
faithfull
and
brave
Citizens
,
as
you
may
●●ad
in
Sir
Walter
Rawleys
History
Lib.
3.
Ch.
9.
sec
.
2
&
3.
Yea
the
Tyranny
of
Duke
d'
Alva
cost
his
Master
the
King
of
Spaine
the
revolt
of
the
Hollanders
to
his
unimaginable
losse
.
But
to
returne
,
did
not
you
and
the
Lords
the
other
day
pass
Votes
and
Communicated
them
to
the
Common
Councel
of
London
to
declare
to
them
and
the
whole
Kingdom
,
you
would
continue
the
Government
,
by
King
,
Lords
and
Commons
?
and
can
it
new
stand
with
your
Honour
and
Justice
,
to
goe
about
to
advance
a
single
,
illegall
Order
of
the
Lords
above
all
the
Laws
made
joyntly
by
you
the
Lords
and
King
,
and
to
make
Ciphers
of
your selves
and
your
House
as
well
as
of
the
King
?
which
undeniably
you
do
,
if
you
indemnifie
Master
Wollaston
by
superseding
my
action
at
Common
Law
against
him
;
Again
,
have
you
not
in
your
Declaration
of
the
15
of
June
1647.
(
in
which
is
contained
your
Votes
,
to
lay
the
King
aside
and
make
no
more
applications
or
addresses
unto
him
)
declared
to
preserve
unto
the
people
their
Laws
,
and
to
governe
them
thereby
?
sure
I
am
these
are
your
own
words
,
having
received
an
absolute
denyall
from
his
Majesty
:
The
Lords
and
Commons
do
hold
themselves
obliged
to
use
their
utmost
endeavous
speedily
to
settle
the
present
Government
in
such
a
way
as
may
bring
the
greatest
security
to
this
Kingdom
,
in
the
enjoyment
of
the
Laws
and
Liberties
thereof
:
And
can
it
now
stand
with
your
honour
and
Justice
to
fall
from
this
and
all
other
your
publique
Declarations
,
by
denying
me
the
benefit
of
the
Law
against
Master
Wollaston
,
that
unjustly
imprisoned
me
,
and
Tyrannically
and
closly
imprisoned
me
,
to
the
hazard
of
my
life
and
being
,
and
that
by
an
illegall
warrant
of
the
Lords
,
who
have
no
power
in
Law
to
commit
me
,
or
so
much
as
to
summon
me
before
them
,
in
reference
to
a
tryal
?
much
lesse
when
I
do
come
at
their
Bar
,
to
deal
with
me
like
a
Spanish
Inquisition
,
by
examining
me
upon
Interrogatories
to
insnare
my self
,
and
refuse
to
let
me
see
either
accuser
,
prosecutor
,
indictment
,
charge
or
impeachment
:
but
presse
me
againe
and
again
to
answer
Interogatories
against
my self
,
and
so
force
me
to
deliver
in
a
Plea
,
according
to
my
priviledg
and
the
Laws
of
the
Land
,
against
their
illegall
dealings
with
me
,
and
then
to
wave
all
pretence
of
any
foregoing
crime
,
and
commit
me
the
11
July
1646
to
Master
Wollaston
to
New-gate
prison
during
their
pleasure
for
delivering
in
that
my
very
Plea
,
which
hath
not
a
word
in
it
but
what
is
justifiable
by
Magna
Charta
,
and
the
Petition
of
Right
;
and
then
when
I
am
at
Newgate
,
by
pretence
of
a
Warrant
of
the
22
of
June
after
,
for
Master
Wollaston
to
cause
his
servants
to
break
into
my
Chamber
and
by
force
and
violence
to
carry
me
before
the
Lords
,
who
had
,
nor
have
no
more
Jurisdiction
over
me
by
the
Laws
of
England
to
try
me
,
passe
upon
me
,
or
condemn
me
,
then
so
many
Turks
have
:
and
when
I
come
there
,
they
only
look
upon
me
,
but
lay
nothing
to
my
Charge
,
neither
by
word
of
mouth
,
nor
writing
but
passe
an
Order
in
these
very
words
,
Die
Martis
23.
Junij
.
Ordered
by
the
Lords
assembled
in
Parliamen
,
That
Iohn
Lilburn
shall
stand
Committed
close
Prisoner
in
th
Prison
of
Newgate
,
And
that
he
be
not
permitted
to
have
pen
,
ink
or
paper
,
and
none
shall
have
accusse
unto
him
in
any
kind
,
but
his
Keeper
,
untill
this
Court
doth
take
further
〈◊〉
.
And
that
is
when
they
〈…〉
and
just
,
which
I
do
confidently
beleeve
〈◊〉
never
be
;
here
is
illegall
〈…〉
illegality
,
and
Tyranny
upon
the
neck
of
that
,
and
yet
Master
Wollastone
and
that
Barish
fellow
Briscoe
,
executed
it
to
the
height
without
any
scruple
of
conscience
,
although
they
might
have
as
well
by
vertue
of
the
same
Warrant
have
cut
my
throat
,
as
have
used
me
as
they
did
,
till
the
11
of
July
1646.
at
and
upon
which
day
they
by
force
of
armes
,
with
thirty
or
forty
of
the
hangmans
guard
of
Halberteers
,
and
against
all
Law
and
Justice
,
carried
me
before
the
Lords
,
upon
pretence
to
hear
my
Charge
read
,
although
the
Lords
had
not
,
nor
have
not
in
Law
the
least
power
in
the
world
to
try
me
or
to
summon
me
,
as
hath
been
notably
and
undeniably
proved
in
the
Case
of
Sir
Iohn
Maynard
and
the
four
Aldermen
,
in
the
releasing
of
whom
as
the
Lords
have
done
,
if
ever
they
had
any
Jurisdiction
over
Commoners
in
any
kind
whatsoever
,
they
have
now
〈◊〉
given
it
away
;
for
they
were
all
impeached
by
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
their
impe●●hments
transmitted
from
them
before
ever
they
medled
with
them
,
which
I
never
was
,
and
yet
flew
as
high
in
their
Protestations
and
Declarations
against
the
Lords
Jurisdiction
over
them
as
ever
I
did
,
whom
notwithstanding
for
all
this
,
without
stooping
,
submitting
,
or
so
much
as
petitioning
,
the
Lords
released
,
and
of
their
own
accord
took
all
their
proceedings
against
them
off
the
file
,
thereby
declaring
to
the
whole
Kingdom
,
that
their
own
conscience
told
them
they
had
no
Authority
in
Law
to
go
about
to
try
them
,
being
〈◊〉
of
their
Legall
Judges
,
though
they
were
impeached
by
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
that
they
had
done
nothing
but
their
duty
in
protesting
against
them
,
and
their
Jurisdiction
over
them
.
Therefore
(
my
Lord
Munson
)
can
it
stand
with
the
Justice
and
〈◊〉
of
your
House
,
in
your
first
Remonstrance
to
the
Kingdom
,
pag.
6.
to
cry
〈◊〉
so
bitterly
as
you
do
against
the
Kings
Ministers
,
who
durst
be
so
bold
and
presumptuous
to
break
the
Laws
,
and
suppresse
the
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
after
they
had
been
so
solemnly
and
evidently
declared
by
the
Petition
of
Right
,
by
committing
divers
free
men
of
England
to
prison
for
refusing
to
stoop
unto
the
Commission
of
Loan
,
whereby
many
of
them
contracted
such
sicknesses
as
cost
them
their
lives
,
and
detaining
others
close
prisoners
〈◊〉
many
months
together
,
without
the
liberty
of
using
Books
,
pen
,
ink
,
or
p●per
,
denying
them
al
the
comforts
of
life
,
all
means
of
preservation
of
〈◊〉
nor
permitting
their
Wives
to
come
unto
them
:
And
for
the
compleating
of
that
cruelty
,
after
yeeres
spent
in
such
miserable
durance
,
to
keep
them
still
in
their
oppressed
condition
,
not
admitting
them
to
be
bailed
according
to
Law
,
and
oppressing
and
vexing
them
above
measure
;
and
the
ordinary
course
of
Justice
(
the
common
birth-right
of
the
Subjects
of
England
)
wholly
obstructed
unto
them
:
and
divers
others
oppressed
by
grievous
Fines
,
Imprisonments
,
Stigmatizings
,
Mutilations
,
Whippings
,
Pillories
,
Gaggs
,
Confinements
,
Banishments
after
so
rigid
a
manner
,
as
hath
not
onely
deprived
men
of
the
society
of
their
friends
,
exercise
of
their
professions
,
comfort
of
books
,
use
of
paper
or
ink
,
but
even
violated
that
neer
union
which
God
hath
established
betwixt
men
and
their
wiv●●
,
by
forced
*
and
constrained
separation
,
whereby
they
have
been
bereaved
of
the
comfort
and
●●●versation
one
of
another
.
Can
all
these
doings
be
criminous
and
wicked
in
the
King's
Ministers
?
and
can
your
denying
of
justice
for
seven
yeers
together
to
me
,
that
suffered
the
grievousnesse
of
these
very
torments
,
be
just
and
righteous
?
Let
God
and
the
world
judge
,
whether
you
by
your
actions
do
not
justifie
all
the
foregoing
unjust
proceedings
,
nay
,
and
out-strip
them
,
in
that
you
your selves
do
,
or
suffer
to
be
done
(
when
you
have
power
enough
in
your
hands
to
remedy
,
but
will
not
)
divers
of
the
very
self
same
things
to
some
of
the
very
self
same
men
,
after
(
in
obedience
to
your
commands
,
in
the
sincerity
of
their
souls
)
they
have
freely
adventured
their
lives
(
and
so
carried
themselves
in
all
their
actions
towards
you
,
that
all
their
adversaries
are
not
able
,
nor
ever
were
,
to
lay
in
law
my
crime
to
their
charge
)
for
the
redresse
of
all
the
foresaid
grievances
?
and
yet
the
best
recompence
you
your selves
give
unto
them
,
is
,
to
toffe
and
tumble
them
yeer
after
yeer
,
from
Gaol
to
Gaol
(
without
laying
any
crime
unto
their
charge
)
denying
them
the
benefit
of
their
Birth-right
,
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
keeping
thousands
of
pounds
of
their
own
from
them
,
and
endeavouring
in
their
long
imprisonments
to
starve
and
murder
them
,
their
Wives
and
Children
,
by
being
worse
then
the
King
was
to
your
Members
,
(
who
allowed
them
three
,
foure
,
and
five
pounds
a
man
weekly
,
notwithstanding
their
own
great
estates
to
live
upon
)
in
allowing
them
never
a
penny
to
live
upon
,
endeavouring
to
protect
all
those
unrighteous
†
men
that
(
contrary
to
Law
)
have
endeavouted
to
murder
and
destory
them
,
and
take
away
their
lives
and
beings
from
the
earth
.
And
all
this
is
my
own
case
and
sufferings
from
you
your selves
.
Therefore
Hear
,
O
Heavens
!
and
give
ear
,
O
Earth
!
and
the
righteous
God
,
and
all
just
men
judge
betwixt
●●
.
And
therefore
if
there
be
any
truth
or
resolutions
in
you
to
stand
to
any
thing
that
you
say
and
declare
,
I
challenge
at
your
hands
the
benefis
of
all
your
Declarations
and
Remonstrances
,
which
are
all
of
my
side
;
and
particularly
the
notablest
of
Declarations
of
the
6
of
May
1643
,
and
17
April
1646.
which
was
made
before
my
contest
with
the
Lords
,
in
which
you
declare
(
2
par
.
Book
De.
fo
95.
&
879
)
that
although
the
necessity
of
war
have
given
some
disturbances
to
loyall
proceedings
,
stopped
the
usuall
course
of
justice
,
〈◊〉
the
Parliament
for
the
preservation
of
this
right
to
impose
and
require
many
great
and
unusual
payments
from
the
good
Subjects
of
this
Kingdom
,
and
to
take
extraordinary
wayes
for
the
procuring
of
monyes
for
their
many
pressing
occasions
;
It
having
pleased
God
to
reduce
our
affaires
into
a
more
〈◊〉
condition
then
heretofore
:
We
do
declare
,
that
we
will
not
,
nor
any
by
colour
of
any
authority
derived
from
us
,
shall
interrupt
the
ordinary
course
of
Justice
in
the
severall
Court
of
Judicatures
of
this
Kingdom
,
not
intermeddle
incases
of
private
interest
otherwhere
determinable
,
unlesse
it
be
in
case
of
male
administration
of
Justice
,
wherein
we
shall
so
provide
,
that
right
be
done
,
and
punishment
inflicted
as
there
shall
be
occasion
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Kingdom
,
and
the
trust
reposed
in
us
.
Therefore
seeing
that
you
that
stile
your
selvs
the
fountain
and
conserva●●ry
of
the
Law
,
first
par
.
Book
Declar.
pag.
272
have
declared
in
answer
to
the
Kings
Complaint
against
scandalous
pamphlets
(
which
was
the
originall
pretence
of
the
Lords
quarrelling
with
me
)
that
you
know
the
King
hath
wayes
enough
in
his
ordinary
Courts
of
Justice
to
punish
such
seditious
〈◊〉
and
Sermons
,
as
are
any
way
prejudiciall
to
his
rights
,
honour
,
and
authority
,
pag.
208.
and
if
the
King
the
Superior
or
Creator
of
the
Lords
,
must
be
tyed
in
this
case
to
the
ordinary
Courts
of
Justice
,
according
to
the
Laws
of
the
Kingdom
,
then
much
more
the
Lords
the
creature
or
inferiour
to
the
King
;
And
therefore
I
hope
you
will
not
be
angry
with
me
for
refusing
obedience
to
the
illegall
commands
of
the
single
Lords
,
the
inferious
,
or
hinder
me
from
obtaining
Justice
,
according
to
Law
,
upon
those
that
most
barbarously
executed
them
upon
me
,
seeing
you
and
the
Lords
themselves
have
taught
me
,
and
all
the
people
of
England
,
disobedience
to
the
illegall
commands
of
the
King
the
greater
,
as
cleerly
appears
by
your
Declarations
of
July
the
12
,
&
July
26
,
1642.
1
par
.
Book
Decl.
p.
201.
458.
483.
The
words
of
which
last
are
,
That
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
Parliament
do
Declare
,
That
it
is
against
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
the
Kingdom
,
that
any
of
the
Subjects
thereof
should
be
commanded
or
compelled
by
the
King
to
attend
him
at
his
pleasure
,
but
such
as
are
bound
thereunto
by
speciall
service
;
And
if
any
Messengers
or
Officers
shall
by
colour
of
any
command
from
his
Majesty
,
or
Warrant
under
his
Majesties
hand
,
arrest
,
take
,
or
carry
away
any
of
his
Majesties
Subjects
to
any
place
whatsoever
,
contrary
to
their
wils
,
that
it
is
both
against
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
the
Liberty
of
the
Subject
,
and
it
is
to
the
disturbance
of
the
publick
Peace
of
the
Kingdom
;
and
any
of
his
Majestie
's
subjects
so
arrested
may
lawfully
refuse
to
obey
such
Arrests
and
Commands
.
To
the
same
purpose
you
also
were
and
declare
,
in
pag.
93.
95.
112.
Therefore
,
seeing
the
Law
of
the
Land
is
so
often
by
you
declared
to
be
the
undoubted
Birth-right
of
me
,
as
well
as
the
greatest
Lord
in
England
,
or
Parliament
man
whatsoever
,
I
earnestly
crave
,
and
challenge
at
your
hands
,
as
much
for
my self
,
as
you
did
at
,
and
from
the
hands
of
the
King
,
for
the
Lord
Kimbolton
and
the
five
Members
,
Sir
John
Hothan
,
and
the
Lord
Maior
Pennington
,
Alderman
Foulke
,
Col.
Vean
,
and
Col.
Manwaring
,
viz.
the
benefit
of
the
Law
of
England
in
the
ordinary
Courts
of
Justice
;
which
is
,
not
to
be
taken
,
or
imprisoned
,
pass'd
upon
,
nor
condemned
but
by
due
Processe
of
Law
,
before
a
Justice
of
Peace
,
according
to
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
and
not
to
be
imprisoned
but
for
a
particular
crime
in
Law
,
expressed
in
the
Commitment
,
by
those
that
have
power
in
Law
to
commit
me
;
nor
to
be
tried
or
condemned
,
but
by
presentment
,
&c.
before
a
Jury
of
twelve
men
of
my
Peers
or
equals
of
the
same
Neighbourhood
where
the
fact
was
committed
;
which
is
,
as
you
declare
by
Sir
Edward
Cook
in
4
part
Institutes
fol.
41.
the
ancient
and
undoubted
Birth-right
of
all
the
Subjects
of
England
,
and
to
have
my
remedy
at
Law
,
against
all
those
that
shall
deal
with
me
contrary
to
Law.
And
that
you
challenged
all
these
things
for
them
before-mentioned
,
you
may
read
in
your
own
Declarations
,
pag.
7.
38.
39.
41.
53.
67.
77.
101.
123.
140.
162.
201.
203.
208.
210.
245.
277.
278.
459.
660.
845.
All
which
I
cannot
doubt
but
you
will
grant
unto
me
,
because
it
cannot
rationally
enter
into
my
brest
to
conceive
,
that
you
your selves
can
judge
it
consonant
to
Justice
to
set
me
,
and
thousands
,
and
ten
thousands
of
the
people
of
the
Kingdom
to
fight
at
your
command
for
the
preservation
of
our
birth-right
the
Law
,
and
then
for
you
to
deny
it
unto
us
,
and
deprive
us
of
it
,
and
to
recompence
us
with
slavery
,
which
we
are
in
,
when
we
lose
the
benefit
of
the
Law.
Surely
,
this
cannot
in
honour
and
justice
become
you
,
that
call
your selves
the
Conservators
of
the
Law.
But
if
you
shall
avowedly
deny
me
the
benefit
of
the
Law
,
you
frustrate
your
end
in
making
Judges
to
be
in
Westminster
Hall
to
execute
the
Law
,
and
put
a
mock
upon
the
people
,
and
dissolve
the
whole
frame
and
constitution
of
the
civill
Policy
of
the
Government
of
this
Kingdom
into
the
originall
law
of
Nature
,
and
leave
every
man
to
judge
within
his
own
brest
what
is
just
and
righteous
,
and
thereby
〈◊〉
me
,
whether
I
will
or
no
,
to
do
that
in
reference
to
you
,
which
you
in
your
great
straits
,
did
in
reference
to
the
King
;
viz.
Appeal
to
the
righ●●●
Judge
of
all
the
would
,
and
the
judgment
of
the
people
to
decide
the
controversie
betwixt
you
as
appears
in
your
own
Declarations
,
1.
part
Book
Doc.
p.
192
196
214.
263.
278.
464
491
495.
496
498.
629.
636.
666.
690.
639.
701.
908.
and
if
I
perish
,
I
perish
.
For
what
greater
tyranny
can
there
be
in
the
world
,
●●
what
greater
straits
can
a
man
be
put
to
,
then
to
delayed
justice
,
(
which
is
worse
than
to
be
denyed
)
for
above
seven
yeers
together
,
by
those
that
have
raised
a
bloudy
war
,
and
pretended
for
justice
:
and
then
,
after
I
have
spent
above
1000
li.
in
endeavouring
to
obtain
Justice
and
my
own
at
your
〈◊〉
and
after
I
have
served
you
faithfully
,
and
adventured
my
life
in
the
field
for
you
,
and
undergone
multitudes
of
other
hardships
and
hazzards
at
〈◊〉
for
you
,
and
carried
my self
in
all
my
actions
towards
you
unspotted
,
and
that
upon
you
own
declared
principles
:
and
after
all
this
,
to
be
toss'd
and
tumbled
by
you
from
Gaol
to
Gaol
,
year
after
year
,
for
nothing
but
my
honesty
;
and
can
come
to
no
legall
tryall
,
although
I
have
endeavoured
it
with
all
my
might
;
and
to
have
by
you
thousands
of
pounds
of
my
own
kept
from
me
,
and
not
a
penny
in
all
my
captivitie
allowed
me
to
live
upon
,
but
in
the
eye
of
reason
exposed
to
famish
and
sterve
,
or
to
eat
my
Wife
and
Children
O
monstrous
and
unnaturall
cruelty
!
which
I
will
maintain
upon
my
life
,
it
not
to
be
parallell'd
in
all
Queen
Marie's
dayes
,
nor
in
the
worst
of
King
Charles
his
Reign
.
So
(
my
Lord
)
I
have
done
with
my
PLEA
,
and
take
leave
to
remain
a
true
hearted
Englishman
,
JOHN
LILBURN
.
NOw
Master
Speaker
,
having
finished
my
Plea
to
the
Committee
of
Indemnity
;
I
must
acquaint
you
that
I
brought
it
to
the
said
Committee
,
with
whom
I
had
some
verball
expostulations
,
after
which
I
began
to
open
my
Plea
,
having
it
fair
writ
in
my
hand
,
which
the
Committee
no
sooner
saw
but
presently
they
left
(
me
according
to
my
desire
)
to
the
ordinary
course
of
the
Law
,
where
I
was
necessitated
at
present
to
cease
prosecution
of
Woll●ston
,
because
I
was
continually
in
expectation
of
my
Liberty
from
the
Lords
,
and
therefore
judged
it
but
wisdom
in
me
not
to
provoke
them
,
and
also
for
perfecting
of
my
Ordinance
,
for
my
long
sought
,
dear
bought
,
and
hard
suffered
for
reparatious
,
from
old
Sir
H.
Vane
and
the
rest
of
my
cruel
Star-Chamber
Judges
;
which
Ordinance
with
much
adoe
was
as
last
concluded
,
though
to
little
purpose
as
before
truly
is
noted
in
p.
15
,
16.
And
for
my
Liberty
,
I
was
chiefly
beholding
for
that
to
my
friends
in
London
,
who
in
seven
dayes
got
eight
or
nine
thousand
hands
to
a
Petition
for
me
,
in
the
day
of
your
straits
by
the
Cavaleers
,
and
presented
it
to
your
House
,
which
my
true
friend
,
and
faithfull
and
couragious
fellow
sufferer
Sir
Iohn
Maynard
took
the
advantage
of
,
and
improved
the
utmost
of
his
interest
,
and
thereby
became
principally
instrumentall
both
in
your
House
and
in
the
House
of
Lords
for
my
Liberty
then
,
unto
whom
I
must
and
do
returne
the
chiefest
thanks
for
it
.
But
now
Sir
,
seeing
my
life
(
for
nothing
but
my
honesty
,
and
because
I
will
not
be
a
slave
to
mens
lusts
)
is
so
strongly
sought
for
to
be
taken
away
by
those
that
have
made
the
largest
pretences
and
promises
,
that
can
be
made
in
the
world
to
deliver
this
Nation
from
thraldom
,
bondage
,
vassallage
and
slavery
;
and
seeing
they
are
such
painted
Sepulchers
that
they
are
like
to
cozen
all
the
honest
men
in
England
with
religious
cheaters
,
such
as
Master
Edmond
Rozer
,
with
whom
as
teacher
to
the
Congregation
where
I
was
a
Member
,
I
walked
many
yeares
in
fellowship
,
and
Master
William
Kiffin
who
was
once
my
servant
,
and
unto
both
whom
the
indearedest
of
my
affections
run
out
unto
;
to
either
of
which
I
never
gave
a
provocation
to
,
nor
wronged
in
all
my
dayes
to
my
knowledge
,
neither
of
which
(
although
the
first
of
them
and
I
have
been
familiar
together
for
almost
twenty
years
)
I
am
confident
of
it
,
in
reference
to
my
actings
to
the
sons
of
men
,
are
able
to
my
face
to
say
black
is
my
eye
,
yet
for
these
men
so
high
and
mighty
in
their
pretence
of
religion
,
and
in
their
former
familiarity
and
friendship
to
me
,
to
persecute
me
bitterly
,
and
write
reproachfull
books
&c
against
me
and
in
the
day
of
my
calamity
(
when
the
great
men
of
the
Nation
make
deep
furrows
upon
my
back
for
nothing
)
when
I
am
as
it
were
in
the
Kennell
,
and
my
hands
and
feet
tied
,
then
to
beat
,
buffe●
,
wound
me
,
and
pursue
my
very
life
;
O
the
height
not
only
of
unchristianity
,
but
even
of
unmanhood
it selfe
!
such
actions
differing
nothing
in
beastlinesse
and
brutishnesse
from
the
brutest
of
Beasts
themselves
;
if
it
had
been
enemies
(
as
David
did
in
the
like
case
Ps
.
55.
12
,
13
,
14.
that
had
done
it
,
I
could
have
born
it
;
but
for
my
familiar
,
bosome
,
indeared
friends
,
to
deal
thus
with
me
,
and
that
in
the
day
of
my
adversity
,
when
my
life
is
hunted
for
like
a
Partridge
upon
the
mountains
,
in
this
they
are
more
unnaturall
then
the
very
Pagans
and
heathens
themselves
;
for
saith
Isaiah
,
cha
.
21.
14.
The
Inhabitants
of
the
land
of
Tema
brought
water
to
him
that
was
thirsty
,
they
prevented
with
their
bread
him
that
fled
;
and
for
their
mal●ing
a
frothy
light
,
giddy
headed
fellow
of
me
in
their
late
book
called
Walwyns
wyles
,
easily
deluded
and
drawn
aside
,
being
of
no
depth
in
my self
;
I
am
confident
there
is
no
two
men
in
England
that
know
me
,
whose
consciences
are
more
perswaded
of
the
falsity
of
that
their
own
assertion
in
every
particular
then
M.
Rozer
,
and
Master
Kiffin
are
,
if
they
would
speak
the
truth
from
their
very
hearts
,
the
whole
stream
of
my
actions
extraordinarily
well
known
to
both
of
them
for
these
twelve
or
thirteen
years
together
,
being
as
a
large
demonstration
that
I
understand
the
things
I
goe
about
;
and
am
not
to
be
biased
with
favour
,
flattery
,
frowns
,
nor
hard
usage
;
(
but
act
singly
and
nakedly
upon
my
own
principles
that
I
beleeve
God
distills
into
my
soul
)
I
beleeve
as
the
actions
of
any
man
upon
the
face
of
the
earth
are
,
having
never
forsaken
nor
changed
my
principles
from
better
to
worse
the
space
of
one
hour
from
the
day
〈…〉
fatherly
discovering
,
and
distinct
,
and
assured
making
known
of
his
turnall
,
everlasting
and
unchangable
loving
kindnesse
in
the
Lord
Jesus
unto
my
soul
,
to
this
day
,
although
I
am
confident
it
is
now
above
13
years
,
since
I
know
God
at
my
〈◊〉
and
reconciled
father
,
that
had
particularly
wasted
and
clensed
my
soul
with
the
〈◊〉
bloud
of
Jesus
Christ
,
and
had
cansed
the
grace
of
God
to
appear
in
my
soul
,
to
〈◊〉
me
(
as
a
reciprecall
duty
spread
abroad
in
my
heart
by
the
overflowings
of
the
fountaine
of
love
within
me
)
to
abstaine
from
all
ungodlinesse
and
worldly
best
,
and
to
live
soberly
and
righteously
,
in
this
present
evill
world
,
doing
good
to
all
,
his
especially
to
the
houshold
of
Faith
,
Ingraving
with
his
Spirit
upon
my
heart
as
with
a
point
of
a
Diamond
those
Divine
Laws
,
viz.
to
doe
to
all
men
as
I
would
they
should
do
to
me
,
and
in
all
the
carriages
of
my
life
to
be
watchfull
over
my
actings
,
and
not
to
be
evill
that
good
may
come
of
it
,
and
thirdly
that
seeing
that
I
am
bought
with
a
pri●●
by
Redemption
,
that
therefore
I
should
not
be
the
servant
of
men
(
to
serve
their
best
and
wills
)
but
entirely
and
solely
the
servant
of
God
,
to
glorifie
him
with
my
body
,
in
rightous
and
just
actions
amongst
the
sons
of
men
,
as
well
as
in
my
soul
,
in
speculation
,
imgra●tion
or
adoration
;
and
so
at
present
I
leave
them
to
the
reflections
of
their
own
consciences
,
if
the
vanity
of
the
world
and
the
fadeing
promotions
thereof
hath
not
eat
out
the
life
and
sensible
part
of
them
;
into
whose
secrets
〈◊〉
let
not
my
soul
(
O
Lord
)
enter
into
.
But
as
for
the
rest
of
their
subscribing
Comrades
,
being
in
all
six
or
seven
,
I
know
not
some
of
them
,
only
〈◊〉
Price
,
and
Richard
Arnold
I
know
to
be
men
fitly
to
deserve
the
name
of
〈◊〉
Baristors
,
or
known
Eves-dropers
,
so
detestable
and
abominable
therefore
to
all
truly
&
really
honest
unbialed
men
that
know
them
,
that
a
man
shal
but
defile
himselfe
to
touch
them
with
a
paire
of
tongs
,
deserving
no
other
answer
from
me
for
their
indefatigable
and
restlesse
pains
to
bespatter
and
destroy
me
,
but
either
the
highest
of
scorn
,
or
a
good
cudgell
in
due
time
;
and
so
at
pres●●●
I
leave
them
to
the
serious
perusal
of
their
own
ugly
forms
and
shapes
,
lively
pictured
out
in
that
most
excellent
and
masculine
Anatomy
of
them
,
by
Doct.
Brooks
in
his
Law
Book
entituled
the
Charity
of
Churchmen
,
or
a
Vindication
of
(
my
most
choice
and
honest
Comrade
and
Fellow-sufferer
)
Master
William
Walwyn
.
But
in
regard
my
grand
adversaries
,
and
their
little
Boagles
in
London
,
doe
continually
report
me
to
be
a
man
of
contention
,
and
one
that
is
never
〈◊〉
from
broyls
,
nor
never
content
with
any
Government
;
but
full
of
self
●●●ceitedness
,
malice
and
revenge
;
it
will
be
very
necessary
for
me
to
return
a●
effectuall
answer
to
this
,
before
I
come
to
the
main
thing
I
intend
.
And
therefore
in
the
first
place
,
When
I
was
a
childe
(
as
Paul
saith
)
I
thought
as
a
childe
,
I
did
as
a
childe
;
but
after
I
came
to
have
any
discretion
,
well
ngh
twenty
years
agoe
,
my
Father
brought
me
to
London
,
and
bound
me
Apprendes
to
Mr.
Thomas
Hewson
near
London-stone
;
whom
I
served
as
faithfully
about
six
years
,
as
every
Apprentice
served
a
Master
:
And
though
he
had
no
more
but
my self
,
and
had
many
thousands
of
Pounds
went
through
my
hands
,
driving
a
large
Whole-sale
trade
;
yet
directly
,
nor
indirectly
,
I
cannot
remember
that
ever
I
wronged
him
of
a
Groat
,
or
the
value
of
it
;
or
that
ever
all
the
〈◊〉
I
was
with
him
,
I
was
ever
branded
or
taxed
with
one
bafe
visible
action
;
or
that
I
either
gave
or
took
a
box
on
the
eare
,
or
any
thing
like
it
,
or
ever
quarrelled
with
any
Flesh
alive
all
the
time
I
was
there
,
(
although
I
had
then
as
much
mettle
,
life
and
spirit
as
most
young
men
in
London
had
)
only
I
must
confess
,
my
old
Master
offered
me
sometimes
some
abuse
,
for
which
I
carryed
him
before
the
Chamberlain
of
London
,
and
ever
after
lived
in
peace
with
him
:
And
after
that
,
in
all
the
dayes
of
my
calamity
by
the
Bishops
,
had
the
truest
and
cordiallest
friend
of
him
,
that
ever
servant
had
of
a
Master
in
the
day
of
his
tryall
.
And
though
in
his
service
(
keeping
only
a
Ware-house
)
severall
days
in
the
week
I
had
spare
time
enough
,
yet
I
never
misspent
it
,
but
continually
spent
it
in
reading
the
Bible
,
the
Book
of
Martyrs
,
Luthers
,
Calvins
,
Bezaes
,
Cartwrights
,
Perkins
,
Molins
,
Burtons
,
and
Rogers
Works
,
with
multitude
of
other
such
like
Books
that
I
had
bought
with
my
own
money
;
till
the
foresaid
Mr.
Edmond
Rozer
,
my
familiar
friend
and
neighbour
,
and
fellow-professor
of
Religion
,
(
conversant
at
my
Masters
house
from
the
beginning
of
my
coming
to
him
)
brought
me
in
anno
1636.
acquainted
with
Dr.
Bastwick
then
prisoner
in
the
Gatehouse
,
whom
after
I
visited
constantly
,
and
for
whose
service
I
could
have
laid
down
my
life
;
and
for
my
true
affection
to
him
,
I
was
forced
by
the
Bishops
and
their
Catchpoles
to
fly
into
the
Low-Countreys
for
refuge
,
just
about
the
time
of
his
Banishment
,
where
I
was
divers
months
,
and
where
the
Kings
Ambassador
,
Sir
VVilliam
Boswell
,
laid
for
me
(
as
I
was
informed
)
severall
designes
to
put
me
a
Ship
board
,
and
send
me
over
to
England
to
the
Bishops
here
,
for
my
visible
activity
there
against
them
,
which
forced
me
continually
to
wear
my
sword
about
me
;
yet
in
all
my
time
there
,
I
never
gave
nor
took
a
box
on
the
eare
,
nor
had
so
much
as
a
single
quarrell
;
and
at
my
coming
to
England
I
was
in
danger
enough
,
and
therefore
went
like
a
swaggerer
disguised
,
and
yet
was
betrayed
by
my
pretended
bosome
friend
,
John
Chilliburn
servant
to
old
Mr.
VVharton
in
Bow-lane
,
and
so
fell
into
the
devouring
clutches
of
the
High-Commission
,
Councell-board
,
and
the
Star-Chamber
,
all
three
of
which
had
a
sting
at
me
:
But
in
all
my
troubles
and
tryals
by
them
for
divers
years
together
,
I
never
saw
or
heard
of
any
other
prosecutor
,
but
only
two
most
desperate
,
forsworn
,
false
Oaths
of
my
then
familiar
acquaintance
,
Edmond
Chillington
then
Button
seller
in
Cannonstreet
,
and
now
a
forsworn
lieutenant
in
Colonell
Whaleys
Regiment
of
Horse
:
which
false
Oaths
he
was
hired
unto
by
the
Bishops
and
their
Chaplins
,
Mr.
Baker
,
&c.
and
by
means
of
which
he
got
his
own
Liberty
,
and
this
he
did
for
my
curtesie
and
kindnesse
to
him
in
his
then
captivity
,
&c.
owing
me
at
this
day
,
I
am
confident
of
it
,
upon
that
account
well
nigh
30
pounds
:
by
meanes
of
which
Oathes
,
I
had
above
500
stripes
with
knotted
cords
,
given
me
by
the
bloody
decree
ofold
Sir
Henry
Vane
,
&c.
and
endured
a
world
of
other
unheard
of
miseries
and
barbarous
cruelties
for
three
yeers
together
:
and
at
my
deliverance
by
the
Parliament
,
I
could
have
had
his
eares
for
perjury
,
as
easily
as
to
have
kissed
my
hand
,
if
I
had
been
revengefull
;
but
so
far
was
I
from
that
,
that
I
never
questioned
him
for
it
,
but
contrarily
I
requited
him
good
for
evill
,
when
he
was
prisoner
in
Oxford
Castle
with
me
,
and
ready
to
starve
,
being
destitute
both
of
money
and
friends
there
;
and
to
save
him
alive
,
I
readily
lent
him
both
gold
and
silver
,
as
he
very
well
knowes
,
by
the
same
token
I
was
without
my
money
long
enough
;
and
in
the
day
of
his
prosperity
here
,
I
was
fain
to
ask
often
enough
for
it
,
before
I
could
get
it
again
.
So
here
it
is
true
,
I
was
in
contestation
with
the
High
〈…〉
Board
,
and
Star-chamber
,
but
they
began
with
me
,
and
not
I
〈…〉
story
of
which
you
may
read
in
my
book
called
the
Christian
mans
〈…〉
,
for
Mr.
VVill.
Larner
)
It
is
true
also
,
I
had
in
them
sufferings
,
〈◊〉
contestations
with
Gaolers
,
but
it
was
to
preserve
my
life
,
when
they
〈◊〉
to
Law
would
have
murdered
me
;
but
with
all
my
fellow-prisoners
,
&c.
I
lived
as
peaceably
,
as
lovingly
and
friendly
as
any
man
in
the
world
did
;
and
all
this
contestation
was
but
for
the
maintaining
my
legall
rights
due
to
me
by
the
Nation
of
Right
,
which
before
the
beginning
of
those
troubles
I
had
read
,
and
a
little
understood
:
In
which
contest
this
Parliament
in
its
Primitive
〈◊〉
hath
justified
me
,
in
not
only
by
abolishing
the
foresaid
unjust
Courte
by
Act
of
Parliament
;
but
also
in
and
by
their
Votes
of
the
4th
.
May
,
164●
.
which
thus
followeth
;
Resolved
upon
the
Question
.
That
the
sentence
of
the
〈◊〉
chamber
given
against
John
Lilburne
,
it
illegall
,
and
against
the
liberty
of
the
subject
;
and
also
bloody
,
wicked
,
cruel
,
barbarous
&
tyrannicall
.
Resolved
〈◊〉
on
the
Question
,
That
reparations
ought
to
be
given
to
Mr.
Lilburn
,
for
his
〈…〉
forment
,
sufferings
and
losses
sustained
by
that
illegall
sentence
;
Which
I
could
I
never
got
to
this
day
,
but
had
been
a
rich
and
happy
man
in
reference
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
world
,
if
it
had
been
voted
I
should
never
have
expected
any
;
for
then
might
I
have
spent
my
eight
years
time
in
my
trade
beyond
sea
,
that
I
have
in
a
〈◊〉
spent
in
following
these
Votes
;
and
one
way
or
other
1000
or
1500
〈◊〉
to
boot
;
with
seven
or
eight
imprisonments
besides
for
nothing
.
Well
,
after
this
I
fought
with
C.
Lunsford
,
and
divers
others
at
Westminster
,
(
who
drew
first
)
with
my
sword
in
my
hand
'
,
to
save
the
Parliament
〈◊〉
throats
from
being
out
,
conscienciously
judging
nothing
that
I
had
too
good
to
hazard
for
so
just
an
Authority
as
I
then
judged
them
to
be
;
&
they
have
〈◊〉
well
rewarded
me
for
my
pains
,
with
7
or
8
cruell
imprisonments
,
and
〈◊〉
told
me
nor
any
body
else
to
this
hour
wherfore
,
with
many
strong
endeavour
to
take
away
my
life
in
the
said
imprisonments
unjustly
;
but
I
hope
,
they
●p●cially
will
justifie
me
in
that
contest
;
however
,
I
from
my
heart
beseech
the
righteous
Lord
of
Heaven
and
Earth
to
judge
righteously
and
impartially
betwixt
them
and
me
,
and
to
manifest
his
Righteous
judgment
betwixt
to
visibly
to
the
world
,
that
so
the
sons
of
men
may
see
it
,
and
behold
it
,
and
fear
,
and
tremble
before
him
.
Well
,
in
the
next
place
the
Wars
begun
betwixt
them
and
the
Kings
and
truly
having
seriously
read
all
their
primitive
most
excellent
Declaration
,
and
sufficiently
my self
smarted
under
the
Kings
irregular
government
,
in
the
violating
of
the
Laws
of
England
,
the
compact
betwixt
him
and
his
people
;
which
he
in
my
judgment
had
then
notably
violated
;
And
not
in
the
least
doubting
but
they
would
be
as
good
as
their
words
and
Declarations
,
which
were
to
secure
the
Peoples
Lawes
and
Liberties
to
them
,
and
not
in
the
least
to
seek
themselves
;
to
provide
for
their
weale
,
but
not
for
their
woe
:
and
reading
in
the
Scripture
,
Rom.
13.
that
the
end
of
the
institution
of
all
Magistracy
in
the
world
,
is
for
a
terror
to
evill
doers
,
and
for
a
praise
to
those
that
doe
well
;
the
●●●●ous
consideration
of
which
,
wrought
out
something
in
reason
in
my
one
thoughts
,
to
ballance
the
letter
of
those
Laws
,
(
which
I
then
knew
were
absolutely
for
the
King
)
somthing
like
those
generall
rules
or
maximes
in
Law
,
recorded
by
that
most
excellent
of
English
Lawyers
,
Sir
Edw.
Cook
in
his
4
part
.
Institut
.
fol.
330.
which
are
,
That
although
the
Law
(
of
England
)
speak
in
generall
terms
,
yet
it
is
to
be
bound
up
,
or
accepted
,
but
where
reason
causeth
,
there
the
law
ceaseth
;
for
seeing
reason
is
the
very
life
and
spirit
of
the
Law
is
self
,
the
Law
giver
it
not
to
be
eseemed
to
respect
that
which
hath
no
reason
,
although
the
generality
of
the
words
at
the
first
sight
,
or
after
the
Letter
seem
otherwise
:
And
it
,
in
my
reason
,
could
not
be
rationall
for
any
men
to
appoint
a
compact
to
be
betwixt
two
parties
,
but
to
bind
both
equally
alike
,
King
as
well
as
People
;
and
not
to
keep
the
people
bound
to
the
expresse
letter
of
the
Kings
part
,
or
any
others
,
when
the
King
or
that
other
,
shall
break
his
or
theirs
in
twenty
particulars
,
as
by
Ship-money
,
Projects
,
&c.
And
further
,
saith
Cook
,
fol.
328.
ibid.
Such
an
interpretation
of
ambiguous
things
(
in
Law
)
it
always
to
be
made
,
that
absurdities
and
inconveniences
may
be
avoyded
:
but
absurdities
and
inconveniences
cannot
be
avoyded
,
if
the
express
and
single
letter
of
any
Law
,
in
reference
to
a
King
or
Parliament
,
shall
tie
or
bind
me
to
cut
my
own
throat
,
or
any
other
wayes
destroy
my self
,
or
my
companions
,
brethren
,
or
neighbours
,
which
is
irrationall
or
unjust
for
me
to
do
:
1
Part.
Book
Decl.
p.
150.
So
upon
these
or
the
like
grounds
,
I
took
up
arms
in
judgment
and
conscience
against
the
King
,
and
contested
with
his
misgovernment
in
subduing
my
legall
and
native
Rights
,
and
in
my
sufferings
and
arraignment
at
Oxford
therefore
,
carried
my self
with
a
great
deal
of
resolution
and
undauntednesse
of
spirit
;
for
which
the
Parliament
by
speciall
Declaration
of
the
17
of
December
1642
,
justified
me
:
which
Declaration
you
may
see
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
802
,
803.
yea
,
and
exchanged
me
very
honourably
,
high
above
my
quality
and
condition
;
and
at
my
coming
home
,
some
of
them
that
were
no
mean
ones
,
proffered
my
wife
a
place
of
honour
and
profit
for
me
,
then
reputed
worth
about
1000
l.
per
annum
:
which
I
conscientiously
scorned
and
slighted
,
professing
unto
my
wife
,
to
her
extraordinary
grief
,
that
I
must
rather
fight
(
though
it
were
)
for
8
pence
a
day
,
till
I
see
the
liberties
and
peace
of
England
setled
,
then
set
me
down
in
a
rich
place
for
mine
own
advantage
,
in
the
midst
of
so
many
grand
distractions
of
my
native
Country
as
then
possessed
it
:
and
so
I
left
old
Essex
,
that
had
been
so
generous
unto
me
in
giving
me
almost
300
l.
ready
money
at
my
deliverance
,
as
Colonel
Flettwood
and
Colonel
Harrison
very
well
know
:
But
him
for
all
that
(
I
say
)
I
left
,
for
his
persecuting
for
non-taking
the
Covenant
,
and
down
to
Lincolnshire
I
posted
,
to
my
then
two
Darlings
and
familiar
Friends
,
Monchester
and
Cromwel
;
where
I
engaged
heartily
,
[
and
spent
all
Essex
his
money
freely
]
and
contiued
in
many
a
desperate
service
,
till
Manchester
visibly
degenerated
,
and
would
have
hanged
me
,
for
being
over-honest
,
and
over
active
in
taking
in
Tikel
Castle
too
soon
:
which
with
his
visible
turning
knave
,
and
apparantly
betraying
his
trust
at
Dennington
,
in
defigning
his
Army
,
or
the
best
part
of
it
,
a
sacrifice
to
the
Kings
fury
,
made
me
engage
against
him
and
others
of
his
Associates
,
with
Cromwel
,
who
thereunto
sollicited
me
,
and
also
threw
up
my
Commission
;
and
so
his
basenesse
spoyled
a
Souldier
of
me
,
that
I
could
never
fight
as
a
Souldier
since
;
although
Cromwel
by
himself
face
to
face
,
and
by
his
Agents
(
I
am
confident
of
it
)
hath
from
time
to
time
much
,
and
as
earnestly
solicited
me
,
as
is
possible
for
a
man
to
be
solicited
,
to
take
up
command
in
Fairfax
his
Army
.
But
no
sooner
was
I
by
the
ears
with
Manchester
,
who
first
began
with
me
,
but
Mr
Prynn
wrote
his
desperate
invective
Books
against
us
all
that
would
not
be
conformable
to
the
Covenant
(
that
Cheat
,
)
and
the
Scots
Presbytery
(
that
every
thing
and
nothing
;
)
and
would
have
bad
us
all
destroyed
,
or
banished
the
Land
of
our
Nativity
:
so
in
conscience
to
God
,
and
safety
to
myself
and
brethren
(
Mr
Edmund
Roser
,
my
present
unworthy
Antagomst
,
being
that
my
pastor
or
teacher
)
I
was
inwardly
compelled
to
deal
with
him
,
that
then
sought
to
destroy
the
generation
of
the
righteous
;
and
accordingly
I
wrote
him
a
sharp
Epistle
,
now
in
print
,
dated
7
Jan.
1644.
which
brought
upon
●●
back
a
whole
sea
of
troubles
;
and
a
Vote
or
Votes
in
the
House
of
Commons
past
against
me
:
whereupon
,
without
any
more
a
doe
,
black
Corbet
and
the
Committee
of
Examinations
makes
me
a
Prisoner
,
and
tosseth
and
●umbleth
me
to
the
purpose
:
So
before
him
,
upon
the
13
of
June
1645
,
was
I
forced
of
give
in
my
reasons
(
now
in
print
)
wherefore
I
wrote
that
excellent
and
seasonably
Epistle
(
which
was
the
first
avowed
publick
Cannon
I
know
of
in
England
,
discharged
against
the
then
insulting
Presbyter
,
for
the
liberty
of
the
consciences
of
my
present
bloudy
and
malicious
persecutors
,
that
now
stile
themselves
the
Pastours
and
Leaders
of
the
Churches
of
God
;
but
do
indeed
and
in
truth
,
by
their
unnaturall
,
unchristian
,
and
unjust
actions
deserve
no
other
stile
,
but
men
fit
for
nothing
but
to
be
the
Pastors
and
Leaders
of
the
Synagague
of
●atan
.
)
The
whole
story
of
which
contest
with
Mr
Prynn
,
you
may
read
at
large
in
the
beginning
of
my
Book
,
called
innocency
and
Truth
justified
shal
I
hope
my
present
Adversaries
,
who
pretend
themselves
to
be
Leaders
in
the
Churches
of
God
,
will
justifie
and
acquit
me
from
guilt
or
crime
in
these
contests
;
especially
considering
that
they
themselves
(
that
now
are
so
violent
in
hunting
after
my
bloud
,
and
the
bloud
of
my
Associates
,
in
the
day
of
our
trouble
and
calamity
,
now
we
are
under
hatches
)
durst
then
do
not
thing
manlike
for
themselves
;
but
sate
in
silence
like
a
company
of
〈◊〉
without
souls
or
hearts
.
And
then
before
I
well
got
rid
of
this
broyl
,
you
your self
got
the
House
of
Commons
the
19
day
of
July
1645.
to
fall
upon
my
bones
,
and
Vote
〈◊〉
prison
I
know
not
wherefore
,
unlesse
it
were
for
riding
post
from
Summerset-shire
through
twenty
dangers
to
bring
you
the
first
news
of
the
Lord
Gorings
〈◊〉
being
routed
at
Lampert
;
for
you
never
told
me
other
to
this
hour
;
but
yet
I
was
to●●ed
by
your
own
means
,
from
Hunt
your
Serjeants
hands
,
to
the
hands
of
Knight
his
Deputy
;
and
from
thence
the
9
of
August
to
Newgate
,
by
that
old
Patentee
Monopolizer
Lawrence
Whittaker
,
then
Chairman
to
the
Committee
of
Examination
;
and
when
you
had
got
me
to
Newgate
,
then
you
got
your
Bull-dogs
in
the
House
to
bait
me
to
the
purpose
,
and
also
turn'd
me
over
to
be
araigned
at
the
sessions
in
Old-hatly
and
so
to
be
hanged
at
Tyburn
;
for
you
appointed
Bradshaw
your
bloody
and
unjust
Lord
President
,
Master
Seale
and
Walker
&c.
to
prosecute
me
for
my
life
;
But
after
I
had
sufficiently
baited
both
you
and
your
unjust
house
;
you
sent
me
to
Newgate
a
hundred
pound
in
mony
,
I
thinke
to
get
me
to
hold
my
peace
,
and
the
14
of
October
1645.
most
honorably
Voted
me
out
of
Prison
,
and
so
your self
being
my
accuser
,
prosecuter
and
Judge
,
Justified
me
in
this
contest
,
the
relation
of
which
you
may
at
large
read
in
that
notable
book
called
Englands
Birth-right
,
and
in
my
Epistle
of
two
sheets
of
paper
in
print
dated
25.
July
1645.
but
especially
in
my
Large
Book
〈◊〉
and
called
Innocency
and
Truth
Justified
;
and
in
this
contest
with
you
,
any
old
acquaintance
Doctor
Bastwick
,
(
for
whose
sake
in
the
Bishops
days
I
underwent
more
sorrows
then
is
to
be
found
in
any
ordinary
death
)
fell
upon
me
also
,
so
that
likewise
I
was
faine
to
contest
a
little
with
him
,
but
he
begunne
first
.
And
after
this
,
viz.
upon
the
14
day
of
April
1646.
Colonel
Edward
King
arrests
me
in
an
Action
of
2000
l.
at
Westminster
for
calling
him
Traitor
,
which
was
only
in
truth
,
for
discharging
my
duty
in
prosecuting
him
,
for
betraying
his
trust
to
the
Kings
Party
,
while
he
was
my
Colonel
in
Lincolnshire
,
and
in
this
contest
abundance
of
your
own
Ordinances
justified
me
:
which
while
I
pleaded
them
in
my
Epistle
to
Judg
Reeve
of
the
6
of
June
1646
now
in
Print
,
before
whom
Kings
action
were
dependent
;
the
guilty
conscioned
Judge
grew
as
angry
with
me
therefore
,
as
the
Lawyers
in
Christs
time
did
at
him
,
for
reproving
the
hypocrisie
of
the
Scribes
and
Pharisees
,
although
nominally
he
medled
not
with
them
,
yet
their
own
guilty
consciences
did
inwardly
accuse
them
,
which
made
one
of
them
say
,
Master
,
in
saying
then
,
thou
reproachest
us
also
,
Luke
11.
45.
unto
whom
Christ
replyes
and
saith
,
vers
.
46.
&c.
Wo
unto
you
also
ye
Lawyers
;
for
ye
lade
men
with
burdens
grievous
to
be
〈◊〉
and
you
yourselves
touch
not
the
burthens
with
one
of
your
fingers
.
Wo
unto
you
for
you
build
the
Sepulchers
of
the
Prophets
,
and
your
Fathers
killed
them
.
Truly
ye
bear
witnesse
that
ye
allow
the
deeds
of
your
Fathers
:
for
they
indeed
killed
them
,
and
you
build
their
Sepulchers
.
Therefore
also
said
the
wisdom
of
God.
I
will
send
them
Prophets
and
Apostles
,
and
some
of
them
they
shall
slay
and
persecute
;
That
the
bloud
of
all
the
Prophets
which
was
shed
from
foundation
of
the
world
may
be
required
of
this
Generation
,
from
the
bloud
of
Abel
unto
the
bloud
of
Zacharias
,
which
perished
between
the
Altar
and
the
Temple
:
Verily
I
say
unto
you
it
shall
be
required
of
this
Generation
.
Woe
unto
you
Lawyers
for
ye
have
taken
away
the
key
of
knowledg
;
ye
entred
not
in
your selves
,
and
them
that
were
entring
in
you
hindred
.
And
accordingly
Judge
〈◊〉
being
wounded
within
at
the
down-right
truth
of
my
forementioned
Epistle
or
Plea.
that
lasheth
the
base
and
abominable
coruptions
of
him
and
the
rest
of
his
Brother-Judges
,
then
and
now
Administrators
of
the
Law
;
and
finding
something
in
it
that
brands
Manchester
for
an
unjust
man
in
his
late
Generalship
,
who
then
was
Speaker
of
the
House
of
Pee●s
,
away
to
him
trudgeth
the
Judge
in
all
post
haste
with
my
Book
,
to
get
him
by
his
power
to
be
revenged
of
me
which
he
was
easily
provoked
and
perswaded
too
and
accordingly
the
10
of
June
1646.
He
gets
an
Order
to
passe
the
Lords
House
,
To
summon
me
up
to
the
Lords
Bar
to
answer
to
such
things
as
I
stood
Charged
before
their
Lordships
with
,
concerning
the
writing
the
foresaid
Letter
or
plea
,
and
when
I
came
to
their
Bar
they
dealt
with
me
like
a
Spanish
Inquisition
,
in
examining
me
against
my selfe
,
which
forced
me
then
at
the
Bar
to
deliver
in
my
plea
in
Law
,
to
prove
that
by
the
Laws
of
England
they
had
no
Jurisdiction
over
Commoners
,
to
try
them
either
for
life
,
limb
,
liberty
,
or
estate
,
which
you
may
read
in
my
Printed
Book
,
called
The
Freemans
freedom
vindicated
,
which
plea
and
protestation
made
them
mad
,
and
for
which
they
sent
me
to
Newgate
,
from
whence
upon
the
16
of
June
I
sent
my
appeal
for
Justice
to
the
House
of
Commons
against
them
,
which
made
the
Lords
madder
,
whereupon
they
upon
the
12
of
June
1646.
issurred
〈…〉
bring
me
to
their
Bar
again
,
where
in
contempt
of
their
Jurisdistion
,
〈…〉
to
kneel
,
for
which
they
committed
me
to
the
foresaid
Wollastone
〈◊〉
of
Newgate
,
to
be
kept
close
Prisoner
without
pen
,
inke
or
paper
,
the
〈…〉
or
any
other
friend
,
which
was
with
rigour
sufficiently
exercised
upon
me
,
till
the
●●
of
July
1646.
which
day
they
issued
our
another
Order
to
bring
me
again
to
their
Bar
,
at
which
when
I
came
,
in
the
height
of
contempt
of
their
Jurisdiction
,
I
marched
in
amongst
them
with
my
bat
or
,
&
not
only
refused
to
kneel
at
these
Bar
,
But
also
with
my
fingers
stops
both
my
ears
when
they
went
about
to
read
my
●●tended
Charge
,
for
all
which
they
fined
me
4000
l.
to
the
King
,
and
forther
sentenced
me
to
be
a
prisoner
seven
yeares
,
or
during
their
pleasure
,
in
the
T●●er
of
London
,
to
be
for
ever
disfranchised
of
being
capable
to
bear
any
〈…〉
Military
or
Civill
Government
,
in
Church
or
Common-wealth
;
and
accordingly
I
was
committed
to
the
Tower
,
where
I
was
in
the
nature
of
a
close
prisoner
,
divorced
from
the
society
of
my
Wife
,
till
the
16
of
September
〈◊〉
Whereupon
a
strong
warre
was
made
upon
the
Lords
and
their
Jurisdiction
,
by
the
Authors
of
those
two
notable
Books
,
called
Vane
plebis
,
and
Royall
,
and
I
also
paid
them
prety
well
my self
,
in
my
two
large
books
,
Called
,
Londons
Liberty
in
chaines
discovered
,
and
Londons
Charters
,
and
by
a
large
〈◊〉
of
my
Wives
,
and
accompanied
at
the
delivery
of
it
with
divers
of
〈…〉
friends
,
I
got
my
business
to
the
examination
of
a
Commities
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
before
whom
I
appeared
,
and
pleaded
the
9th
.
November
,
1646.
and
had
fair
play
,
but
waited
month
after
month
,
and
〈◊〉
get
no
report
of
it
made
by
reason
of
the
swoy
and
power
that
Mr.
Denail
〈◊〉
,
Sir
Philip
Stapleton
,
&
the
rest
of
their
Associates
had
bene
in
the
House
of
〈◊〉
,
who
were
then
strong
confederates
with
the
Lords
in
their
unjust
〈◊〉
,
and
my
then
professed
enemies
,
in
keeping
me
from
Justice
,
the
〈…〉
of
the
Law
and
my
right
:
whereupon
I
was
compell'd
and
necessitated
by
a
hard
,
long
.
and
almost
starving
imprisonment
to
engage
against
them
;
which
I
did
to
the
purpose
,
as
you
may
read
in
my
Books
,
called
,
The
oppressed
●●●
oppressions
declared
;
The
out-cryes
of
oppressed
commons
;
The
resolved
man
resolution
;
and
Rash-Oaths
.
And
then
the
Army
turned
up
the
chief
of
〈…〉
heels
,
by
a
trick
of
Hōr●●
Porus
,
alias
,
An
IMPEACHMENY
;
And
the●
up
got
Mr.
Oliver
Cromwall
my
pretended
friend
,
with
whom
,
and
in
whose
quarrel
(
for
the
Liberties
of
the
Common-wealth
(
as
he
pretended
)
at
his
earnest
follcitation
of
my
wife
in
London
,
to
send
for
me
from
the
〈◊〉
then
at
Crowland
;
(
and
by
his
message
delivered
unto
me
for
that
end
,
by
his
brother-in-law
Major
Desborough
,
near
Sir
Will.
Russels
in
Cambridg-shire
)
I
engaged
against
the
Earl
of
Manchester
,
&c.
and
was
one
of
the
first
●vidences
that
gave
in
my
testimony
against
him
,
before
Mr.
Lisle
then
〈◊〉
to
that
committee
,
where
Manchesters
impeachment
did
then
depend
;
but
alass
,
Mr.
Oliver
impeached
him
only
for
this
end
,
(
as
the
fequel
fully
〈◊〉
)
not
in
the
least
for
Justice-sake
,
but
only
to
get
him
,
&c.
out
of
his
command
)
that
so
he
might
get
in
a
friend
of
his
own
into
it
that
he
could
rule
,
and
it
may
be
in
time
himself
;
both
of
which
he
hath
compleatly
done
:
but
I
say
Mr.
Oliver
;
by
the
help
of
the
Army
at
their
first
Rebellion
against
the
Parliament
,
their
Lords
and
Masters
,
was
no
sooner
up
,
but
like
a
most
perfidious
base
unworthy
man
,
he
turned
my
enemy
and
Jaylor
,
and
was
as
great
with
Manchester
in
particular
as
ever
;
yea
,
and
the
House
of
Peers
were
his
only
white
Boyes
;
Being
more
then
his
drudges
,
and
more
conformable
to
his
will
then
the
House
of
Commons
it self
;
and
who
but
Oliver
(
that
before
to
me
had
called
them
in
effect
both
tyrants
and
usurpers
)
became
their
Proctor
where
ever
he
came
,
yea
,
and
sot
his
son
Ireton
at
work
for
them
also
,
insomuch
as
at
some
meetings
with
some
of
my
Friends
at
the
Lord
Whartons
lodgings
,
he
clapt
his
hand
upon
his
breast
,
and
to
this
purpose
,
professed
as
in
the
sight
of
God
,
upon
his
conscience
,
That
the
Lords
had
〈…〉
a
right
to
their
Legislative
and
Jurisdictive
power
over
the
Commons
,
as
he
had
to
the
coat
upon
his
back
;
and
he
would
procure
a
friend
,
viz.
Mr.
Nath.
〈◊〉
,
should
argue
and
plead
their
said
right
with
any
friend
I
had
in
England
;
and
not
only
so
,
but
did
he
not
get
the
Generall
and
councell
of
War
as
Windsor
(
about
the
time
when
the
Votes
of
no
more
Addresses
were
to
pass
)
to
make
a
Declaration
to
the
whole
Kingdom
,
declaring
the
legall
Rights
of
the
Lords
House
,
and
their
fixed
Resolutions
to
maintain
and
uphold
it
?
which
,
as
I
remember
was
sent
by
the
General
,
&c.
to
the
Lords
by
Sir
Hardiasse
VValler
;
and
to
indear
himself
the
more
unto
the
Lords
(
in
whose
House
without
all
doubt
he
intended
to
have
fate
himself
;
)
he
required
me
evil
for
good
,
and
became
my
enemy
to
keep
me
in
prison
,
out
of
which
I
must
not
stir
,
unless
I
would
stoop
and
acknowledge
the
Lords
jurisdiction
over
commoners
,
(
and
for
that
end
he
set
his
Agents
and
Instruments
at
work
to
get
me
to
doe
it
;
)
And
it
became
the
above-board
work
of
him
and
his
son-in-law
,
after
a
little
under-hand
working
,
to
make
all
means
gone
about
in
the
Army
for
my
liberty
,
ineffectuall
,
or
a
seate
to
me
;
so
that
I
was
pinched
and
forced
for
my
own
preservation
,
to
fall
about
Olivers
eares
,
and
his
Sons
both
,
to
discover
their
depth
of
〈…〉
by
themselves
and
agents
in
their
base
dealing
with
me
,
(
who
was
them
almost
destroyed
in
prison
by
their
villany
)
as
you
may
partly
read
in
my
Books
,
called
,
The
Juglers
discovered
;
Jonah's
cryes
out
of
the
Wholes
holly
;
The
Peoples
Prerogative
;
My
additionall
Plea
before
Mr.
John
Maynard
of
the
House
;
and
my
Whip
for
the
present
House
of
Lords
.
But
to
fill
up
the
measure
of
his
malice
against
me
,
after
by
my
own
induttry
and
importunity
,
I
had
got
a
little
Liberty
,
in
spite
of
him
and
his
faction
,
from
your
House
,
he
and
his
Faction
got
your
House
again
to
commit
me
and
Mr
Wildman
prisoners
as
Traytors
,
upon
19.
Jan.
1647.
for
but
mannaging
an
honest
Petition
,
that
did
but
a
little
touch
upon
the
Lords
power
:
And
yet
this
very
Mr.
Oliver
hath
since
been
the
principall
Instrument
to
pluck
up
the
House
of
Lords
by
the
roots
,
as
usurpers
and
encroachors
,
because
they
would
not
joyn
with
him
to
cut
off
the
King's
head
(
for
that
which
he
is
as
guilty
of
himself
)
and
so
take
him
out
of
his
way
,
that
he
might
be
absolute
King
himself
,
as
now
he
is
,
and
more
then
ever
the
King
was
in
his
life
:
for
he
can
,
and
hath
taken
severall
free
men
of
England
by
the
shoulders
at
the
House
door
,
and
in
Westminster-hall
,
and
by
his
will
,
without
any
●ne
processe
of
Law
,
commited
them
prisoners
to
his
mercinary
Janisaries
,
(
as
lately
he
hath
done
to
honest
Cornet
Chesman
,
(
not
of
the
Army
)
for
but
deliuering
a
Letter
of
his
unjustly
imprisoned
Captains
,
Cap.
Bray
,
to
the
Speaker
,
and
soliciting
him
for
an
Answer
to
it
:
)
The
like
of
which
Tyranny
the
King
never
did
in
his
Reign
;
and
yet
by
Saint
Oliver's
means
,
lost
his
head
for
a
Tyrant
.
But
the
thing
that
I
principally
〈◊〉
at
here
,
is
,
to
declare
,
that
Oliver
and
his
Parliament
now
〈…〉
(
for
the
Nations
it
is
not
)
having
pluck'd
up
the
House
of
Lords
by
the
roots
,
as
usurped
,
tyrannicall
,
and
unjust
,
hath
thereby
himself
justified
not
in
all
my
contests
with
them
,
in
denying
their
Jurisdiction
over
Common●●●
by
Law.
And
although
Oliver
had
his
hands
full
with
Poyer
,
Goring
,
Holland
,
Hamilton
and
Langdale
the
last
yeer
;
but
especially
with
the
generall
〈…〉
was
then
in
both
Houses
against
him
;
upon
the
notable
Impeachment
of
his
Major
Huntington
,
and
I
then
by
my
absolute
freedom
was
a
little
up
,
and
could
have
at
my
pleasure
been
revenged
of
him
,
if
I
had
so
pleased
,
either
by
divisions
in
his
Army
,
which
was
easily
then
in
my
power
;
or
by
joying
in
impeaching
him
with
Major
Huntington
;
which
I
had
matter
enough
to
do
,
and
was
earnestly
solicited
to
it
again
and
again
,
and
might
have
had
●●●
enough
to
bost
in
my
then
low
and
exhausted
condition
:
yet
I
scorned
it
,
and
rather
applyed
my
hand
to
help
him
up
again
,
as
not
loving
a
Scotch
Interest
,
it
is
very
well
and
fully
known
to
his
present
darling
Mr
Cornelius
Holland
,
and
also
to
Colonel
Ludlow
,
and
Mr
Thomas
Challoner
,
with
other
Members
that
I
could
name
;
and
which
was
demonstrated
to
himself
by
a
Letter
I
sent
him
by
Mr
Edw.
Sexby
,
whom
on
purpose
I
procured
to
go
down
to
him
:
the
true
Copy
whereof
thus
followeth
:
SIR
.
WHat
my
Comrade
hath
written
by
our
trusty
Bearer
,
might
be
sufficient
for
us
both
;
but
to
demonstrate
unto
you
that
I
am
no
staggerer
from
my
first
principles
that
I
engaged
my
life
upon
,
nor
from
you
,
if
you
are
what
you
〈◊〉
to
be
,
and
what
you
are
strongly
reported
to
be
;
although
,
if
I
prosecuted
●●
desired
revenge
for
an
hard
and
almost
sterving
imprisonment
,
I
could
have
had
of
late
the
choice
of
twenty
opportunities
to
have
payd
you
to
the
purpose
;
but
I
〈◊〉
it
,
especially
when
you
are
low
:
and
this
assure
your self
,
that
if
ever
my
band
he
upon
you
,
it
shall
be
when
you
are
in
your
full
glory
,
if
then
you
shall
decline
from
the
righteous
wayes
of
Truth
and
Justice
:
Which
,
if
you
will
fixedly
and
impartially
prosecute
,
I
am
Yours
,
to
the
last
drop
of
my
heart
bloud
,
(
for
all
your
late
severe
hand
towards
me
)
JOHN
LILBVRN
.
From
Westminster
the
3
of
August
1648
,
being
the
second
day
of
my
Freedom
,
Which
Letter
&c.
as
I
have
been
told
by
the
Bearer
,
was
not
a
little
welcome
.
But
his
dealings
with
me
now
manifest
that
Proverb
to
be
very
true
,
●●
Save
a
Thief
from
the
Gallows
,
and
for
your
requitall
,
he
will
be
the
first
shall
have
you
.
But
to
this
I
shall
say
no
more
but
what
the
Spirit
of
truth
saith
in
〈◊〉
.
17.
13.
That
he
that
rewards
evill
for
good
,
evill
shall
not
depart
from
his
〈◊〉
.
And
being
at
liberty
,
not
liking
in
the
least
the
several
juglings
I
observed
in
divers
great
ones
in
reference
to
the
personall
Treaty
,
and
that
there
was
nothing
worth
praising
or
liking
thought
of
or
presented
by
the
Parliament
in
reference
to
the
Peoples
Liberties
or
Freedoms
,
(
especially
considering
their
late
large
expences
and
hazards
for
the
procurement
of
the
settlement
of
them
)
I
was
compelled
in
conscience
to
have
a
hand
in
that
most
excellent
of
Petitions
of
the
11
of
Septemb.
1648.
which
(
I
am
sure
)
was
no
small
piece
of
service
to
Cromwel
and
his
great
Associates
:
though
his
Church-men
,
now
my
chiefest
Adversaries
,
durst
not
joyn
in
it
,
nor
own
it
for
very
fear
.
And
hauing
been
in
the
North
about
my
own
business
,
where
I
saw
Cromwel
,
and
made
as
diligent
scrutinies
into
things
about
him
,
as
I
could
;
which
I
then
to
my self
judged
,
savoured
more
of
intended
self-exalting
,
then
any
thing
really
and
heartily
(
of
what
before
I
had
strongly
heard
of
him
)
to
the
through
advancement
of
those
things
that
were
worthy
to
be
accounted
indeed
the
Liberties
and
Freedoms
of
the
Nation
.
And
being
come
to
London
,
my self
and
some
other
of
my
friends
,
by
two
Messengers
,
viz.
Mr.
Hunt
one
of
Cromwel's
creatures
,
and
another
,
sent
a
Message
down
to
him
to
Pomfret
,
to
be
delivered
to
himself
,
and
to
debate
it
with
him
,
and
bring
his
expresse
Answer
back
again
speedily
:
the
effect
of
which
Message
was
,
That
to
our
knowledge
,
God
had
caused
him
to
understand
the
principles
of
a
just
Government
,
under
which
the
glory
of
God
may
shine
forth
by
an
equall
distribution
unto
all
men
.
That
the
obtaining
of
this
was
the
sole
intended
end
of
the
Warre
:
and
that
the
Warre
cannot
be
justified
upon
any
other
account
,
then
the
defence
of
the
peoples
right
,
unto
that
just
Government
,
and
their
Freedom
Vnder
it
.
His
Answer
to
which
Message
by
Mr.
Hunt
was
principally
directed
to
the
Independents
;
some
of
whom
appointed
a
meeting
at
the
Nags-head
Tavern
by
Blackwell-Hall
,
and
invited
M.
Wildman
and
my self
,
&c.
thither
,
whether
we
went
accordingly
,
and
where
:
wee
met
with
Colonel
Ti●hburn
,
Col.
J●hn
White
,
Dr.
Parker
,
Mr
Taylor
,
John
Price
,
and
divers
others
;
where
we
had
a
large
debate
of
things
,
and
where
the
just
ends
of
the
War
were
as
exactly
laid
open
by
Mr.
VVildman
,
as
ever
I
heard
in
my
life
.
But
towards
the
conclusion
,
they
plainly
told
us
,
The
chief
things
first
to
be
done
by
the
Army
,
was
first
To
cut
off
the
Kings
Head
,
&c.
and
force
and
throughly
purge
,
if
not
dissolve
the
Parliament
:
All
of
which
we
were
all
against
,
and
press'd
to
know
the
bottom
of
their
center
,
and
in
what
they
would
absolutely
rest
for
a
future
Settlement
:
and
I
plainly
told
them
in
these
words
,
or
to
this
effect
.
It
s
true
,
I
look
upon
the
King
as
an
evill
man
in
his
actions
,
and
divers
of
his
party
as
bad
:
but
the
Army
had
couzened
●●
the
last
year
,
and
fallen
from
all
their
Promises
and
Declarations
,
and
therefore
could
not
rationally
any
more
be
trusted
by
us
without
good
cautions
and
security
:
In
which
regard
,
although
we
should
judge
the
King
as
arrant
a
Tyrant
as
they
supposed
him
,
or
could
imagine
him
to
be
;
and
the
Parliament
as
bad
as
they
could
make
them
;
yet
there
being
no
other
balancing
power
in
the
Kingdome
against
the
Army
,
but
the
King
and
Parliament
,
it
was
our
interest
to
keep
up
one
Tyrant
to
balance
another
,
till
we
certainly
knew
what
that
Tyrant
that
pretended
f●irest
would
give
us
as
our
Freedoms
;
that
so
we
might
have
something
to
rest
upon
,
and
not
suffer
the
Army
(
so
much
as
in
us
lay
)
to
deceive
all
the
Government
of
the
Kingdom
into
their
〈◊〉
and
〈◊〉
(
which
were
two
things
we
nor
no
rationall
man
〈◊〉
and
leave
no
persons
nor
power
to
be
a
counter
ballance
against
them
:
And
if
●●
should
do
this
,
out
slavery
for
future
(
I
told
them
)
might
probably
be
gro●n
that
ever
it
was
in
the
Kings
time
,
and
so
our
last
errour
would
be
greater
then
our
first
and
therefore
I
pressed
very
hard
for
an
Agreement
amongst
the
People
first
,
utterly
disclaiming
the
thoughts
of
the
other
,
ill
this
was
done
.
And
this
(
I
told
them
)
was
not
onely
my
opinion
,
but
I
beleeue
it
to
be
the
unanim●m
opinion
of
all
my
friends
with
whom
I
most
constantly
conversed
.
At
which
the
Gentlemen
Independents
were
some
of
them
most
desperately
cholerick
:
But
my
opinion
being
back'd
with
the
Speeches
of
some
〈◊〉
of
my
Friends
,
we
came
calmly
to
chuse
out
four
and
four
of
a
side
to
〈◊〉
and
conclude
of
some
Heads
towards
the
accomplishment
of
an
Agreement
of
the
People
:
and
(
as
I
remember
)
their
four
were
Colonel
〈◊〉
Col.
White
,
Dr
Parker
,
and
Jo.
Price
;
and
our
four
were
M.
William
Walwyn
,
Li●●●●nant-Col
.
Wetton
,
M.
John
Wildman
,
and
my Self
.
But
John
Price
seat
some
of
the
company
to
tell
us
(
after
we
were
parted
,
and
some
of
us
drinkings
●●
of
wine
below
)
he
would
not
make
one
,
if
Mr
Walwyn
was
one
,
for
he
had
a
prejudice
against
him
.
Unto
which
I
replyed
,
M.
Walwyn
had
were
〈◊〉
and
integrity
in
his
little
finger
,
then
John
Price
had
in
all
his
body
;
and
therefore
No
meeting
for
me
,
seeing
John
Price
was
so
base
,
unlesse
Mr
VValwyn
●as
one
,
though
we
had
but
two
of
a
side
:
but
the
businesse
being
much
debated
and
expostulated
,
Mr.
VValwin
and
John
Price
both
(
for
peace
sake
)
were
at
present
laid
aside
:
and
according
to
appointment
(
as
I
remember
)
all
the
other
six
met
the
fifteenth
of
Novemb.
1648
,
being
Wednesday
,
at
the
fore-mentioned
Nage
head
;
and
there
,
after
some
debate
,
unanimously
agreed
in
these
words
,
viz.
That
in
our
conceptions
,
the
onely
way
of
So●●ment
is
,
1.
That
some
persons
be
chosen
by
the
Army
to
represent
the
whole
Body
:
Act
that
the
well
affected
in
every
County
(
if
it
may
be
)
chuse
some
persons
to
repress●●
them
:
And
those
to
meet
at
the
Head-Quarters
.
2.
That
those
persons
ought
not
to
exercise
any
Legislative
power
,
but
only
to
〈◊〉
up
the
foundations
of
a
just
Government
,
and
to
propound
them
to
the
well-official
people
in
every
County
to
be
agreed
to
:
Which
Agreement
ought
to
be
about
Law
;
and
therefore
the
bounds
,
limits
and
extent
of
the
people's
Legislative
Deputies
in
Parliamens
,
contained
in
the
Agreement
to
be
drawn
up
into
a
formall
contract
,
to
be
Mutually
signed
by
the
well-affected
people
and
their
said
Deputies
upon
the
days
of
their
Election
respectively
.
3.
To
prevent
present
confusion
,
the
Parliament
(
if
it
be
possible
)
may
not
be
by
force
immediately
dissolved
;
but
that
the
day
of
its
dissolution
be
inserted
in
that
Agreement
,
by
vertue
whereof
it
shall
be
dissolved
.
4.
That
this
way
of
Settlement
,
(
if
it
may
be
)
should
be
mentioned
in
the
Arm●'s
first
Remonstrance
.
5.
That
the
matter
of
the
Petition
of
Septemb.
11.
be
the
matter
to
be
setled
.
Which
Agreement
of
ours
(
as
I
remember
)
was
immediately
some
away
,
to
the
Head
Quarters
at
St.
Alban's
by
Mr
Hila●●
of
Southwark
,
where
(
to
it
was
afterwards
told
us
,
it
was
very
well
accepted
and
approved
of
by
the
great
ones
there
;
whose
high
and
〈◊〉
Declarations
〈◊〉
by
〈◊〉
Windsor
,
when
he
pretended
to
lay
down
his
Commission
)
against
the
King
coming
to
our
view
,
we
made
divers
objections
against
many
passages
in
it
,
but
especially
at
divers
lashes
that
excitely
at
the
beginning
of
is
〈…〉
us
:
which
we
told
some
of
their
friends
,
could
not
be
put
in
with
a
spirit
of
peace
towards
us
,
or
intention
of
good
to
the
Nation
,
in
those
good
things
we
desired
and
propounded
for
it
:
But
it
was
with
many
fair
expressions
salved
up
by
them
;
upon
which
we
judged
it
requisite
for
some
of
us
to
go
to
Windsor
,
to
speak
with
Mr
〈◊〉
the
S●●●-man
himself
;
and
accordingly
(
as
I
remember
)
Lieut.
Colonel
VVeiton
,
Mr
Petty
,
Mr
VVildman
,
and
my Self
met
there
;
and
having
drawn
up
our
thoughts
in
writing
,
we
communi●ted
them
to
Col.
Tychburn
,
Col.
VVhite
,
M.
Moyer
,
and
divers
others
of
the
Independent
Party
,
who
went
with
us
to
the
Governours
house
,
where
we
met
with
Mr
Peters
,
the
grand
Journey-●●
Ha●kney-man
of
the
Army
;
and
after
we
had
acquainted
him
with
out
windes
,
we
delivered
him
a
copy
of
our
Paper
,
containing
distinctly
the
Heads
of
what
we
desired
,
and
intreated
him
to
deliver
them
to
Commissary
Ireton
,
with
whom
we
desired
to
discourse
about
them
;
who
sent
us
word
,
at
such
an
hour
be
would
come
to
our
Ion
at
the
Garter
,
to
speak
with
us
about
them
;
and
accordingly
he
did
,
accompanied
with
a
whole
Train
of
Officers
;
and
a
large
and
sharp
discourse
we
had
;
our
principall
difference
lying
at
his
desire
in
the
too
strict
restraining
liberty
of
conscience
,
and
in
keeping
a
power
in
the
Parliament
to
punish
where
no
visible
Law
is
transgressed
;
the
unreasonablenesse
of
which
was
much
spoken
against
by
divers
of
the
principall
Officers
with
him
,
but
especially
by
Col.
Harrison
,
who
was
then
extreme
(
air
and
gilded
:
And
so
little
satisfaction
had
we
at
that
meeting
,
from
Ireton
(
the
Army
's
Alpha
and
Omega
)
that
we
despaired
of
any
good
from
them
,
and
were
in
a
manner
resolved
to
come
away
in
haste
to
London
,
and
acquaint
our
friends
with
our
conceptions
,
and
so
improve
our
Interests
forcibly
,
as
much
at
we
could
,
to
oppose
their
sounded
designes
.
But
Colonel
Harrison
coming
to
us
again
it
ten
a
clock
,
according
to
our
desire
,
we
had
a
private
and
large
discourse
with
him
,
and
fully
and
effectually
acquainted
him
with
the
most
desperate
mischie
vousnesse
of
their
attempting
to
do
these
things
,
without
giving
some
good
security
to
the
Nation
for
the
future
settlement
of
their
Liberties
and
Freedoms
,
especially
in
frequent
,
free
,
and
successive
Representatives
,
according
to
their
many
Promises
,
Oathes
,
Covenants
and
Declarations
;
or
else
is
soon
as
they
had
performed
their
intentions
to
destroy
the
King
,
(
which
we
fully
understood
they
were
absolutely
resolved
to
do
,
(
yea
,
as
they
told
us
,
though
they
did
Mutiall
Law
)
and
also
totally
to
●oot
up
the
Parliament
,
and
invite
so
many
Members
to
come
to
them
as
would
joyn
with
them
,
to
manage
businesses
,
till
a
new
and
equall
Representative
could
by
an
Agreement
be
setled
;
which
the
chiefest
of
them
protested
before
God
,
was
the
ultimate
and
chiefest
of
their
〈◊〉
and
desires
)
I
say
,
we
press'd
hard
for
security
,
before
they
〈…〉
these
things
in
the
least
lest
when
they
were
done
;
we
should
he
solely
left
to
their
wills
and
swords
;
by
which
,
we
told
them
,
they
might
rule
over
us
〈…〉
Laws
,
as
a
〈◊〉
people
,
and
so
deal
with
us
as
〈◊〉
slavish
peasants
●●
France
and
deale
with
,
who
enjoy
nothing
that
they
in
call
their
〈…〉
.
All
besides
,
we
plainly
valid
we
would
not
trust
their
bare
〈…〉
rall
onely
,
for
they
had
broke
their
promise
once
already
,
both
with
〈…〉
the
Kingdom
;
and
he
that
would
break
once
,
would
make
no
conscience
of
breaking
twice
,
if
it
served
for
his
ends
,
and
therefore
they
must
come
to
some
absolute
particular
compact
with
us
,
or
else
,
some
of
us
told
him
,
we
would
post
away
to
London
,
and
stir
up
our
Interest
against
them
,
yea
and
spend
our
blouds
to
oppose
them
.
To
which
he
replyed
to
this
effect
,
he
was
true
in
what
we
said
;
for
he
must
ingenuously
confesse
,
they
had
ones
〈◊〉
with
us
and
the
Kingdom
,
and
therefore
acknowledged
it
was
dangerous
●●●sting
them
upon
Generals
again
:
Bursaith
he
,
we
cannot
slay
so
long
from
going
to
〈◊〉
with
the
Army
as
to
perfect
an
Agreement
;
and
without
our
speedy
going
,
we
〈◊〉
unavoydably
destroyed
:
For
(
saith
he
)
we
fully
understand
,
that
the
Treaty
〈…〉
the
King
and
Parliament
is
almost
concluded
upon
;
at
the
conclusion
of
which
●●
shall
be
commanded
by
King
and
Parliament
to
disband
,
the
which
if
we
〈…〉
unavoydably
destroyed
for
what
we
have
done
already
:
and
if
we
do
not
〈…〉
will
by
Act
of
Parliament
proclaim
us
Traytors
,
and
declare
in
to
be
the
onely
〈…〉
of
setling
peace
in
the
Nation
;
and
then
(
saith
he
)
we
shall
never
be
〈…〉
with
both
the
Interest
of
King
and
Parliament
:
so
that
you
will
be
destroyed
it
well
as
we
:
sor
we
certainly
understand
that
Major
Generall
Brown
&c.
〈…〉
hand
preparing
an
Army
against
us
.
And
therefore
I
professe
,
I
confesse
,
〈◊〉
not
well
what
to
say
to
your
Reasons
,
they
are
so
strong
;
but
our
Necessities
〈…〉
that
we
must
speedily
go
,
or
perish
;
and
to
go
without
giving
you
some
content
,
is
●●●●●able
too
.
Well
Sir
,
(
said
we
)
we
have
as
much
cause
to
distrust
the
Parliament
〈◊〉
,
as
we
have
to
distrust
you
;
for
we
know
what
and
how
many
large
〈◊〉
they
have
made
to
the
Kingdom
,
and
how
little
they
have
performdely
〈…〉
we
also
know
what
a
temptation
Honour
,
Power
,
and
profit
are
even
to
this
spirits
that
were
pretty
ingenuous
and
honest
before
;
and
when
you
have
done
your
work
,
and
got
,
as
you
pretend
,
forty
or
fifty
of
the
honestest
Members
of
the
House
to
you
;
alas
,
(
said
we
)
it
will
be
a
mock
Power
;
yet
they
may
finde
,
such
sweetnesse
and
delight
in
their
pretended
power
,
that
they
may
sly
to
your
swords
for
their
protection
;
and
bid
us
go
shake
our
〈…〉
our
Agreement
,
and
go
look
it
where
we
can
catch
it
.
And
therefore
we
will
trust
generals
no
more
to
your
forty
or
fifty
Members
of
Parliament
,
then
to
you
:
for
it
's
possible
,
if
we
leave
the
Agreement
to
their
〈◊〉
,
they
may
frame
us
such
a
one
as
will
do
us
no
good
,
but
rather
make
〈…〉
by
our
own
consents
,
if
signed
by
us
:
and
therefore
we
pres●'d
him
that
we
might
agree
upon
a
finall
and
absolute
Judge
of
the
matter
and
〈…〉
the
Agreement
,
that
so
we
might
not
spend
months
and
yeers
in
dispute
about
it
.
And
therefore
we
would
propound
this
unto
him
,
That
if
〈◊〉
●●nest
friends
in
the
Parliament
,
as
they
called
them
,
would-●●use
〈…〉
amongst
themselves
,
and
the
Army
four
from
amongst
themselves
,
and
●●
Independents
four
from
amongst
themselves
;
we
that
were
〈…〉
L●vellers
,
would
chuse
four
from
among
ourselves
;
and
〈…〉
dra●●p
the
Agreement
finally
,
without
any
more
appeal
to
any
〈…〉
for
our
parts
,
so
far
as
all
our
Interest
in
England
extended
,
〈…〉
willing
to
acquiesce
in
,
and
submit
to
the
determinations
of
them
16
,
or
the
major
part
of
them
:
And
we
would
be
willing
the
Presbyterian
party
should
be●●vi●ed
and
desired
to
chuse
four
more
to
be
of
equall
authority
with
the
other
sixteen
.
Provided
,
they
did
it
by
the
first
day
we
should
appoint
to
meet
upon
.
Which
P●oposition
he
approved
of
extraordinary
well
,
and
said
,
It
was
●●
just
,
as
rationall
,
and
as
equitable
as
possibly
could
be
;
and
said
,
He
doubted
not
but
all
Interests
would
center
in
it
,
and
ingaged
to
acquaint
them
with
it
:
and
so
we
parted
,
very
glad
that
we
were
likely
to
come
to
some
fixed
agreement
for
the
future
enjoyment
of
our
dear
bought
,
and
hard
purchased
Fr●edoms
.
And
the
next
morning
we
went
to
the
Gentlemen
Independents
,
that
lay
the
next
door
to
us
,
who
were
almost
ready
to
horse
for
London
,
and
we
acquainted
them
with
it
,
who
liked
it
very
well
,
and
with
whom
we
fixed
a
night
for
severall
distinct
meetings
in
London
,
to
chuse
our
retpective
trustees
for
this
work
,
and
also
appointed
a
day
to
meet
at
Winsor
again
about
it
,
and
from
them
we
went
to
Master
Holland
,
who
then
was
the
chief
stickler
,
for
those
they
called
honest
men
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
and
as
I
remember
we
●et
Colonel
Harison
,
Master
Holland
,
and
Captaine
Smith
a
Member
,
and
his
Son
in
Law
in
the
Street
,
and
Master
Holland
seemed
exceedingly
to
rejoyce
at
the
Proposition
.
Colonel
Harison
having
told
him
of
it
before
,
which
we
repeated
over
distinctly
to
him
,
that
so
in
conclusion
we
might
not
be
gulled
through
pretence
of
mistakes
or
misunderstandings
;
which
we
were
continually
a●●aid
we
should
meet
with
;
so
we
went
all
together
to
Commissary
Generall
Ir●●ons
chamber
to
have
his
concurrence
,
which
of
all
sides
was
taken
for
the
concurrence
of
the
whole
Army
,
or
at
least
for
the
powerfull
and
gove●ning
part
of
it
;
he
being
in
a
manner
both
their
eyes
and
ears
:
so
when
we
came
to
his
Chamber
in
the
Castle
,
he
was
in
Bed
with
his
Wife
,
but
sent
us
out
word
by
Colonel
Harison
as
he
averred
to
us
that
he
did
absolutely
and
he●●tily
agree
to
the
foresaid
Proposition
,
which
to
avoid
mistakes
,
was
again
repeated
,
so
we
seemed
joyfull
men
of
all
sides
,
and
apointed
a
day
speedily
to
meet
at
Winsor
,
about
it
,
Master
Holland
againe
and
againe
engaging
for
four
Parlsament
men
,
and
Colonel
Harison
,
with
Commissary
Ireton
for
four
of
the
Army
,
as
we
Londoners
had
done
for
each
of
our
tribe
;
and
so
to
horse
we
went
,
and
I
overtook
upon
the
road
the
whole
gang
of
Independants
,
with
whom
I
discoursed
again
,
and
acquainted
them
all
fully
with
the
absolutenes
of
our
agreement
,
which
they
acquainted
their
friends
with
in
London
,
who
chose
Colonel
Tichburn
,
Colonel
Iohn
White
,
Master
Daniel
Taylor
,
and
Master
Price
the
Scrivener
;
And
for
our
party
,
there
was
by
unanimous
consent
of
the
Agents
from
our
friends
in
and
about
London
,
at
a
every
large
meeting
chosen
Master
William
Walwyn
,
Master
Maximilian
Pe●●y
,
Master
Iohn
Wildman
and
my Self
,
and
for
the
honest
men
of
the
Parliament
as
they
were
called
,
they
had
severall
meetings
at
the
Bell
in
Kings-street
,
and
at
Summerset-house
,
where
as
I
was
informed
,
they
chose
Colonel
Hen●y
Martyn
,
Colonel
Alexander
Rig●y
,
Master
Thomas
Challi●●
and
Master
Sc●t
,
with
one
or
two
more
to
supply
the
places
of
those
of
them
that
should
be
absent
at
any
time
about
their
:
occasio●s
;
so
when
we
cam●
to
Winsor
the
Army
men
had
chosen
Commissary
Generall
Iret●●
,
Sir
William
Constable
,
and
as
I
remember
Colonel
Tomlinso●
,
Colonel
Baxster
,
Lieutenant
Colonel
Kelsey
,
and
Captain
Par●●●
,
〈◊〉
two
of
the
which
last
4
should
alwayes
make
up
the
number
;
so
we
had
a
●●ting
in
their
Councel-Chamber
at
the
Castle
,
where
we
were
all
of
all
〈◊〉
present
,
but
only
the
Parliament
men
,
for
whom
only
Colonel
M●●●●●
app●●ed
,
and
after
a
large
discourse
about
the
foundations
of
our
agreement
,
we
departed
to
our
Lodging
,
where
Colonel
Martyn
and
we
four
nic●-named
Lovellers
,
lockt
our selves
up
,
and
went
in
good
earnest
to
the
consideration
of
of
our
Agreement
,
but
much
was
not
done
in
it
there
,
because
of
their
ha●●●●●
London
to
force
and
breake
up
the
Parliament
(
which
Journy
at
all
▪
was
very
much
opposed
by
M.
Wa●wyn
,
and
many
reasons
he
gave
against
their
〈◊〉
●●
London
at
all
)
the
absolute
desolution
of
which
their
friends
in
the
〈◊〉
would
no
ways
admit
of
,
although
Ireton
,
Harison
&c.
commonly
stiled
it
〈◊〉
a
Parliament
that
had
forfeited
its
trust
,
a
mock
Parliament
,
and
that
if
they
did
not
totally
dissolve
it
,
but
purge
it
,
it
would
be
but
a
mock
Parliament
,
and
●
mockpower
however
;
for
where
have
we
say
they
either
law
,
warrant
or
〈…〉
purge
it
,
or
c●n
any
thing
justifie
us
in
the
doing
it
;
but
the
height
of
〈◊〉
to
〈◊〉
the
Kingdom
from
a
new
war
,
that
they
with
the
conjunction
with
the
〈◊〉
will
presently
vote
and
declare
for
,
and
to
procure
a
new
and
free
representative
〈…〉
successive
and
frequent
free
Representatives
,
which
this
present
Parliament
〈◊〉
never
suffer
,
and
without
which
the
freedoms
of
the
Nation
are
l●st
〈…〉
,
and
〈◊〉
doing
of
which
can
only
justifie
before
God
and
man
ou●
pres●●●
〈◊〉
formr
extraordinary
actings
with
,
and
against
legall
Authority
,
and
so
all
our
fighting
fruitlesse
;
and
this
was
their
open
and
common
discourse
,
〈◊〉
more
of
the
like
nature
;
and
to
those
that
objected
against
their
totall
●●●●●ving
or
breaking
the
House
,
(
and
the
illegalitie
of
their
intended
and
〈◊〉
trying
of
the
King
,
which
also
was
opposed
by
us
,
till
a
new
and
unquesti●●●ble
Representative
was
sitting
;
)
as
I
am
able
sufficiently
by
pluralitie
of
●●nesses
to
prove
and
justifie
,
yea
when
they
were
come
to
London
,
〈◊〉
,
&c.
and
some
Members
of
the
House
(
in
a
Chamber
neer
the
long
Gallery
i●
VVhite-hall
,
)
had
a
large
conference
,
where
and
to
whom
he
stifly
〈◊〉
the
same
to
their
faces
,
calling
this
Purg'd
Parliament
,
a
mocks
power
and
〈◊〉
Parliament
,
which
Members
I
beleeve
if
there
were
a
necessiry
of
it
,
I
could
produce
to
justifie
it
;
for
I
am
sure
one
of
them
told
me
the
substance
of
all
the
discourse
immediatly
after
it
happened
;
So
that
if
it
be
treason
to
〈…〉
a
Pretended
Parliament
,
a
mockpower
,
a
mock
Parliament
,
yea
and
to
say
in
〈◊〉
English
,
that
it
is
no
Parliament
at
all
,
then
they
themselves
are
the
pr●●●
,
the
〈◊〉
and
originall
trayto●●
▪
and
if
this
be
true
,
as
true
it
is
;
then
there
〈…〉
Legall
Judges
,
nor
Justices
of
Peace
in
England
;
and
if
so
;
then
all
those
〈…〉
executed
at
Tiburne
,
&c.
by
their
sentences
of
condemnations
given
against
them
,
●●
meerly
marthered
and
the
Judges
or
Justices
that
condemned
the●
〈◊〉
liable
in
〈◊〉
〈…〉
(
and
that
justly
)
therefore
,
for
acting
without
a
just
and
●●gall
●●●mission
either
from
true
Regall
,
or
true
Parliamentary
power
;
see
for
this
purpose
the
notable
arguments
in
the
13
▪
14
,
but
especially
15
page
of
the
second
Edition
of
my
late
picture
of
the
Councell
of
State
:
But
to
〈◊〉
to
our
acting
to
compleat
the
Agreement
,
all
parties
chosen
of
all
sides
●●●stantly
mett
at
White-hall
after
the
Army
came
to
town
,
saving
the
Parliament
men
failed
,
only
Master
Mortin
was
most
commonly
there
,
and
a
long
and
●●dious
●ug
we
had
with
Commissary
Generall
〈◊〉
only
,
yea
〈◊〉
whole
nights
together
,
Principally
about
Liberty
of
C●●sci●●●●
,
and
〈◊〉
Parliaments
punishing
where
no
law
provides
,
and
very
angry
and
Lordly
in
his
debates
many
times
he
was
;
but
to
some
kind
of
an
expedient
in
the
first
,
for
peace
sake
we
condescended
in
to
please
him
,
and
so
came
amongst
the
major
part
of
the
16
Commissioners
,
according
to
our
originall
Agreement
,
to
an
absolute
and
finall
conclusion
;
and
thinking
all
had
been
done
as
to
any
more
debate
upon
it
,
and
that
it
should
without
any
more
●doe
be
promoted
for
subscriptions
,
first
at
the
Councell
of
Warre
,
and
so
in
the
Regiments
,
and
so
all
over
the
Nation
;
but
alas
poor
fools
we
were
meerly
cheated
and
cozened
(
it
being
the
principall
unhappinesse
of
some
of
us
(
as
to
the
flesh
)
to
have
our
eyes
wide
open
to
see
things
long
before
most
honest
men
come
to
have
their
eyes
open
;
and
this
is
that
which
turns
to
our
smart
and
reproach
)
and
that
which
we
Commissioners
feared
at
the
first
,
viz.
(
that
no
tye
,
promises
not
ingagements
were
strong
enough
to
the
grand
Juglers
and
Leaders
of
the
Army
,
was
now
made
cleerly
manifest
,
for
when
it
came
to
the
Councel
,
there
came
the
Generall
,
Crumwell
,
and
the
whole
gang
of
creature
Colonels
and
other
Officers
,
and
spent
many
dayes
in
taking
it
all
in
pieces
)
and
there
Ireton
himself
shewed
himself
an
absolute
King
,
if
not
an
Emperor
,
against
whose
will
no
man
must
dispute
,
and
then
●●ittlecock
〈◊〉
their
Scout
,
Okey
,
and
Major
Barton
(
where
Sir
Hardres●e
VVa●●er
sate
President
)
begun
in
their
open
Councell
to
quarrell
with
us
by
giving
some
of
us
base
and
unworthy
language
,
which
procured
them
from
me
a
sharpe
retortment
of
their
own
basenesse
and
unworthinesse
into
their
teeth
,
and
a
CHALLENG
from
my selfe
into
the
field
besides
seeing
they
were
like
to
fight
with
us
in
the
room
,
in
their
own
Garison
,
which
when
Sir
Hardresse
in
my
eare
reproved
me
for
it
,
I
justified
it
and
gave
it
him
again
for
suffering
us
to
be
so
affronted
:
And
within
a
little
time
after
I
took
my
leave
of
them
for
a
pack
of
dissembling
juggling
Knaves
,
amongst
whom
in
consultation
ever
thereafter
I
should
scorn
to
come
(
as
I
told
some
of
them
;
)
for
there
was
neither
saith
,
truth
,
nor
common
honesty
amongst
●hem
:
and
so
away
I
went
to
those
that
chose
and
trusted
me
,
and
gave
publikely
and
effectually
(
at
a
set
meeting
appointed
on
purpose
)
to
divers
of
them
an
exact
account
how
they
had
dealt
with
us
,
and
couzened
and
deceived
us
;
and
so
absolutely
discharged
my self
for
medling
or
making
any
more
with
so
perfidious
a
generation
of
men
as
the
great
ones
of
the
Army
were
,
but
especially
the
cunningest
of
Machiavilians
Commissary
Henry
Ireton
:
and
having
an
exact
copy
of
what
the
greatest
part
of
the
foresaid
sixteen
had
agreed
upon
,
I
onely
mended
a
clause
in
the
first
Reserve
about
Religion
,
to
the
sense
of
us
all
but
Ireton
,
and
put
an
Epistle
to
it
,
of
the
15
of
December
164●
,
and
printed
it
of
my
own
accord
,
and
the
next
day
it
came
abroad
;
about
which
Mr
Price
the
Scrivener
and
my self
had
a
good
sharp
bout
at
Colonel
T●●bburn's
house
within
two
or
three
dayes
after
,
where
I
avowed
the
publishing
of
it
,
and
also
putting
my
Epistle
to
it
of
my
own
head
and
accord
.
And
after
that
I
came
no
more
among●●hem
,
but
with
other
of
my
friends
,
prepared
a
complaint
against
their
dealing
with
us
,
and
a
kinde
of
Protest
against
their
proceedings
;
which
with
my
own
ha●d
I
presented
to
the
Generals
own
hands
at
the
News
,
the
28
of
December
1648
,
being
accompanied
with
Major
Robert
Cobbet
,
Mr.
Thomas
Prince
,
Mr.
George
〈◊〉
●●
Mr.
Robert
Davies
,
Mr.
Richard
Overton
,
Mr.
Edward
●e●ch
,
Mr.
D●●i●l
Li●ton
,
Mr.
William
Bottom
,
Mr.
John
Harris
,
Mr.
Thomas
Dafferne
,
Mr.
Thomas
Goddard
,
Mr.
Samuel
Blaiklock
,
Mr.
Andrew
Dedn●m
,
Mr.
John
Walters
,
and
Mr.
Richard
Pechel
;
and
which
was
immediately
printed
by
Ja.
and
Jo.
Moxon
,
for
William
Larner
,
at
the
signe
of
the
Black
Moor
neer
Bishops-gate
:
within
two
or
three
dayes
of
the
delivery
of
which
,
I
went
towards
my
Journey
to
Newcastle
;
and
about
five
weeks
after
my
arrivall
in
those
parts
,
I
heard
that
the
General
and
his
Councel
had
presented
their
Agreement
to
your
House
:
which
,
when
I
read
the
title
page
of
it
,
I
found
it
to
be
upon
the
20
of
January
1648
,
which
is
compleat
35
dayes
after
my
publishing
of
that
which
is
called
ours
.
And
yet
in
the
third
and
fourth
pages
of
a
Declaration
of
the
proceedings
of
the
General
in
reducing
the
late
revolted
Troops
,
appointed
by
his
Excell●ncy
and
his
Councel
of
VVar
to
be
printed
and
published
May
22
1649
,
and
signed
by
their
Order
,
Richard
Ha●ter
Secretary
,
and
first
printed
at
Oxford
,
and
then
re-printed
at
London
May
23
▪
1649.
I
finde
these
very
words
,
viz.
The
grounds
and
manner
of
the
proceedings
of
these
men
that
have
so
much
pretended
for
the
Liberty
of
the
people
,
have
been
as
followeth
:
There
was
a
paper
stiled
the
Agreement
of
the
people
,
framed
by
certain
select
persons
,
and
debated
at
a
generall
Councel
of
Officers
of
the
Army
,
to
be
tendered
to
the
Parliament
,
and
to
be
by
them
commended
over
to
the
people
of
the
Nation
:
It
being
hoped
,
that
such
an
Expedient
,
if
assented
unto
,
at
least
by
the
honest
part
of
the
people
that
had
appeared
for
this
common
Cause
,
to
which
God
hath
so
witnessed
,
it
would
have
tended
much
to
settlement
,
and
the
composing
of
our
differences
;
at
le●s●
have
fixed
honest
men
to
such
grounds
of
certainty
as
might
have
kept
them
firm
and
entire
in
opposing
the
common
enemy
,
and
stand
united
to
publick
Interest
.
The
generall
Councell
of
the
Army
,
and
the
other
sorts
of
men
,
going
then
under
the
name
of
Levellers
(
so
baptized
by
your selves
at
Putney
)
who
(
by
their
late
actings
have
made
good
the
same
which
we
then
judged
but
an
imputation
)
had
(
as
now
it
appears
)
different
ends
and
aims
,
both
in
the
matter
and
manner
of
their
proceedings
:
That
which
was
intended
by
those
men
,
was
to
have
somewhat
●●dred
as
a
test
and
coertion
upon
the
people
,
and
all
sorts
of
men
and
Authorities
in
●he
Land
:
That
which
these
,
to
wit
,
the
Councell
of
the
Army
aimed
at
,
was
to
make
an
humble
Representation
of
such
things
as
were
then
likely
to
give
satisfaction
,
and
unite
,
and
might
be
remitted
to
MENS
JUDGMENTS
,
to
be
owned
or
disowned
as
men
were
satisfied
in
their
consciences
,
and
as
it
should
please
God
to
le●
men
SEE
REASON
for
their
so
doing
;
that
so
it
might
not
be
onely
called
●●
Agreement
,
but
through
the
freedom
of
it
,
be
one
INDEED
,
and
RECEIVE
IT'S
STAMP
OF
APPROBATION
FROM
THE
PARLIAMENT
TO
WHOM
IT
WAS
HUMBLY
SUBMITTED
.
HEREUPON
THOSE
OTHER
MEN
TOOK
so
much
DISSATISFACTION
,
that
they
forthwith
printed
and
spread
abroad
their
paper
,
which
was
different
from
that
of
the
Army
;
using
all
possible
m●ans
to
make
the
same
to
passe
:
but
with
how
little
effect
,
is
very
well
known
.
And
finding
by
the
Armie's
application
to
the
PARLIAMENT
,
that
they
were
likely
,
according
to
their
duty
,
to
STAND
BY
AND
OWN
THEM
AS
THE
SUPREME
AUTHORITY
OF
THE
NATION
,
they
have
by
all
means
assayed
to
vi●●pend
that
Authority
,
presenting
them
to
the
people
(
in
printed
Lib●ls
,
and
otherwise
)
as
worse
Tyrants
then
any
who
were
before
them
.
In
which
passage
of
the
Generals
and
his
Councel
,
I
shall
desire
to
observe
these
things
,
which
plainly
to
me
are
in
the
words
:
and
if
they
can
make
it
appear
that
I
mistake
their
words
as
they
are
laid
down
,
I
shall
cry
them
mercy
.
First
,
That
they
give
a
false
and
untrue
Narrative
of
the
original
occasion
of
that
Agreement
,
to
which
by
our
importunate
importunity
they
were
necessitated
,
and
drawn
unto
that
little
they
did
in
it
as
a
Bear
to
the
stake
,
as
is
truely
by
me
before
declared
;
and
which
,
as
the
sequell
shews
,
they
undertook
meerly
to
quiet
and
please
us
(
like
children
with
rattles
)
till
they
had
done
their
main
work
;
(
viz.
either
in
an●hilating
or
purging
the
House
to
make
it
fit
for
their
purpose
,
and
in
destroyng
the
King
;
unto
both
which
they
never
had
our
consents
in
the
least
)
that
so
they
might
have
no
opposition
from
us
,
but
that
we
might
be
lull'd
asleep
in
a
fools
paradise
with
thoughts
of
their
honest
intentions
,
till
all
was
over
;
and
then
totally
lay
it
aside
,
as
they
have
done
,
as
being
then
able
to
do
what
they
pleased
whether
we
would
or
no
:
for
if
they
ever
had
intended
an
Agreement
,
why
do
they
let
their
own
lie
dormant
in
the
pretended
Parliament
ever
since
they
presented
it
?
seeing
it
is
obvious
to
every
knowing
English
eye
,
that
from
the
day
they
presented
it
to
thi●●our
,
they
have
had
as
much
power
over
their
own
Parliament
now
sitting
,
as
any
School-master
in
England
ever
had
over
his
Boys
.
But
to
them
it
was
presented
(
who
scarce
ought
to
meddle
with
it
)
on
purpose
,
that
there
,
without
any
more
stir
about
it
,
it
might
be
lodged
for
ever
:
For
alas
,
an
Agreement
of
the
People
is
not
proper
to
come
from
the
Parliament
,
because
it
comes
from
thence
rather
with
a
command
then
any
thing
else
;
so
that
its
we
,
and
not
they
that
really
and
in
good
earnest
say
,
it
ought
not
to
do
,
but
to
be
voluntary
.
Besides
,
that
which
is
done
by
one
Parliament
,
as
a
Parliament
,
may
be
undone
by
the
next
Parliament
:
but
an
Agreement
of
the
People
begun
and
ended
amongst
the
People
can
never
come
justly
within
the
Parliaments
cognizance
to
destroy
:
which
the
Generall
and
the
chief
of
his
Councel
knew
well
enough
;
and
I
dare
safely
say
it
upon
my
conscience
,
that
an
Agreement
of
the
People
upon
foundations
of
just
freedom
gon
through
with
,
is
a
thing
the
Generall
and
the
chiefest
of
his
Councel
as
much
hates
,
as
they
do
honesty
,
justice
and
righteousnesse
,
(
which
they
long
since
abandoned
)
against
which
in
their
own
spirits
they
are
absolutely
resolved
(
I
do
verily
beleeve
)
to
spend
their
heart
blouds
,
and
not
to
leave
a
man
breathing
in
English
air
,
if
possibly
they
can
,
that
throughly
and
resolutely
prosecutes
it
;
a
new
and
just
Parliament
being
more
dreadful
to
them
,
then
the
great
day
of
Judgement
spoken
so
much
of
in
the
Scripture
.
And
although
they
have
beheaded
the
King
,
yet
I
am
confidently
perswaded
their
enmity
is
such
at
the
Peoples
Liberties
,
that
they
would
sooner
run
the
hazard
of
letting
the
Prince
in
to
reign
in
his
Fathers
stead
,
then
further
really
a
just
Agreement
,
or
endure
the
sight
of
a
new
Parliament
rightly
constituted
.
Secondly
,
It
s
plain
to
me
out
of
their
words
,
That
they
positively
aver
,
that
their
Agreement
was
presented
to
the
Parliament
before
ours
was
published
in
print
;
which
I
must
and
do
here
tell
both
the
〈…〉
Councel
,
is
the
arrantest
lie
and
falshood
under
the
cope
of
he●ven
:
for
I
have
truely
before
declared
,
and
will
justifie
it
with
my
life
,
that
ours
〈…〉
printed
above
thirty
dayes
before
theirs
was
presented
;
yea
,
it
was
printed
before
theirs
was
half
perfected
.
But
it
is
no
wonder
,
when
men
t●●n
their
backs
of
God
,
of
a
good
conscience
,
of
righteousnesse
and
common
hon●●y
amongst
men
,
and
make
lies
and
falshoods
,
oppression
and
bloody
cruelty
their
sole
confidence
and
refuge
,
that
then
they
say
or
swear
any
thing
;
all
which
,
if
the
Generall
and
his
Councel
had
not
done
,
they
would
have
scorned
and
abhorred
,
in
the
face
of
the
Sun
,
to
have
affirmed
and
printed
so
many
lies
,
as
in
their
foregoing
words
is
literally
(
without
wresting
)
contained
.
Thirdly
,
They
positively
hint
,
our
dissatisfaction
was
taken
at
them
for
presenting
theirs
to
the
Parliament
;
which
is
also
as
false
as
the
former
:
〈◊〉
1.
Our
dissatisfaction
was
above
a
month
before
declared
in
their
open
Councel
by
my self
,
&c.
as
Sir
Hardresse
Waller
and
divers
others
of
them
〈◊〉
but
justifie
.
2.
Our
dissatisfaction
was
long
before
taken
,
upon
the
grounds
by
me
before
specified
:
the
manifestations
of
which
dissatisfaction
I
presented
to
the
Generals
own
hands
the
28
of
December
1648
,
acco●●●●●
and
subscribed
with
my
own
name
,
and
fifteen
more
of
my
Co●●●es
,
i●
behalf
of
our selves
,
and
all
our
friends
that
sent
us
,
which
we
also
●●●●●ately
caused
to
be
printed
.
And
their
Agreement
,
as
th●●itle
of
it
decl●●●
▪
was
not
presented
till
the
20
of
Jan.
after
.
Fourthly
,
They
say
,
VVe
used
all
possible
means
to
make
ours
passe
;
〈…〉
how
little
successe
,
they
say
,
is
very
well
known
.
If
they
mean
,
we
used
all
p●ssible
means
to
make
ours
passe
with
them
,
it
's
true
;
but
the
reason
i●
〈…〉
better
effect
,
was
because
they
had
no
minde
to
it
,
it
was
too
ho●●ct
for
〈◊〉
:
and
I
am
sure
,
in
the
very
Epistle
to
it
,
it
is
declarared
,
That
the
〈◊〉
reason
of
the
printing
of
it
,
is
,
that
the
people
might
have
●●
opport●●ity
〈…〉
the
equitie
of
it
,
and
offer
their
reasons
against
any
thing
therein
〈…〉
.
And
〈◊〉
was
all
the
means
,
after
the
printing
of
it
,
we
used
to
make
it
passe
.
A●●●e
,
we
knew
the
Armies
swords
were
longer
then
ours
,
and
would
by
force
●●
in
pieces
all
our
endeavours
that
we
should
use
against
their
minds
and
〈◊〉
,
by
reason
of
the
peoples
cowardlinesse
;
and
therefore
we
let
ours
rest
,
and
were
willing
to
sit
still
to
see
them
perfect
theirs
,
and
never
did
any
thing
in
it
since
amongst
the
people
to
make
it
passe
,
that
I
know
of
.
Fifthly
,
They
say
,
VVe
were
troubled
at
their
doing
their
d●ty
,
in
〈◊〉
to
authority
,
and
ow●ing
the
Parliament
a●
the
Supr●m●
Authoritie
of
the
〈◊〉
:
When
as
alas
,
it
is
as
visible
as
the
Sun
when
it
shines
in
its
glory
and
splendour
,
That
CORAH
,
DATHAN
and
ABIRAM
of
old
were
never
such
Rebels
against
Authoritie
as
the
General
and
his
Councel
are
,
〈…〉
Anabapt●●●s
at
M●ns●er
with
JOHN
of
LEYDON
and
NEPERDULLION
were
never
more
conte●●●ers
of
Authority
;
nor
JACK
STRAW
,
nor
WAT
TILER
,
nor
all
those
faomous
men
mentioned
with
a
black
pen
in
our
Histories
,
and
called
Rebels
and
Trayt●rs
,
can
never
be
put
in
any
seale
of
equ●ll
balance
,
for
all
manner
of
REBELLIONS
and
TREASONS
〈◊〉
all
sorts
and
kindes
of
Magistracy
,
with
the
Generall
and
his
Councell
:
And
I
will
under
take
the
t●●k
upon
my
life
,
to
make
good
every
particular
of
this
I
〈◊〉
say
,
to
the
G●●●●l's
face
.
For
did
any
,
or
all
of
them
〈◊〉
mentioned
,
〈…〉
against
their
Advancers
,
Promotors
and
C●eators
,
as
those
have
done
two
severall
times
?
Did
ever
any
,
or
all
of
them
chop
off
(
without
all
〈◊〉
of
Law
)
a
KING's
and
NOBLES
HEADS
?
r●vish
and
〈◊〉
a
Parliament
twice
?
nay
,
raze
the
foundation
of
a
Parliament
to
the
ground
?
and
under
the
notion
of
performing
a
trust
,
break
all
Oathes
,
Co●●●●nts
,
Protestations
and
Declarations
,
(
and
make
evidently
void
all
the
declared
ends
of
the
War
)
which
was
one
of
Strafford's
principal
Treasons
,
and
which
is
notably
aggravated
against
him
by
M.
Pym
in
his
fore-mentioned
Speech
against
him
?
pag.
9.
11.
and
under
pretence
of
preserving
their
Laws
,
Liberties
,
and
Freedoms
,
destroy
,
annihil●te
,
and
tread
under
their
feet
all
their
Laws
,
Liberties
,
Freedoms
and
Properties
(
although
they
could
cite
against
S●r●●ord
the
precedent
of
Tri●●lian
chief
Justice
,
who
lost
his
life
for
delivering
of
opinions
for
the
subversion
of
the
Law
,
as
S.
John's
Argument
of
Law
against
him
,
pag.
last
but
one
declares
;
yea
,
and
against
the
Ship-money
Judges
,
and
also
the
Precedent
of
Judg
Belknap
in
King
Richard
the
Second's
time
,
who
was
by
the
Parliament
banished
for
but
subscribing
an
opinion
against
Law
,
though
forc'd
by
a
dagger
held
to
his
brest
,
thereto
;
yea
,
and
ci●e
also
the
preced●nt
against
him
,
which
was
against
Justice
Thorp
in
Edward
the
Third's
time
,
who
was
by
the
Parliament
condemned
to
death
for
bribery
:
the
reason
of
which
Judgment
,
they
say
,
was
,
because
he
had
broken
the
Kings
Oath
,
that
solemn
and
great
Obligation
(
as
Mr.
Pym
ibid.
calls
it
)
which
is
the
security
of
the
whole
Kingdom
.
)
All
which
forementioned
,
either
with
pen
or
tongue
by
dispute
,
I
wil
particularly
maintain
and
make
good
upon
my
life
,
publickly
,
before
the
face
of
the
Kingdom
,
against
the
stoutest
and
ablest
of
their
Champions
in
all
their
pretended
Churches
of
God
,
either
Independent
or
An●baptistical
;
and
that
they
are
altogether
unsavoury
salt
,
good
for
nothing
but
to
be
abominated
,
and
thrown
out
to
the
dunghil
,
as
fit
for
nothing
but
the
indignation
of
God
,
and
the
peoples
wrath
.
And
as
for
their
stiling
this
their
own
J●●to
the
supreme
Authoritie
;
I
know
the
time
not
long
since
,
when
that
stile
to
be
given
to
the
House
of
Commons
single
,
was
accounted
an
abominable
wickednesse
in
the
eye
of
the
chiefest
of
them
:
Yea
,
I
also
know
the
time
,
and
am
able
sufficiently
to
justifie
and
prove
it
,
that
they
were
absolutely
resolved
and
determined
to
pull
up
this
their
own
Parliament
by
the
roots
,
and
not
so
much
as
to
leave
a
shadow
of
it
(
frequently
then
calling
it
a
MOCK-POWER
,
and
a
MOCK-PARLIAMENT
:
)
yea
,
and
had
done
it
,
if
we
,
and
some
in
the
House
of
our
then
friends
,
had
not
been
the
principall
instruments
to
hinder
them
;
we
judging
it
then
,
of
two
evils
the
least
,
to
chuse
rather
to
be
governed
by
the
shadow
of
a
Parliament
,
till
we
could
get
a
reall
and
true
one
(
which
with
the
greatest
protestations
in
the
world
they
then
promised
and
engaged
with
all
their
might
speedily
to
effect
)
then
simply
,
solely
and
onely
by
the
wil●
of
Sword-men
,
whom
we
had
already
found
to
be
men
of
no
very
tender
consciences
:
But
to
me
it
is
no
wonder
,
that
they
own
this
for
the
supreme
Power
,
seeing
they
have
totally
in
Law
,
Reason
and
Justice
broke
the
Parliament
,
and
absolutely
,
by
the
hands
of
Tho.
Pride
,
set
up
indeed
a
MOCK-POWER
,
and
a
MOCK-PARLIAMENT
,
by
p●rgi●g
〈◊〉
all
those
〈◊〉
they
〈…〉
way
jeolous
of
,
would
not
vote
as
they
would
have
them
,
and
suffering
and
〈◊〉
none
to
sit
but
(
for
the
major
part
of
the●
)
a
company
of
absolute
School
boys
,
the
will
,
like
good
boyes
,
say
their
lessons
after
,
them
their
Lords
and
Masters
,
and
〈◊〉
they
would
have
them
;
and
so
be
a
screen
(
as
yong
H.
Vane
used
to
call
the
King
)
betwixt
them
and
the
p●ople
,
with
the
name
of
Parliament
,
and
the
〈◊〉
and
imperfect
image
of
legal
and
just
Authority
,
to
pick
their
pockets
for
the●
by
Assessments
and
l●x●●ions
;
and
by
their
arbitrary
and
tyrannicall
Courts
〈◊〉
Committees
,
(
the
best
of
which
is
now
●ecome
a
perfect
Star
chamber
,
High-Commission
and
Councel
board
)
〈◊〉
them
their
perfect
slaves
and
〈◊〉
their
constant
and
co●tinuall
breaking
and
abasing
of
their
spirits
;
a
thing
so
much
complained
of
against
the
E●rl
of
Strafford
,
by
the
late
Parliament
〈◊〉
his
tryal
,
especially
in
M.
Pym's
notable
Speech
against
him
,
pag.
7
as
it
is
printed
1641
,
at
●he
lat●r
end
o●
a
book
called
Speeches
and
Passages
:
where
speaking
against
Oppression
,
and
the
exercise
of
a
tyrannicall
and
arbitrary
pow●●
,
(
the
Earl
of
St●afford
,
sins
,
which
now
are
become
more
the
great
mens
of
the
Army
)
●e
saith
,
It
is
inconfistent
with
the
peace
,
the
wealth
,
the
prosperity
of
a
Nation
,
it
is
destructive
to
Justice
,
the
mother
of
peace
;
to
Inductry
,
the
spring
of
wealth
;
●●
Valour
,
which
is
the
active
vertue
whereby
the
prosperity
of
a
Nation
can
〈◊〉
be
procured
,
confirmed
,
and
inlarged
.
It
is
not
only
ape
to
take
away
Peace
,
and
so
intangle
the
Nation
with
Wars
;
〈◊〉
doth
corrupt
Peace
,
and
puts
such
amalignitie
into
it
,
as
produceth
the
effects
of
War
,
as
he
there
instanceth
in
the
Earl
of
Straffords
Government
.
And
as
for
Industry
and
Valour
,
Who
will
take
pains
for
that
(
saith
he
)
which
when
he
〈◊〉
gotten
,
is
not
his
own
?
or
who
will
fight
for
that
wherein
he
hath
no
other
int●●est
,
but
such
as
is
subject
to
the
will
of
another
?
The
ancient
incouragement
to
〈◊〉
that
were
to
defend
their
Countries
was
this
,
That
they
were
to
hazard
their
persons
,
pro
aris
&
socis
,
for
their
Religion
,
and
for
their
houses
;
But
by
this
arbitrary
way
,
which
was
practised
(
by
the
Earl
)
in
Ireland
and
counselled
here
;
●●
man
had
any
certainty
,
either
of
Religion
,
or
of
his
House
,
or
any
thing
else
to
be
his
own
:
But
besides
this
,
such
arbitrary
courses
have
an
ill
operation
upon
the
courage
of
a
Nation
,
by
IMBASING
THE
HEARTS
OF
THE
PEOPLE
;
A
servile
condition
doth
for
the
most
part
beget
in
men
a
slavish
temper
and
disposition
.
Those
that
live
so
much
under
the
Whip
and
the
Pill●ry
,
and
such
SERVILE
engines
,
as
were
frequently
used
by
the
Earl
of
Strafford
,
they
may
have
the
dregs
of
valour
,
sullenness
,
and
stubbornness
,
which
may
make
them
prone
to
mutinies
and
discontents
;
But
th●se
nobie
and
gallant
affections
which
put
men
on
●rave
designes
and
attempts
for
the
preservation
or
inlargement
of
a
Kingdom
,
they
are
hardly
capable
of
:
Shall
it
be
treason
to
embase
the
Kings
coin
,
though
but
a
piece
of
Twelve-pence
or
Six-pence
;
and
must
it
●●
needs
be
the
effect
of
a
greater
●reason
,
to
EMBASE
THE
SPIRITS
of
his
Subjects
,
and
to
set
a
stamp
and
CHARACTER
OF
SERVITUDE
upon
them
,
when
by
it
they
shall
be
disabled
to
doe
any
thing
for
the
service
of
the
King
or
Common
wealth
?
O
most
excellent
and
transcendent
saying
!
worthy
to
be
writ
in
a
●able
of
gold
in
every
Englishmans
house
.
But
Sir
,
I
say
,
No
wonder
,
all
the
things
foregoing
rightly
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
●●
own
you
(
now
as
Thom●●
Pride
hath
made
you
)
for
the
〈…〉
of
the
Nation
,
although
before
they
would
neither
submit
to
the
Kings
not
the
Parliament
,
when
it
was
a
thousand
times
more
unquestionably
〈◊〉
Law
and
Reason
,
then
now
you
are
;
but
fought
against
both
King
and
Parliament
,
their
setters
up
,
conquered
them
,
repelled
them
,
subdued
them
,
and
broke
them
both
;
and
so
pull'd
up
by
the
roots
all
the
legall
and
visible
Magistracy
and
Authority
in
the
Nation
,
and
thereby
left
none
but
themselves
,
who
stand
in
parallell
to
none
(
as
they
have
manage
●
their
businesse
)
but
to
a
company
of
murderers
,
theeves
and
robbers
,
who
may
justly
be
dispossessed
by
the
first
force
that
are
able
to
do
it
(
as
Mr.
Py●
undenyably
and
fully
proves
in
the
foresaid
Speech
pag.
3.
9.
11.
)
no
pretended
Authority
that
they
of
themselves
and
by
their
swords
can
set
up
,
having
in
the
sight
of
God
or
man
,
either
in
Law
or
Reason
,
any
more
just
Authority
in
them
,
then
so
many
Argier
Pirats
and
Robbers
upon
the
Sea
have
.
And
so
much
in
answer
at
present
to
the
forementioned
part
of
the
Generals
Declaration
.
But
now
to
return
back
,
after
this
necessary
Digression
,
to
my
own
S●●●y
of
going
down
into
the
North
,
where
&c.
I
received
of
my
3000
l.
allotted
me
,
for
my
hard
suffered
for
,
deer
purchased
,
and
long
expected
Reparations
,
400
l.
of
Sir
Arthur
Hasterig
,
for
sequestred
Coles
and
Iron
,
of
Mr.
Bowes's
,
and
got
besides
betwixt
100
and
200
l.
in
Rents
,
Free-quarter
and
Taxes
having
eat
out
the
bowels
,
soul
and
life
of
them
,
being
served
in
the
wood
allotted
me
,
(
the
principall
thing
in
my
e●e
,
by
old
Sir
Henry
Van●
my
old
blo●dy
enemy
)
as
is
in
part
declared
before
in
page
15
and
16.
who
hath
Treason
and
crimes
enough
upon
him
,
not
onely
to
throw
him
out
of
the
House
,
if
it
were
any
,
but
also
to
send
him
to
a
Sca●●old
or
Gallows
,
as
is
very
notably
declared
in
print
in
England's
Birth
right
,
pag.
19.
20.
21.
in
which
pages
you
may
read
his
Charge
of
High
Treason
exhibited
against
him
to
the
Earl
of
Ess●x
in
anno
1643.
by
severall
Gentlemen
of
the
County
of
Darham
;
for
his
trayterous
betraying
their
Country
(
and
so
consequently
all
the
North
)
to
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
;
for
which
&c.
●e
better
deserved
in
Law
,
equiry
and
reason
to
lose
his
head
,
then
either
H●mbleton
,
or
stout
Capel
did
for
theirs
,
they
having
betrayed
no
trust
(
but
had
the
letter
of
the
Law
of
England
&c
,
to
j●stifie
them
in
what
they
did
)
as
●e
most
palpably
hath
done
.
And
as
for
his
breaking
up
the
little
Parliament
,
his
Star
chamber
wickednesse
,
and
his
desperate
Gun-powder
Monopoly
,
with
his
and
his
so●●
Sir
Geo●ge
Vane's
late
jugglings
in
the
County
of
Durham
▪
I
have
pretty
well
anatomised
in
my
book
called
The
resolved
mans
resolution
,
page
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
his
very
having
a
hand
in
the
Gunpowder
Monopoly
alone
being
sufficient
long
since
to
throw
him
out
of
your
House
,
as
being
uncapable
to
be
●
Member
therein
,
as
cleerly
appears
by
your
Votes
and
Orders
of
the
19.
and
25
of
Nov.
1640.
one
of
which
,
as
it
is
printed
in
the
foresaid
Speech●●
and
Passages
,
pag.
329.
thus
followeth
:
It
is
ordered
upon
the
Question
,
That
all
Projectors
and
Monopolizers
whatsoever
;
or
that
have
had
any
share
in
any
Monopolies
,
or
that
●●receive
,
or
〈…〉
receives
any
benefit
by
any
Monopolies
or
Patent
,
or
that
have
procured
any
Warrant
or
Command
for
the
restrain●
or
molesting
of
any
that
have
refused
〈…〉
themselves
●●
any
Proclamation
or
project
,
are
disabled
by
Order
of
this
House
,
to
be
●
Member
thereof
,
and
shall
be
dealt
with
as
a
stranger
,
that
hath
no
power
to
sit
there
.
In
the
compas●e
of
which
Order
is
●oth
Sir
Henry
Mil●●ore
and
Law●●●
VVhittaker
,
and
ought
in
justice
,
for
their
no●orious
Monopolising
,
to
be
both
long
since
thrown
out
of
the
House
.
But
again
to
return
:
After
I
had
done
as
much
in
the
North
as
I
could
●●
present
do
about
my
own
busines●e
,
I
came
again
to
London
,
where
I
fixed
up
my
resolution
wholly
to
devote
my self
to
provide
for
the
future
well-being
of
my
wife
and
children
,
and
not
without
the
extraordinariest
necessity
engage
in
any
publick
contests
again
,
making
it
my
work
to
enquire
into
the
true
estate
of
things
with
the
great
men
that
s●t
at
the
●elm
,
and
whether
the
bent
of
their
spirits
now
after
they
had
taken
off
the
King
,
was
to
set
the
Nation
free
from
Ty●anny
,
as
well
as
from
some
they
called
principal
Tyrants
;
and
whether
or
no
the
drift
of
all
their
actions
were
but
a
meer
changing
of
persons
,
but
not
of
things
or
tyranny
it self
:
and
truly
my
observations
and
inquiries
brought
me
in
so
little
satisfaction
in
the
visible
intention
of
the
ruling
men
,
for
all
their
many
solemn
Ingagements
to
the
contrary
,
th●
I
looked
cleerly
at
the
whole
tendency
of
their
wayes
,
to
drive
at
a
greater
Tyranny
then
ever
,
in
the
worst
of
the
Kings
Reign
,
(
before
the
Parliament
)
was
exercised
:
at
which
I
bit
my
lip
,
but
said
little
,
and
went
to
no
meeting
;
which
made
many
of
my
old
faithfull
friends
be
jealous
of
me
,
some
of
whom
gave
out
some
private
hints
,
that
I
had
now
served
my self
by
my
pretended
Rep●rations
,
and
I
was
thereby
quieted
,
and
was
become
like
all
the
rest
of
the
world
,
and
so
there
was
an
end
of
me
.
But
I
confesse
,
I
was
in
a
kinde
of
deep
muse
with
my self
,
what
to
do
with
my self
;
being
like
an
old
weather-beaten
ship
,
that
would
fain
be
in
some
harbour
of
ease
and
rest
,
and
my
thoughts
were
very
much
bent
of
going
into
Holland
,
where
I
conjectured
I
should
be
out
of
harms
way
,
and
get
a
little
repose
.
And
while
I
was
thus
musing
,
I
heard
from
thence
of
a
most
transcendent
●eight
and
rage
that
the
Kings
party
there
were
in
,
especially
about
the
beheading
the
late
King
;
so
that
I
judged
there
was
no
safety
for
me
there
,
especially
when
I
called
to
minde
what
the
Post-master
of
B●rrow-brigs
and
others
in
York-shire
told
me
as
I
came
up
from
Newcastle
,
which
was
,
that
the
C●●liers
in
those
parts
were
most
desperate
mad
at
me
in
particular
,
about
the
beheading
of
the
late
King
:
although
I
were
as
far
as
Newcastle
when
it
was
done
,
and
refused
to
give
my
consent
to
be
one
of
his
Judges
,
although
I
was
solicited
so
to
be
before
I
went
out
of
London
;
yea
,
although
I
●●●●edly
declared
my self
at
Windsor
against
the
manner
and
time
of
their
intended
dealing
with
him
;
arguing
there
very
stifly
,
that
upon
their
own
principles
,
which
led
them
to
look
upon
all
legall
Authority
in
England
●●
now
broken
,
they
could
be
no
better
then
murderers
in
taking
away
the
King●
life
though
never
so
guilty
of
the
crimes
they
charged
upon
him
:
for
as
justice
ought
to
be
done
,
especially
for
bloud
,
which
they
then
principally
charged
upon
him
;
so
said
I
,
and
still
say
,
It
ought
to
be
〈◊〉
justly
:
〈◊〉
in
case
another
man
murder
me
,
and
a
day
,
a
week
,
or
a
yeer
after
my
brother
or
friend
that
is
no
legall
Magistrate
,
execuces
him
▪
therefore
,
yet
this
is
●●●der
in
the
eye
of
the
Law
,
because
it
was
done
by
a
hand
had
no
Authority
to
do
it
.
And
therefore
I
pressed
again
and
again
,
seeing
themselves
confess'd
all
legal
Authority
in
England
was
broke
,
that
they
would
stay
his
tryall
till
a
new
and
equal
free
Representative
upon
the
Agreement
of
the
well-assected
people
,
that
had
not
fought
against
their
Liberties
,
Rights
and
Freedoms
,
could
be
chosen
and
sit
,
and
then
either
try
him
thereby
,
or
else
by
their
Judges
sitting
in
the
Court
called
Kings
Bench.
But
they
at
Windsor
ask'd
me
how
by
Law
I
could
have
him
tryed
:
I
told
them
,
the
Law
of
England
expresly
saith
,
Whosoever
●●rders
or
kils
another
shall
die
;
it
doth
not
say
,
excepting
the
King
,
Queen
,
or
Prince
,
&c.
but
indefinitely
,
whosoever
murders
shall
●e
;
and
therefore
where
none
is
excepted
,
there
all
men
are
included
in
Law
:
But
the
King
is
a
man
:
Ergo
,
he
is
included
as
well
as
I.
Unto
which
it
was
objected
,
that
it
would
hardly
be
proved
,
that
the
King
with
his
own
hands
kill'd
a
man
:
To
which
I
answered
,
by
the
Law
of
England
,
●e
that
counsels
or
commissionates
others
to
kill
a
man
or
men
,
is
as
guilty
of
the
fact
,
as
he
or
they
that
do
it
:
And
besides
,
the
advantage
of
●rying
of
the
King
by
the
rules
of
the
Law
,
would
be
sufficient
to
declare
,
that
no
man
is
born
(
or
justly
can
be
made
)
lawlesse
,
but
that
even
Magistrates
as
well
as
people
are
subject
to
the
penall
part
of
the
Law
,
as
well
as
the
directive
part
:
And
besides
,
to
try
him
in
an
extraordinary
way
,
that
hath
no
reall
footsteps
nor
paths
in
our
Law
,
would
be
a
thing
of
extraordinary
ill
Precedent
;
for
why
not
twenty
upon
pretended
extraordinary
cases
,
as
wel
as
one
?
and
why
not
a
thousand
as
wel
as
twenty
▪
and
extraordinary
cases
are
easily
made
and
pretended
by
those
that
are
uppermost
,
though
never
so
unjust
in
themselves
.
And
besides
,
to
try
him
in
an
extraordinary
way
,
when
the
Law
hath
provided
all
the
essentials
of
justice
in
an
ordinary
way
,
(
and
meerly
wants
nothing
(
if
it
do
want
)
but
twelve
Kings
as
his
Peer●
or
Equals
)
will
nourish
and
increase
in
men
that
erroneous
conce●●
,
That
Mag●●●rates
by
the
Law
of
God
,
Nature
,
and
Reason
,
are
not
,
no
nor
ought
not
to
be
subject
to
the
penal
part
of
the
Laws
of
men
,
as
well
as
the
directive
part
of
it
,
which
is
the
bane
,
ruine
and
destruction
of
all
the
Common-wealths
in
the
world
.
I
say
,
the
confideration
of
the
things
fore-mentioned
put
me
off
the
thought●
of
going
to
Holland
my self
:
and
then
I
put
the
query
to
my self
,
What
course
I
should
(
being
now
a
free
man
)
take
for
my
livelihood
:
for
if
I
and
my
family
lived
upon
the
main
stock
,
which
was
not
very
much
,
(
now
that
I
had
paid
almost
all
my
debts
)
that
would
soon
waste
and
be
gone
;
and
to
take
a
place
for
my
future
livelihood
,
as
I
have
been
offered
often
,
and
that
●●
considerable
one
;
that
I
could
not
do
,
for
these
reasons
:
First
,
because
I
was
not
satisfied
in
the
present
power
or
Authority
to
act
under
them
;
and
so
if
I
should
,
I
should
be
a
supporter
of
so
unj●st
and
illegal
a
fabrick
as
I
judged
an
everlasting
Parliament
(
p●rged
twice
by
force
of
Arms
by
the
hands
of
their
meer
mercenary
servants
)
to
be
;
who
were
principally
raised
,
bired
and
paid
to
kil
those
they
esteemed
and
judged
Bears
,
Wolves
,
〈◊〉
and
P●●kass
:
that
took
up
Arms
against
the
true
,
chast
and
legally
co●●●●tu●ed
Representative
of
the
Nation
,
being
not
in
the
least
bir●●
or
raised
to
be
the
Masters
of
their
Masters
,
or
the
Lawgivers
to
the
legal
Law
▪
●●kers
of
the
Nation
in
case
of
necessity
.
And
that
an
everlasting
Parliamnet
is
dostructive
to
the
very
life
and
soul
of
the
Liberties
of
this
Nation
,
I
〈◊〉
prove
;
first
by
Law
,
and
secondly
by
Reason
.
And
first
by
Law
:
The
Law
Books
do
shew
,
That
a
Parliament
(
which
in
its
own
institution
is
excellent
good
physick
,
but
never
was
intended
,
no●
safely
can
be
used
for
diet
,
because
it
is
so
unlimited
and
arbitrary
)
was
called
and
held
somtimes
twice
a
yeer
before
the
Conquest
,
as
is
declared
by
Lambert
,
in
his
Collection
of
Laws
before
the
Conquest
,
amongst
the
Laws
of
Edgar
,
chap.
●
.
and
by
Sir
Edward
Cook
▪
in
his
margent
in
the
ninth
page
of
his
par
4.
Inst●●
.
in
the
Cha●t
.
of
High
Court
of
Parliament
:
which
with
other
of
the
Liberties
of
England
being
by
force
of
arms
subdued
by
the
Bastard
Norman
Conquetor
,
although
he
three
severall
times
took
his
oath
after
his
being
owned
for
King
,
to
maintain
their
Laws
and
Liberties
,
as
being
not
able
,
nor
judging
his
Conquest
so
good
,
just
and
secure
a
Plea
to
hold
his
new
got
Crown
by
,
as
an
after
mutuall
compact
with
the
people
,
or
their
Representatives
over
whom
he
was
to
rule
:
and
therefore
,
as
Co●k
in
the
foresaid
Chapt.
pag.
12.
declares
,
a
Parliament
,
o●
a
kinde
of
one
,
was
held
in
his
time
.
See
also
21
Edw.
3
fol
60.
and
1
part
.
Institut
.
lib.
2.
chap.
10.
Sect.
164.
fol.
110.
a.
and
came
to
be
more
frequently
used
in
his
Successors
time
;
yea
,
even
to
be
〈◊〉
in
two
years
in
Edward
the
First
or
Second's
time
;
at
which
notwithstanding
the
people
grumbled
,
as
being
an
abridgment
of
their
ancient
and
undoubted
Libertie
,
to
meet
more
frequently
in
their
National
and
publick
assemblies
,
to
treat
and
conclude
of
things
for
their
weal
and
better
being
;
the
want
of
which
,
of
ancient
time
lost
this
Island
to
the
Romans
,
as
Co●k
declares
,
4
part
.
〈◊〉
.
fol.
9.
out
of
Ta●itus
in
the
Life
of
Agricola
,
pag.
306.
whereupon
it
was
●nacted
in
full
Parliament
in
Edw.
the
Thirds
time
,
That
the
King
(
who
is
their
Officer
of
trust
)
should
assemble
and
call
them
together
once
every
yeer
,
or
more
often
if
need
require
;
as
appears
by
the
Statute
of
4
Edw.
3.
14.
But
because
this
was
not
constantly
used
by
that
King
,
but
there
sometimes
was
intervals
of
three
or
four
yeers
betwixt
Parliament
and
Parliament
,
which
was
a
diminution
of
the
soul
and
life
of
all
their
Liberties
,
viz
frequent
and
often
〈◊〉
Parliaments
;
therefore
in
the
36
yeer
of
his
Reign
annuall
Parliaments
are
provided
for
again
,
and
also
the
causes
of
their
assembling
declared
in
these
very
words
:
Item
,
For
maintenance
of
the
said
Articles
and
Statutes
,
and
redresse
of
divers
mischiefs
and
grievances
which
daily
happen
,
a
Parliament
shall
be
holden
every
yeer
,
as
another
time
was
ordained
by
a
Statute
of
4.
Edw.
3.
chap.
14.
But
King
Charles
exceedingly
breaking
his
trust
,
in
the
frequent
calling
of
Parliaments
,
and
dissolving
them
at
his
pleasure
,
when
they
came
to
treat
of
any
thing
that
he
liked
not
,
and
so
made
them
uselesse
to
the
Nation
;
both
which
was
against
his
trust
,
as
you
notably
declare
in
your
Declaration
of
Novemb.
2.
1642.
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
701
,
702.
And
of
which
you
most
bitterly
complain
in
your
first
Remonstrance
,
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
5.
6.
11.
and
in
pag.
10.
11
ibidem
you
declare
,
That
his
destroying
of
these
two
grand
Fr●●d●ms
of
the
People
,
viz.
Frequent
,
successive
Parliaments
,
and
free
D●●a●es
therein
,
bad
corrupted
and
distempered
the
whole
frame
and
Government
of
the
King●●●
,
and
brought
in
nothing
but
wayes
of
destruction
and
Tyranny
.
For
the
preventing
of
which
for
the
future
,
you
got
an
Act
to
passe
in
the
s●xte●●th
yeer
of
the
late
King
,
and
the
first
yeer
of
this
long-winded
Parliament
,
to
〈…〉
of
the
two
forementioned
Acts
for
an
annuall
Parliament
:
And
further
there
say
thus
:
And
whereas
it
is
by
experience
found
,
that
the
not
holding
of
Parliaments
according
to
the
two
forementioned
Acts
,
hath
produced
sundry
and
great
mischiefs
and
inconveniences
to
the
Kings
Majesty
,
the
Church
and
Common-wealth
;
For
the
prevention
of
the
like
mischiefs
and
inconveniences
in
time
to
come
,
Be
it
enacted
by
the
Kings
most
excellent
Majesty
,
with
the
consent
of
the
Lords
Spirituall
and
Temporall
.
and
the
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
That
the
said
[
LAST
FOREMENTIONED
]
Laws
and
Statutes
be
from
henceforth
duely
kept
and
observed
.
And
you
there
go
on
and
enact
,
that
in
case
the
King
perform
not
this
part
of
his
trust
in
calling
annuall
Parliaments
,
that
then
a
Trienniall
one
shall
be
CALLED
BY
THE
LORD
KEEPER
,
&c.
whether
the
King
will
or
no.
And
there
being
no
provision
in
this
Act
,
but
that
the
King
might
break
up
this
Parliament
at
his
pleasure
,
as
before
he
used
to
do
,
and
so
dis-inable
you
to
discharge
your
trust
and
duty
to
the
people
,
in
providing
fit
remedies
for
those
many
grievances
then
extraordinarily
spread
over
the
whole
Nation
,
that
the
long
intermission
of
Parliaments
had
occasioned
;
you
therefore
presse
the
King
to
grant
an
Act
,
that
the
two
Houses
might
not
be
dissolved
but
by
your
own
consents
;
which
the
King
condescended
unto
the
rather
,
because
the
Scotch
Army
was
then
in
the
Kingdom
,
which
he
longed
to
be
rid
of
,
and
which
you
pretended
you
could
not
pay
without
such
an
Act
;
these
being
the
true
declared
and
intended
causes
of
it
,
both
in
King
and
Parliament
:
There
being
not
one
word
in
the
Act
that
authoriseth
the
two
Houses
to
be
a
constant
and
perpetuall
Parliament
,
which
was
never
so
much
as
intended
nor
pretended
;
and
which
if
in
the
Act
it
had
been
absolutely
declared
,
it
had
been
a
void
and
a
null
Act
in
it self
,
as
being
both
against
the
nature
of
the
Kings
trust
and
Yours
:
which
(
as
in
your
Book
of
Decl.
part
1.
pag.
150.
you
declare
)
is
,
to
provide
for
the
peoples
weal
,
but
not
for
their
woe
;
for
their
better
being
,
but
not
for
their
worse
being
.
For
,
your
Interest
and
the
Kings
both
being
Interests
of
Trust
,
as
your
Declarations
do
plentifully
and
plainly
declare
,
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
206.
266.
267.
382.
but
especially
your
present
Junto's
late
Declaration
,
against
the
late
beheaded
King
,
and
Kingly
Government
of
the
17
of
March
1648.
pag.
2.
11
13.
15.
16.
compared
with
24.
25.
27.
And
all
Interests
of
trust
whatsoever
are
for
the
use
of
others
,
and
cannot
,
nor
ought
not
to
be
imployed
to
their
own
particular
,
nor
to
any
other
use
,
saving
that
onely
for
which
they
are
intended
,
according
to
the
condition
and
true
intent
thereof
,
1
part
Book
Dec.
pag.
266.
267.
700.
And
your
trust
is
onely
for
the
good
of
the
Nation
;
which
is
the
principall
,
or
onely
end
of
all
Government
in
the
Nation
;
as
you
confesse
in
your
foresaid
Declaration
of
March
17
,
pag.
6.
and
in
2
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
95.
879.
And
therefore
,
if
you
had
put
the
King
upon
such
an
Act
as
the
establishing
of
a
perpetuall
Parliament
,
you
had
thereby
destroyed
frequent
,
successive
and
annually
chosen
Parliaments
;
for
which
you
had
been
T●aytors
in
the
highest
nature
to
your
trust
,
in
destroying
the
very
PILLARS
,
LIFE
,
MARROW
and
SOUL
OF
ALL
THE
PEOPLES
LIBERTIES
,
for
the
presentation
of
which
they
chose
you
,
and
which
would
shortly
bring
in
(
as
is
too
evident
●●
this
day
)
greater
disorders
,
confusions
,
and
tyrannies
then
ever
were
in
all
the
Kings
Reign
before
;
and
so
wholly
and
fully
make
your selves
guilty
of
that
which
he
was
but
in
part
(
viz.
the
establishing
of
a
perfect
Tyranny
by
Law
)
an
everlasting
Parliament
being
ten
thousand
times
worse
then
no
Parliament
at
all
;
for
no
such
slavery
under
the
cope
of
heaven
,
as
that
which
is
brought
upon
the
people
by
pretence
of
Law
,
and
their
own
vol●●tary
〈◊〉
;
and
no
greater
Treason
can
there
be
in
the
world
committed
,
then
for
●●
i●teressed
Power
to
keep
their
Commission
longer
then
by
the
letter
,
equitie
or
intention
of
their
Commissions
their
Masters
really
intended
they
should
;
especially
when
it
is
kept
by
force
of
Arms
,
to
the
Masters
hurt
,
and
the
danger
of
his
total
destruction
,
for
the
meer
advancement
of
their
servants
and
their
Associates
:
all
which
is
the
case
of
your
pretended
Parliament
,
whereof
you
are
now
Speaker
,
and
that
you
were
never
intended
to
sit
so
long
as
you
have
done
,
nor
to
be
everlasting
.
I
shall
here
recite
the
Act
it self
●●●batim
,
the
onely
and
alone
pretence
of
a
Commission
you
have
,
and
then
take
it
in
pieces
by
paraphrasing
upon
it
.
The
Act
it self
thus
followeth
:
Anno
XVII
CAROLI
Regis
.
An
ACT
to
prevent
inconveniences
which
may
happen
by
the
untimely
Adjourning
,
Proroguing
,
or
Dissolving
of
this
present
PARLIAMENT
.
WHereas
great
Summs
of
money
must
of
necessity
be
speedily
advanced
and
provided
for
the
relief
of
his
Majestie
's
Army
and
people
in
the
Northern
parts
of
this
Realm
,
and
for
the
preventing
the
imminent
danger
this
Kingdom
is
in
,
and
for
supply
of
other
his
Majesties
present
and
urgent
occasions
,
which
cannot
be
so
timely
effected
as
is
requisite
,
without
credit
for
raising
the
said
moneys
;
which
credit
cannot
be
obtained
,
until
such
obstacles
be
first
removed
as
are
occasioned
by
fears
,
jealousies
,
and
apprehensions
of
divers
of
his
Majesties
loyall
Subjects
,
that
this
present
Parliament
may
be
adjourned
,
prorogued
,
or
dissolved
BEFORE
JUSTICE
SHALL
BE
DULY
EXECUTED
UPON
DELINQUENTS
,
publick
Grievances
redressed
,
a
firm
Peace
betwixt
the
two
Nations
of
England
and
Scotland
concluded
,
and
before
sufficient
provision
be
made
for
the
repayment
of
the
said
moneys
so
to
be
raised
:
All
which
the
Co●●●●●
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
having
duly
considered
,
do
therefore
humbly
beseech
your
most
excellent
Majesty
,
that
it
may
be
declared
and
enacted
,
And
be
it
declared
and
enacted
by
the
King
our
Soveraig●
Lord
,
with
the
assent
of
the
Lords
and
Commons
in
this
present
Parliament
assembled
,
and
by
the
Authority
of
the
same
,
That
this
present
Parliament
now
assembled
,
shall
not
be
dissolved
,
unlesse
it
be
by
Act
of
Parliament
to
be
passed
for
that
purpose
;
nor
shall
be
at
any
time
or
times
during
the
continuance
thereof
,
pr●rogued
or
adjourned
,
unlesse
it
be
by
Act
of
Parliament
to
be
likewise
passed
for
that
purpose
:
And
that
the
House
of
Peers
shall
not
at
any
time
or
times
during
this
present
Parliament
,
be
adjourned
,
unlesse
it
be
by
themselves
,
or
by
their
own
Order
:
And
in
like
manner
,
That
the
House
of
Commons
shall
not
at
any
time
or
times
during
this
present
Parliament
,
be
adjourned
,
unlesse
it
be
by
themselves
,
or
by
their
own
Order
;
and
that
all
and
every
thing
or
things
whatsoever
done
or
to
be
done
,
for
the
adjournment
,
proroguing
,
or
dissolving
of
this
present
Parliament
contrary
to
this
present
Act
,
shall
be
utterly
void
,
and
of
none
effect
.
The
true
intent
and
meaning
of
this
Act
in
the
Framers
,
Makers
,
and
Contrivers
of
it
,
was
meerly
to
secure
their
sitting
for
some
reasonable
time
,
that
so
they
might
be
able
to
apply
fit
plasters
to
the
great
sores
of
the
Nation
,
and
not
be
broken
up
suddenly
,
before
they
had
applyed
them
to
the
so●es
,
and
laid
them
on
;
and
their
fear
was
,
the
King
would
,
as
he
used
to
do
,
dissolve
them
suddenly
;
security
from
which
was
their
onely
end
in
procuring
this
Act
,
and
not
in
the
least
to
make
this
a
perpe●uall
Parliament
;
which
I
demonstrate
thus
:
First
,
A
perpetual
Parliament
is
repugn●nt
to
the
Act
made
this
Parliament
for
a
Triennial
Parliament
(
which
in
your
Declarations
is
so
highly
extolled
after
the
making
of
both
the
Acts
▪
)
for
how
can
every
three
yeers
a
Parliament
be
begun
,
if
this
be
perpetuall
?
which
by
the
Act
may
be
so
,
if
the
two
Houses
please
.
But
in
all
the
Act
there
is
not
one
word
of
the
an●i●ilating
or
repealing
of
the
Act
for
a
T●ienn●all
Parliament
;
which
,
if
it
had
been
intended
,
it
would
have
mentioned
,
and
not
left
such
a
businesse
of
consequence
in
any
doubtfulnesse
whatsoever
:
and
the
not
mentioning
of
it
,
is
a
cleer
declaration
to
all
the
Readers
of
it
,
That
their
designe
solely
in
the
last
Act
▪
was
onely
to
secure
themselves
from
the
Kings
sudden
and
quick
dissolving
them
at
his
wil
and
pleasure
.
And
therefore
,
Secondly
,
In
Law
,
according
to
the
constitution
of
ou●
Parliaments
,
an
Adjournment
of
the
Parliament
makes
no
Session
;
howbeit
,
before
the
Adjournment
the
King
gives
his
affent
to
some
Bi●s
;
as
is
plain
out
of
Cook●
▪
4
Instit
.
chap.
High
Court
of
Parliament
,
fol.
27.
authorised
to
be
printed
by
th●
late
Parliament
,
in
its
purest
purity
for
good
Law.
Thirdly
,
In
Law
there
is
no
Session
in
a
pr●●●gation
or
〈…〉
the
Parliament
;
they
are
the
words
of
Cook
himself
,
fol.
27.
ibid.
Fourthly
,
This
Parliament
,
as
appears
by
the
Act
for
not
dissolving
〈◊〉
of
,
before
mentioned
,
cannot
be
prorogued
by
the
King
,
but
by
Act
of
Parliament
:
but
there
hath
been
as
yet
no
Act
of
Parliament
in
that
behalf
▪
and
therefore
all
the
Acts
of
this
Parliament
are
in
law
Acts
of
one
Session
,
〈◊〉
pears
by
Plo●d
Com.
33.
H.
8.
B
●
.
relation
3●
.
〈◊〉
.
Parl.
●6
.
Di●●
1.
〈◊〉
.
8●
.
Fifthly
,
In
Law
,
all
Acts
of
one
Session
,
relate
to
the
first
day
of
the
Parliament
,
and
all
the
Acts
of
such
a
Parliament
are
Act
▪
of
one
day
;
so
the
〈◊〉
for
the
Triennial
,
and
the
Act
for
this
perpetual
Parliament
,
are
two
Acts
of
one
day
,
by
the
Law.
Sixthly
,
the
4
Edw.
3.
chap.
14.
&
36.
Edw
3.
chap.
10.
forementioned
,
〈◊〉
cla●es
that
a
Parliament
ought
to
be
holden
once
every
year
,
and
mo●●
〈◊〉
need
be
,
those
very
Acts
are
every
clause
of
them
confirmed
this
Parliament
,
which
also
provides
,
that
in
case
the
King
break
those
Laws
,
and
do
not
annually
call
Parliaments
,
as
is
before
declared
,
that
then
the
Lord
Keeper
,
whether
he
will
or
no
,
shall
call
a
triennial
one
.
Now
I
would
fain
know
of
any
●●●ional
man
,
How
an
everlasting
Parliament
doth
agree
with
a
Parliament
〈◊〉
yeer
,
o●
oftner
if
need
require
,
or
with
the
intention
of
those
Laws
?
And
〈◊〉
doth
a
Parliament
every
three
years
(
provided
for
as
sure
as
its
possible
for
Law
to
provide
,
(
in
case
the
King
annually
should
not
cal
one
)
agree
with
a
Parliament
for
ever
,
which
may
be
by
the
letter
of
the
perpetual
Act
,
〈◊〉
the
two
Houses
please
?
The
conclusion
of
all
is
this
,
that
at
one
day
in
law
,
the
late
Parliament
passed
two
Acts
,
(
for
,
howbeit
the
one
was
in
the
16
of
the
King
,
and
the
other
in
the
17
year
of
the
King
:
yet
both
in
law
are
Acts
of
one
〈◊〉
the
one
saith
,
the
King
shall
call
a
Parliament
once
a
year
,
after
the
sitting
of
this
Parliament
,
and
in
case
he
doth
not
,
the
Lord
Keeper
,
&c.
shall
〈◊〉
Parliament
three
years
after
the
sitting
of
this
Parliament
.
The
other
〈◊〉
in
the
letter
,
or
litterall
construction
of
it
,
saith
,
this
Parliament
shall
〈…〉
ever
if
the
two
Houses
please
.
The
one
will
have
a
Parliament
with
an
〈◊〉
the
other
a
Parliament
without
an
end
:
Now
the
question
is
,
which
of
these
two
was
the
true
intent
and
meaning
of
the
Makers
of
this
Act
:
for
as
L●●●ned
Cook
rationally
and
well
observes
in
his
excellent
exposition
of
the
1
Eli●
chap.
1.
4.
part
.
Institut
.
fol
328.
(
which
Act
established
the
power
of
the
High-Commission
,
that
by
colour
of
this
Statute
did
many
〈…〉
illegall
things
)
such
an
interpretation
of
ambiguous
and
doubtfull
things
is
〈…〉
be
made
,
that
absurdities
and
inconventences
may
be
avoyded
;
but
the
highest
●●●●dities
and
inconveniences
in
the
world
would
follow
,
if
this
last
S●ar●●●
〈◊〉
be
taken
according
to
the
literall
construction
of
it
,
and
not
according
to
the
equity
and
true
intent
and
meaning
of
the
makers
of
it
,
which
was
not
to
〈◊〉
this
everlasting
if
they
pleased
,
and
so
totally
to
destroy
annuall
Parliament
,
or
in
the
Kings
default
of
calling
them
,
then
trienniall
Parliaments
whether
he
would
or
no
,
but
only
to
secure
them
from
the
Kings
sudden
bre●●●●
them
up
at
his
pleasure
:
that
so
they
might
sit
some
reasonable
short
〈…〉
dispatch
the
great
business
of
the
Nation
;
and
that
reasonable
time
〈◊〉
by
any
words
(
or
the
true
meaning
of
any
)
in
either
of
the
Statutes
,
〈…〉
〈◊〉
to
be
above
〈◊〉
at
most
,
especially
from
the
〈◊〉
of
the
〈…〉
(
in
the
right
and
true
meaning
)
notwithstanding
the
last
Act
,
were
y●●
〈◊〉
in
force
to
binde
the
King
to
call
Annuall
Parliaments
;
but
two
Parliaments
by
Law
cannot
sit
together
:
but
without
two
Parliaments
should
sit
together
,
(
viz.
An
everlasting
one
,
and
an
an●●●ll
one
,
which
is
our
right
by
Law
)
〈…〉
enjoy
the
benefit
of
those
good
and
excellent
Laws
,
for
Annuall
Parliaments
or
oftner
if
need
require
.
And
therefore
to
take
the
utmost
extent
of
the
length
of
that
time
,
the
two
Houses
were
enabled
to
sit
by
vertue
of
the
force
and
power
of
the
last
Act
,
it
could
not
be
above
a
year
at
most
,
from
the
day
of
the
date
of
it
,
and
yet
they
have
sate
almost
eight
since
,
by
vertue
and
colour
of
that
alone
,
and
of
nothing
else
in
law
,
having
no
other
visible
Commission
under
the
Sun
,
to
authorise
them
to
destroy
our
undoubted
naturall
and
legal
Rights
,
of
having
often
and
frequent
successive
Parliaments
totally
new
,
which
they
have
done
by
their
long
and
unwarrantable
sitting
,
principally
to
enrich
the
most
of
themselves
,
and
enslave
our
spirits
.
And
that
an
everlasting
Parliament
was
never
intended
by
that
Act
,
I
think
their
own
words
printed
in
December
,
1641.
which
was
immediately
after
the
passing
that
Act
,
will
easily
decide
the
controversie
.
And
in
their
or
your
first
Remonstrance
of
the
state
of
the
Kingdom
,
after
excusing
of
your selves
from
any
invasion
of
the
rights
of
the
Crowne
,
1
Part.
Book
Declar.
pag.
1●
,
17.
there
is
these
very
expression
,
viz.
The
trienniall
Parliament
,
for
the
matter
of
it
,
doth
not
extend
to
so
much
as
by
law
we
ought
to
have
required
,
there
being
two
Statutes
still
in
force
,
for
a
Parliament
to
be
once
a
year
:
And
for
the
manner
of
it
,
(
viz.
THE
TRYENNIALL
PARLIAMENT
)
it
is
in
the
Kings
power
,
that
it
shall
never
take
effect
,
〈…〉
by
a
timely
summons
shall
prevent
any
other
way
of
assembling
.
In
the
〈◊〉
for
continuance
of
this
present
Parliament
,
there
seems
to
be
〈…〉
of
reall
power
in
dissolving
of
Parliaments
,
not
to
take
it
out
of
the
Crown
,
but
to
suspend
the
execution
of
it
for
THIS
TIME
AND
OCCASION
ONLY
,
which
was
not
necessary
for
the
Kings
own
security
,
and
the
publique
peace
that
〈◊〉
it
we
could
not
have
undertaken
any
of
these
great
charges
,
two
must
have
left
both
the
Armies
to
disorder
and
confusion
,
and
the
whole
Kingdom
to
〈◊〉
and
●apine
.
Which
words
are
a
〈◊〉
and
〈…〉
,
That
the
〈◊〉
of
the
makers
of
the
fore●●id
Act
was
never
to
make
this
a
perpetuall
Parliament
,
but
onely
for
〈…〉
the
King
's
sudden
breaking
them
up
when
he
pleased
;
whose
〈…〉
from
by
this
Act
:
which
thing
onely
is
and
was
the
clear
meaning
of
the
makers
of
it
.
And
that
the
generall
words
of
a
Law
,
or
the
literal
sense
of
〈…〉
●●ld
forth
absurdities
,
and
inconveniences
,
and
visible
mischiefs
,
a●●
〈◊〉
by
interpreted
and
controuled
by
the
intent
of
them
that
made
it
,
is
clear
,
from
their
own
Oracle
Sir
Edw.
Cook
▪
who
in
his
exposition
of
the
〈…〉
of
1
Eliz.
chapt
.
1.
in
his
4
part
〈…〉
:
N●w
that
divers
and
many
other
Acts
of
Parliament
(
BESIDES
THIS
OF
ELIZ.
)
which
are
generall
in
words
,
have
,
upon
consideration
of
the
mischief
,
and
all
the
parts
of
the
Act
,
(
for
the
avoyding
of
the
〈…〉
absurdity
that
might
follow
)
received
a
particular
interpretation
,
is
〈…〉
●●●ks
in
cases
of
far
lesse
inconvenience
and
absurdity
.
Plo.
Com.
in
Stowels
Case
fol.
369.
The
Preamble
is
to
be
〈…〉
it
is
the
key
to
open
the
meaning
of
the
makers
of
the
Act
,
and
mischief
〈…〉
intend
to
remedy
.
The
Judges
of
the
Law
have
ever
in
such
sor●
〈◊〉
the
intents
of
the
meaning
of
the
makers
of
such
Acts
of
Parliament
,
as
they
〈◊〉
●●pounded
Acts
g●nerall
in
words
to
be
particular
,
where
the
intent
〈◊〉
been
〈◊〉
(
Which
are
the
words
of
the
Book
)
And
therefore
upon
that
rule
i●
is
there
adjudged
,
That
where
the
Statute
of
7.
Edw.
6.
i●
generall
,
IF
ANY
RECEIVER
OR
MINISTER
ACCOVNTANT
&c
,
RECEIVE
O●
ANY
PERSON
ANY
SVM
OF
MONEY
FOR
PAYMENT
O●
ANY
FEES
,
&c.
HE
SHALL
FORFEIT
vis
.
viii
d.
FOR
EVERY
PENNY
.
That
this
do
not
extend
,
according
to
the
generality
of
the
words
,
to
the
Receiver
of
common
persons
,
because
these
words
subsequent
be
added
(
otherwise
〈◊〉
be
lawfully
may
by
former
Laws
and
Statutes
.
)
Now
the
Judges
restr●ined
the
generality
to
a
particular
,
to
the
Kings
Receiver
onely
;
for
that
no
Law
●●●●tute
was
formerly
made
concerning
common
persons
Receivers
,
&c.
But
i●
the
Case
in
question
,
as
well
the
precedent
clause
of
Restitution
,
as
the
〈…〉
expressing
offences
in
particular
,
and
the
words
in
the
same
generall
sentence
,
viz.
VNDER
YOUR
HIGHNESSE
,
&c.
and
principally
the
cause
of
the
〈◊〉
of
this
Act
do
qualifie
the
generality
of
the
words
.
And
yet
notwithstanding
●●
was
resolved
by
all
the
Court
in
the
said
case
of
Stradling
,
fol.
●0●
.
〈…〉
Receiver
of
common
persons
were
within
the
words
of
the
said
〈…〉
it
is
said
,
that
if
a
man
consider
in
what
point
the
mischief
was
before
the
〈◊〉
and
what
thing
the
Parliament
meant
to
redresse
by
this
,
be
shall
〈…〉
intent
of
the
Makers
of
the
Act
,
was
to
punish
onely
the
Ministers
of
the
King
〈◊〉
a
little
after
the
Judges
say
,
That
the
stile
of
this
Act
is
,
AN
ACT
FOR
〈◊〉
TRUE
ANSWER
OF
THE
KINGS
REVENUES
.
And
by
this
〈◊〉
intent
of
the
makers
of
the
Act
is
to
be
collected
;
and
these
be
the
words
of
the
〈◊〉
which
is
a
far
stronger
case
,
then
the
case
in
question
.
4
Ed.
4.
fol.
4.
&
12.
Every
Statute
ought
to
be
expounded
according
〈◊〉
intent
of
them
that
made
it
,
where
the
words
thereof
are
doubtfull
and
〈◊〉
,
and
according
to
the
rehearsall
of
the
Statute
;
and
there
a
generall
Stat●●●
〈◊〉
strued
particularly
,
upon
consideration
had
of
the
cause
of
making
of
the
Act
,
〈◊〉
the
rehearsall
of
all
the
parts
of
the
Act.
To
conclude
this
point
with
a
generall
R●le
allowed
by
all
Laws
〈◊〉
●●struction
of
Statutes
,
viz.
Although
the
Law
speak
in
generall
terms
,
〈…〉
●o
be
bound
up
or
accepted
,
That
WHERE
REASON
CEAS●TH
,
TH●●●
TH●
LAW
CEASETH
:
FOR
,
SEEING
REASON
IS
THE
VERY
LIFE
AND
SPIRIT
OF
THE
〈◊〉
IT SELF
,
the
Law
giver
is
not
to
be
esteemed
to
respect
th●●
which
〈…〉
Reason
;
although
the
generality
of
the
words
at
the
first
sight
,
or
after
the
〈…〉
otherwise
.
Mark
,
I
intreat
you
,
these
last
words
well
,
for
they
are
〈◊〉
and
full
.
And
much
more
i●
there
to
this
purpose
:
for
he
is
〈…〉
said
Statute
of
1
Eliz.
1.
And
that
this
equitable
and
intentionall
〈◊〉
of
expounding
Laws
in
dubious
eases
,
or
where
absurdities
or
mischiefs
do
depend
upon
the
taking
of
it
in
the
litteral
sens●
,
is
justifi●ble
,
legall
and
good
,
is
unquestinably
demonstrated
out
of
your
own
1
part
Book
Dec.
pag
●50
.
〈◊〉
these
very
weeds
,
viz.
That
there
is
in
the
Laws
an
equitable
and
literall
sense
.
His
Majestie
(
●et
it
he
granted
)
●●
intrusted
by
Law
with
the
Militia
;
but
't
is
for
the
good
and
preservation
of
the
Republique
,
against
forraign
Invasions
and
domestick
Rebellions
:
For
it
cannot
be
supposed
that
the
Parliament
would
ever
by
Law
intrust
the
Militia
against
themselves
,
or
the
Common-wealth
that
intrusts
them
to
provide
for
their
WEALE
,
NOT
FOR
THEIR
WOE
.
So
〈◊〉
,
when
there
is
certain
appearance
,
or
grounded
suspicion
,
that
the
letter
of
the
Law
shall
be
improved
against
the
equity
of
it
,
(
that
is
,
the
publick
good
,
whether
of
the
body
reall
,
or
representative
)
then
the
commander
going
against
its
equity
,
gives
liberty
to
the
commanded
to
refuse
obedience
to
the
letter
:
For
the
Law
taken
abstract
from
its
originall
reason
and
end
,
i●
made
a
shell
without
a
kernell
,
a
shadow
without
a
substance
,
and
a
body
without
a
soul
:
●t
is
the
execution
of
Laws
according
to
their
equity
and
reason
,
which
(
as
I
may
say
)
is
the
spirit
that
giveth
life
to
Authority
,
the
letter
kils
.
Nor
need
this
equity
be
expressed
in
the
Law
,
being
so
naturally
implyed
and
supposed
in
all
Laws
that
are
not
meerly
Imperiall
,
from
that
analogie
which
all
Bodies
politick
hold
with
the
naturall
,
whence
all
Government
and
Governours
borrow
a
propo●●ionall
respect
.
And
therefore
when
the
Militia
of
an
Army
is
committed
to
the
Generall
,
it
is
not
with
any
express
condition
,
that
he
shall
not
turn
the
●outhes
of
his
Canons
against
his
own
souldiers
;
for
that
is
so
naturally
and
necessarily
implyed
,
that
its
needlesse
to
be
expressed
;
insomuch
a●
if
be
did
attempt
or
command
such
a
thing
,
against
the
nature
of
his
trust
and
place
,
it
did
〈◊〉
facto
estate
the
Army
in
a
right
of
disobedience
,
except
we
think
that
obedience
binds
〈◊〉
to
cut
their
own
throats
,
or
at
least
their
companions
.
Yea
,
the
very
title
of
the
Act
in
hand
literally
declares
,
it
was
never
intended
to
be
perpetuall
;
no
,
nor
to
extend
to
so
long
a
time
as
to
be
mi●chievous
to
the
Common-wealth
,
by
subduing
the
SOUL
of
all
our
Liberties
,
frequent
〈…〉
Parliaments
▪
〈◊〉
wholly
and
〈…〉
;
for
it
is
called
,
An
Act●o
prevent
inconvenientes
which
may
happen
by
the
〈◊〉
adjour●i●g
,
〈◊〉
or
d●sso●●ing
of
this
present
Parliament
.
Mark●
the
words
well
,
and
it
puts
all
out
of
dispute
,
that
th●●
Act
was
●at
meerly
done
to
tie
the
Kings
hands
for
a
certain
reasonable
time
,
that
so
it
should
not
be
dissolved
u●timely
:
and
the
Title
declares
,
it
was
made
to
avoid
Inconveniences
,
and
therefore
〈◊〉
to
beget
and
increase
them
;
which
it
must
needs
do
as
is
already
fully
proved
,
if
it
〈◊〉
frequent
,
successive
,
〈◊〉
Parliaments
.
But
yet
once
again
more
fuller
;
Reason
and
Nature
it self
sai●●
,
yea
and
the
Law
of
England
saith
,
That
when
〈◊〉
Act
of
Parliament
is
against
〈◊〉
Right
,
or
Reason
,
or
〈◊〉
,
or
impossible
to
be
performed
or
kept
,
the
common
Law
shall
〈◊〉
it
,
and
adjudge
this
Act
to
be
void
:
they
are
the
words
of
the
Law
,
1
pars
Dr.
Bo●●am's
Case
,
fol.
118.
&
8.
Ed.
3.
fol.
3.
30.
33.
E.
cess●vil
3●
.
&
27.
H.
G.
〈◊〉
41
,
&
1
Eliz.
Dier
313.
&
1
part
Cooks
Institutes
lib.
3.
chap.
11.
●
.
209.
fol.
140.
2.
An
Act
of
Parliament
that
a
man
shall
be
a
Judge
in
his
own
case
,
is
a
void
Act
in
Law
,
Hubbert
fol.
120.
and
the
●
part
Cooks
Reports
in
Dr.
Bo●hams
case
.
See
the
Army
Book
Declarat
.
pag.
35.
●9
.
61.
63.
143.
First
therefore
let
us
begin
with
Common
Right
;
and
we
shall
easily
see
this
perpetuall
Act
is
against
that
.
For
it
is
against
common
Right
,
that
indebted
men
(
as
most
,
if
not
all
Parliament
men
ar●
)
should
not
pay
their
debts
.
Or
that
,
if
any
Member
of
●●●liament
do
any
of
the
People
of
England
w●ong
(
as
daily
they
do
)
by
unjust
and
〈◊〉
r●●●ble
〈◊〉
of
him
o●
them
of
hi●
la●d
,
or
disp●ssessing
him
of
his
goods
,
〈…〉
of
his
fame
,
or
doing
violence
to
his
person
by
beating
,
wounding
,
or
imprisoning
,
&c.
that
〈◊〉
sons
,
during
their
lives
,
by
a
priviledge
of
Parliament
(
that
was
intentionally
〈◊〉
and
just
in
its
institution
,
when
Parliaments
were
often
and
short
)
should
be
〈◊〉
and
s●●●red
from
all
manner
of
question
at
the
Law
,
by
any
parties
so
wronged
by
them
,
is
absolutely
against
common
Right
.
Nay
,
and
more
,
That
this
should
extend
〈◊〉
●●ltitudes
of
persons
besides
,
that
are
their
servants
or
attendants
;
and
also
that
any
,
o●
all
of
these
shall
have
the
benefit
of
the
Law
in
any
Court
of
Justice
in
England
at
their
pleasure
,
against
any
man
whom
they
shall
pretend
wrongs
them
,
are
such
trans●●de●●
and
grievous
enormities
,
that
common
Right
abhors
;
and
yet
this
,
with
a
thousand
〈◊〉
as
much
more
as
bad
as
these
,
are
the
fruits
of
a
perpetuall
Parliament
,
if
they
please
;
which
tends
to
the
utter
destruction
of
all
mens
Actions
,
reall
,
personall
,
or
mixt
,
who
have
●o
do
with
Parliament
men
;
as
appears
expresly
by
the
Statute
of
Limitations
of
the
a●
of
James
,
chap.
16.
which
strictly
confines
all
manner
of
Suits
to
be
commenced
within
〈…〉
after
the
occasion
given
.
Secondly
,
For
common
Reason
:
Parliaments
were
ordained
and
instituted
(
as
is
before
truly
and
legally
declared
)
for
remedies
to
redresse
publick
and
capitall
griev●●ces
th●●
〈◊〉
where
else
could
be
redressed
:
but
it
is
against
reason
(
and
the
very
end
of
the
Institution
of
Parliament
)
that
Parliaments
should
make
and
create
multitudes
of
publike
and
insufferable
grievances
;
The
law
of
the
Land
allowes
no
protection
for
any
ma●
i●ployed
in
the
service
of
the
Kingdom
,
but
for
a
yeer
at
most
,
as
to
be
free
from
Sui●s
;
and
in
many
Suits
none
at
all
,
howbeit
he
be
in
such
services
.
But
a
perpetuall
〈◊〉
may
prove
a
protection
(
in
all
manner
of
wickednesse
and
misdea●●eanours
〈◊〉
against
other
men
,
not
of
the
Parliament
,
amongst
any
of
whom
they
may
pi●k
and
chuse
whom
they
please
,
to
ruinate
and
destroy
)
and
that
no●
for
a
yeer
,
but
for
ever
;
which
is
against
all
manner
of
Reason
,
or
the
shadow
or
likenesse
of
it
.
And
therefore
,
a●
〈◊〉
Sir
Henry
Vane
said
against
Episcopal
Government
in
the
beginning
of
his
larg●
〈◊〉
of
the
11
of
June
1641
now
in
print
,
at
a
Committee
for
passing
the
Bill
against
●●●●pall
Government
,
so
say
I
of
an
everlasting
,
or
of
any
Parliament
that
shall
do
〈◊〉
you
have
done
,
in
largely
sitting
beyond
the
time
of
your
Commission
▪
&c.
That
〈…〉
thing
is
destructive
to
the
very
end
for
which
it
should
be
,
and
was
constituted
to
be
;
〈…〉
onely
so
,
but
does
the
quite
contrary
(
as
your
House
in
every
particular
doth
)
cer●ai●ly
,
we
have
cause
sufficient
enough
to
lay
it
aside
;
and
not
onely
as
uselesse
,
in
that
it
〈…〉
its
end
;
But
is
dangerous
,
in
that
it
destroyes
and
contradicts
its
end
.
Thirdly
,
For
Imp●ssibilitie
:
The
death
of
th●
King
in
law
undisputably
dissolves
the
Parliament
,
spoken
of
in
the
foresaid
act
,
which
is
pretended
to
be
perpetu●ll
;
for
〈◊〉
Writ
of
Summons
,
that
is
directed
to
the
Sheriffs
,
by
vertue
of
which
,
Parli●●●●●
〈◊〉
are
chosen
,
runs
in
these
words
:
King
Charles
being
to
have
conference
and
〈…〉
,
&c
upon
such
a
day
,
about
or
concerning
(
as
the
words
of
the
T●ie●●●ial
Act
hath
it
)
the
high
and
urgent
affairs
concerning
his
Majestie
(
and
he
writes
US
)
the
State
,
and
the
〈◊〉
of
the
Kingdom
and
Church
of
England
.
But
I
would
fain
know
how
it's
possibl●
for
a
Parliament
to
confer
or
treat
with
King
CHARLES
now
he
is
dead
:
it
's
impossible
.
Se●
2
H.
5.
Cook
in
.
Parl.
3.
part
.
And
therefore
the
whole
current
of
the
Law
of
England
(
yea
,
Reason
it self
)
from
the
beginning
to
the
end
,
is
expresly
,
That
the
Kings
death
doth
ipso
facto
dissolve
this
Parliament
,
though
it
had
been
all
the
time
before
〈◊〉
so
intire
and
unquestionable
to
that
very
hour
;
and
it
must
needs
be
so
,
he
being
in
Law
,
yea
,
and
by
the
authority
of
this
very
Parliament
st●led
,
the
head
,
the
begi●●ing
,
and
end
of
Parli●ments
:
See
Co●ks
4
part
Institutes
fol.
1.
3.
Mr.
Py●●'s
for
〈…〉
Stra●●ord
pag.
8.
S.
John's
forementioned
argument
against
Strafford
,
pag.
42.
And
therefore
as
a
Parliament
in
l●w
〈◊〉
begin
without
the
〈…〉
in
it
,
〈◊〉
person
〈◊〉
representatives
,
Cook
ibid.
so
.
6.
so
it
is
pos●●ively
〈◊〉
by
his
〈◊〉
;
〈◊〉
thereby
not
only
the
true
declared
,
but
intended
end
of
their
assembling
(
which
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
and
confer
with
King
CHARLES
)
is
ceased
,
and
thereby
a
final
●nd
is
put
〈◊〉
the
means
that
are
appointed
to
attain
unto
that
end
:
And
therefore
it
is
as
〈◊〉
for
this
Parliament
,
or
any
Parliament
to
continue
as
long
as
they
please
,
a●
for
a
Parliament
to
make
King
Charles
alive
again
.
Fourthly
,
For
Repugnancy
:
That
which
is
but
for
a
time
,
cannot
be
affirmed
to
have
continuance
for
ever
[
it
is
repugnant
:
]
but
this
Parliament
in
the
intention
of
the
makers
of
the
Act
,
was
to
be
but
for
a
time
,
not
above
a
yeer
at
most
,
after
the
d●●e
of
the
Act
▪
as
is
before
proved
and
declared
from
their
own
words
;
And
therefore
it
cannot
be
reputed
perpetual
,
for
there
is
a
repugnancy
betwixt
them
.
Again
,
The
King's
Writ
that
summoned
this
Parliament
,
is
the
Basis
in
law
,
an●
Foundation
of
this
Parliament
:
If
the
Foundation
be
destroyed
,
the
Parliament
falls
:
But
the
Foundation
of
it
,
in
every
circumstance
thereof
,
is
destroyed
:
And
therefore
the
thing
built
upon
that
Foundation
must
needs
fall
.
It
is
both
a
Maxim●
in
Law
and
Reason
.
But
if
it
be
objected
,
The
Law
of
Necessity
requires
the
continuance
of
the
Parliament
against
the
letter
of
the
Law.
I
answer
,
First
,
It
s
necessrry
to
consider
whether
the
men
that
would
have
it
continue
as
long
as
they
please
,
be
not
those
that
have
created
the
necessities
on
purpose
,
that
by
the
colour
thereof
they
may
make
themselves
great
and
potent
;
and
if
so
,
then
that
Objection
hath
no
weight
,
nor
by
any
rules
of
Justice
can
they
be
allowed
to
gain
this
advantage
by
their
own
fault
,
as
to
make
that
a
ground
of
their
justification
,
which
is
a
great
part
of
their
offence
.
And
that
it
is
true
in
it self
,
is
so
obviou●
to
every
unbiased
knowing
eye
,
it
needs
no
illustration
:
but
if
it
shall
be
denyed
by
any
of
their
pens
,
if
God
please
to
give
further
opportunity
,
I
shall
prove
it
to
the
full
.
Secondly
,
I
answer
,
There
can
no
necessity
be
pretended
that
can
be
justifiable
for
breach
of
trusts
that
are
conferred
on
purpose
for
the
redresse
of
mischiefs
and
grievances
,
when
the
trust
is
perver●●d
to
the
quite
contrary
end
,
to
the
increase
of
mischiefs
and
grievances
,
yea
,
to
the
subversion
of
Laws
and
Liberties
.
I
am
sure
,
Mr.
Pym
by
their
command
and
order
,
told
the
Earl
of
Strafford
so
,
when
he
objected
the
like
,
and
that
he
was
the
King's
Counsellor
,
and
might
not
be
questioned
for
any
thing
he
advised
according
to
his
conscience
.
But
●aith
Mr.
Pym
pag.
11.
He
that
will
have
the
priviledge
of
a
Counsell●●r
,
must
keep
within
the
just
bounds
of
a
Counsellour
.
Those
matters
are
the
p●oper
subjects
of
Counsel
,
which
in
their
times
and
occasio●s
may
be
good
or
beneficiall
to
the
King
or
Common-wealth
.
But
such
Treasons
a●
th●se
,
the
subversion
of
the
Laws
,
violation
of
Liberties
,
they
can
never
be
good
or
justifiable
by
●ny
circumstance
or
occasion
;
and
therefore
(
saith
he
)
his
being
a
Counsellour
makes
his
fault
much
more
〈◊〉
,
o●
being
committed
against
a
GREATER
TRUST
.
And
in
pag.
12.
he
answers
another
excuse
of
his
,
which
was
,
That
what
he
did
he
did
with
a
good
intention
.
It
s
true
,
saith
Mr
Pym
,
Some
m●●ers
●●●tfull
and
dangerous
,
may
be
accompanied
with
such
circumstances
,
as
may
m●ke
it
appear
usefull
and
convenient
;
and
in
all
such
cases
,
good
intention
will
justifie
〈◊〉
●●unsell
.
But
where
the
matters
propounded
are
evill
in
their
own
nature
,
such
a●
the
matters
are
with
which
the
Earl
of
Strafford
is
charged
viz.
To
BREAK
A
PUBLICK
FAITH
,
to
sub●ert
Laws
and
Government
,
they
can
never
be
justified
by
any
intentions
,
h●●
specious
or
good
s●●ver
they
pretended
.
And
that
they
have
perverted
the
ends
of
their
Trust
more
then
eve●
Str●●●ord
did
,
I
●●●ll
instance
at
present
but
in
3
parti●●lars
,
the
main
〈◊〉
of
their
〈…〉
the
People
●f
their
grievances
;
and
what
their
Grievances
were
,
〈…〉
in
the
Parliaments
first
Re●●●strance
of
the
st●te
of
the
Kingdom
:
First
,
destruction
of
〈◊〉
Trades
by
Monopolize
,
&c.
Secondly
,
exhausting
of
their
estates
to
maintain
and
promote
pernitious
designes
to
their
destruction
.
Thirdly
,
their
essentiall
Liberties
〈◊〉
Freedoms
quite
destroye●
:
Where
is
the
remedy
now
▪
hath
not
the
Parliament
contraty
to
that
excellent
Law
against
Monopolize
,
of
the
21
Jame
▪
Chap.
3.
of
〈◊〉
erected
Monopolise
by
O●dinances
,
Orders
and
Votes
,
(
although
in
the
first
month
of
your
sitting
,
you
made
Orders
to
throw
down
Monopolizers
out
of
your
House
:
)
as
particularly
,
Whale
Oyle
,
White
sine
,
Wyer
,
Ty●n
,
with
many
others
;
yea
,
a●d
co●in●ing
of
the
old
Mon●polies
,
Merchants
,
Companies
that
Trade
beyond
se●●
;
yea
,
and
set
up
for
〈◊〉
that
Monopoly
of
all
Monopolies
,
the
Excise
;
the
bare
endevouring
of
which
▪
they
call●●
unjust
and
pernitious
attempt
in
the
King
in
the
fore-mentioned
,
Declar.
pag.
6.
And
then
for
exhausting
of
their
estates
,
the
King
did
it
by
a
little
Shipmony
and
Monopolies
&c
but
since
they
begun
they
have
raised
and
extorted
more
mony
from
the
people
and
nation
then
halfe
the
Kings
from
the
Conqueror
ever
did
,
as
particularly
,
1
By
Excise
.
2
Cont●tbu●ions
.
3
Sequestrations
of
lands
to
an
infinite
,
value
.
4
Fifth
P●ts
.
5
Twenty
parts
.
6
Meal●n●ony
7
Sa●le
of
plundered
goods
.
8
Loanes
.
9
Benevoknces
.
1●
Collections
upon
their
sost
dayes
.
11
New
Impositions
or
Customes
upon
Merchandse
.
12
〈◊〉
maintained
upon
the
charge
of
p●●●ate
men
.
13
Fifty
Sub●dies
at
one
time
.
14
〈◊〉
with
Delinquents
to
an
infinit●
value
.
15
Sale
of
Bishops
Land●
.
16
Sale
of
D●a●
and
Chapters
Lands
,
and
now
after
the
wars
are
done
.
17
Sale
of
King
,
Queen
,
Prin●e
,
Duke
,
and
the
rest
of
the
C●ildrens
revenue
1●
Sa●le
of
their
r●ch
goods
which
cost
an
infinite
sur●●●
.
And
19
To
conclude
all
a
t●x●tion
of
ninety
thousand
pound
a
mo●th
,
and
when
they
have
gathered
it
pretendedly
for
the
Common-wealthes
use
,
divide
it
by
thousands
and
ten
thousands
,
apeece
amongst
themselves
;
and
wipe
their
mouths
after
it
like
the
impudent
Ha●●ot
as
though
they
had
done
no
evill
;
and
then
purchase
with
it
publique
lands
at
small
and
triviall
values
;
O
Brave
Trustees
!
that
have
protested
before
God
and
the
w●r●d
,
againe
and
againe
in
the
day
of
their
st●aits
,
they
would
never
seck
themselves
,
and
yet
besides
all
this
〈◊〉
all
the
chiefest
and
profit●blest
p●aces
of
the
Kingdom
●mongst
themselves
;
And
then
thirdly
;
what
regulating
of
Courts
of
Justice
,
and
abridging
of
delayes
,
and
charges
of
Law
〈◊〉
have
they
performed
as
in
their
first
Remonstrance
they
promised
?
Nay
are
they
〈◊〉
worse
then
they
were
before
the
wars
,
and
besides
,
then
High-Comm●ssion
,
Star-Chamber
and
Counsel
board
were
all
downe
;
and
have
they
not
now
made
a
Star-Chamber
,
High-Commission
and
Councel-Board
of
most
of
their
petty
Committees
?
but
most
dreadfull
ones
of
the
House
and
their
New-Councel
of
State
?
as
is
evident
to
be
seen
in
my
Comrades
and
my
illegall
and
arbitrary
imprisonment
,
and
cruel
close
imprisonment
Thirdly
,
Nay
have
we
at
all
any
Law
left
Master
Peters
your
grand
Teacher
〈◊〉
lately
to
my
face
we
have
none
?
)
but
their
meer
wils
any
pleasures
;
saving
Fell●●s
La●●
,
or
Ma●tiall
law
,
where
men-Butchers
are
both
informers
,
Parties
,
Jury-men
and
Judges
;
who
have
had
their
hands
imbr●ed
in
bloud
for
above
this
seven
yeares
together
,
having
served
●●●●●●t●ship
to
k●lling
of
men
,
for
nothing
but
mony
,
and
so
are
mo●e
bloudier
then
Butchers
th●●
〈…〉
and
calve
for
their
own
livelihood
,
who
yet
by
the
Law
of
England
,
are
net
〈◊〉
●●●●
of
any
Jury
fa●l●se
and
death
,
because
they
are
conversant
in
shedding
of
bloud
of
beasts
〈◊〉
thereby
,
through
a
habit
of
it
,
may
not
be
so
tender
of
the
blood
of
men
;
as
the
〈◊〉
●f
England
,
●eason
and
Justice
would
have
men
to
be
.
Yea
,
do
not
these
men
by
their
swo●●●
,
being
but
servants
,
give
what
law
they
please
to
their
Masters
:
the
pretended
Law-makers
of
your
house
,
now
constituted
by
as
good
and
●egall
a
power
as
he
that
r●b●
or
kil●s
a
man
upon
the
high-way
.
But
to
conclude
this
tedious
point
,
I
shall
end
it
with
such
an
Authority
,
as
to
th●●
ruling
men
in
your
House
must
needs
knock
the
Nail
on
the
●ead
,
and
that
is
with
the
Declaration
of
the
Army
,
(
Your
Lords
,
M●sters
,
L●w
givers
,
and
〈◊〉
)
who
in
their
most
excellent
of
Declaratrons
of
the
14
of
June
,
1647.
About
the
just
and
fundamentall
rights
and
liberties
of
themselves
and
the
Kingdom
,
page
40
,
41
,
42.
of
their
book
of
Declarations
,
after
they
have
sufficiently
cryed
out
of
Stapleton
and
his
party
,
for
abusing
,
deluding
and
over-swaying
the
house
from
their
true
end
for
which
they
were
assembled
together
:
say
thus
,
But
yet
we
are
so
far
from
designing
or
complying
to
have
an
abso●ute
or
arbitrary
power
fixed
or
settled
for
continuance
,
in
any
persons
whatsoever
;
a●
that
(
if
we
might
be
sure
to
obtain
it
)
we
〈◊〉
wish
to
have
it
so
in
the
persons
of
any
whom
we
could
must
confide
in
;
or
who
should
appear
mo●●
of
our
own
opinions
and
principles
,
or
whom
we
might
have
most
personall
assurance
of
,
or
interest
in
,
b●t
we
do●
,
and
shall
m●ch
rather
wish
,
That
the
Authority
of
this
Kingdom
in
Parliament
(
rightly
constituted
,
that
is
▪
freely
,
equally
and
successively
chosen
,
according
to
its
orteinall
intention
)
may
ever
st●nd
and
●ave
its
●ourse
.
And
ther●fore
we
shall
apply
our selves
chiefly
to
such
things
●●
(
by
having
Parliaments
setled
in
such
a
right
constitution
)
nay
give
most
hope●
of
Justice
and
Right●ousnesse
,
to
flow
down
equally
to
all
,
in
that
its
Ancient
ch●●nell
,
without
any
overtures
,
tending
either
to
OVERTHROW
that
●●undation
of
Order
and
Government
in
this
Kingdom
,
or
TO
INGROSS
THAT
POWER
FOR
PERPETUITY
INTO
THE
HANDS
OF
ANY
PARTICULAR
PERSONS
,
OR
PARTY
WHATSOEVER
.
And
for
that
purpose
though
(
as
we
have
found
it
doubted
by
many
men
,
minding
sincerely
the
publique
good
,
but
not
weighing
so
fully
the
consequences
of
things
)
it
may
and
is
not
unlike
to
prove
,
that
,
the
ending
of
this
Parliament
,
and
the
election
of
a
New
,
the
constitution
of
succeeding
Parliaments
,
(
as
to
the
persons
Elected
)
may
prove
for
the
worse
many
weyes
;
ye●
since
neither
in
the
present
purging
of
this
Parliament
,
nor
in
the
Election
of
a
New
,
we
can
promise
to
our selves
or
the
Kingdom
,
and
asurance
of
Justice
,
or
other
positive
good
from
the
bands
of
men
;
but
those
who
for
present
appear
most
righteous
,
and
most
for
common
good
(
having
an
unlimited
power
fixed
in
them
du●ing
life
or
pleasure
)
in
time
may
become
corrupt
,
or
settle
into
parties
,
or
factions
;
or
,
on
the
otherside
in
case
●f
new
Elections
▪
those
that
should
succeed
,
may
prove
as
bad
or
worse
then
the
former
.
We
therefore
humbly
co●ceive
that
(
of
two
inconveniences
the
lesse
being
to
be
chosen
)
the
main
thing
to
be
intended
in
this
case
(
and
beyond
whi●h
humane
providence
cannot
reach
,
as
to
any
assurance
of
positive
good
)
seem
to
be
this
,
viz
▪
to
provide
,
that
however
unjust
or
corrupt
the
persons
of
Parliament
men
,
in
present
,
or
future
may
prove
,
or
whatever
ill
they
may
doe
to
particular
parties
(
or
to
the
whole
in
particular
●●ngs
)
during
their
respective
termes
or
periods
,
yet
they
shall
not
have
the
temptation
of
an
●●●imited
power
fixt
in
them
during
the●r
owne
pleasures
,
whereby
to
perpetuate
injustice
or
oppression
upon
any
(
without
end
or
remedy
)
or
to
advance
and
uphold
any
one
particular
party
,
faction
or
interest
▪
whatsoever
,
to
the
oppression
or
prejudice
of
the
Community
,
and
the
enslaving
of
the
Kingdom
unto
all
posterity
,
but
that
t●e
people
may
have
an
equall
hope
or
possibility
,
if
they
have
made
an
●ll
choice
at
one
time
,
to
mend
it
in
another
,
and
the
Members
of
the
House
themselves
may
be
in
a
capacity
to
taste
subjection
as
well
as
rule
▪
and
may
be
so
inclined
to
consider
of
other
mens
cases
,
as
what
may
come
to
be
their
own
.
Thus
we
speake
in
relation
to
the
House
of
Commons
,
as
being
intrusted
on
the
Peoples
behalfe
,
for
their
interest
in
that
great
and
supreme
power
of
the
Common
wealth
(
viz.
)
the
Legislative
power
with
the
power
of
finall
Judgement
)
which
being
in
its
own
nature
so
arbitrary
,
and
in
a
manner
unlimited
,
(
unlesse
in
point
of
〈◊〉
)
is
most
un●it
and
dangerous
(
as
●o
the
peoples
interest
)
to
be
〈◊〉
in
the
〈…〉
the
sa●e
men
,
during
life
or
their
own
pleasures
.
Neither
by
the
originall
〈◊〉
of
this
State
,
was
it
,
of
ought
to
continue
so
,
nor
does
it
(
wherever
it
is
,
〈◊〉
continues
soe
)
render
that
sta●e
any
better
then
a
mee●
tyranny
,
or
the
people
subjected
to
it
,
any
better
then
vassals
;
But
in
all
States
where
there
is
any
f●●●
of
common
freedom
,
and
partic●larly
in
this
State
of
England
(
as
it
is
most
evid●●●
〈…〉
many
positive
laws
and
ancient
constant
custome
)
the
people
have
a
right
to
〈…〉
successive
Elections
,
unto
that
great
and
supream
trust
,
at
certain
〈…〉
time
,
which
is
so
essentiall
and
fundamentall
to
their
freedom
,
as
it
is
,
●●not
or
not
to
be
denied
them
,
or
witheld
from
them
,
and
without
which
the
House
of
Commons
is
of
very
little
concernment
to
the
interest
of
the
Commons
of
England
.
Yet
in
this
we
could
not
be
understood
in
the
least
to
blame
〈◊〉
worthies
of
both
Houses
,
whose
zeale
to
vindicate
the
Liberties
of
this
Nation
,
did
〈◊〉
that
Act
for
the
continuance
of
this
Parliament
;
wherby
it
was
secured
from
〈◊〉
dissolved
at
the
Kings
pleasure
,
(
as
former
Parliaments
had
been
)
or
reduced
to
〈◊〉
a
certain●y
as
might
enable
them
the
better
to
assert
and
vindicate
the
Liberties
of
this
Nation
,
(
immediately
before
so
highly
invaded
▪
and
then
also
so
〈◊〉
●●dangered
)
and
those
we
take
to
be
the
princip●ll
ends
and
grounds
for
which
〈…〉
exigency
of
time
and
affairs
it
was
procured
,
and
to
which
we
acknowledge
it
hath
happily
been
made
use
of
;
but
we
cannot
thinke
it
was
by
those
Worthies
intended
,
or
ought
to
be
made
use
of
to
the
perpetuating
of
th●●●●pream
trust
and
power
into
the
persons
of
any
during
their
owne
〈◊〉
,
or
deb
arring
of
the
people
from
their
right
of
elections
totally
new
.
But
it
here
it
should
be
objected
although
the
King
be
dead
,
yet
the
Parliament
〈◊〉
altered
the
Government
into
a
Common-wealth
,
and
so
may
if
they
please
cha●●e
the
Constitution
of
Parliaments
.
To
which
I
answer
,
Fi●st
,
that
those
company
of
men
at
Westminster
,
that
g●●e
Commission
to
the
High
Court
of
Justice
to
try
and
behead
the
King
,
&c.
were
●o
more
a
Parliament
by
Law
,
nor
a
Representative
of
the
people
,
by
the
rules
of
Justice
and
Reason
,
then
such
a
company
of
men
are
a
Parliament
,
or
Representative
of
the
People
,
that
a
company
of
armed
Theeves
chuse
and
set
apart
to
try
,
judge
,
〈◊〉
,
hang
,
o●
behead
any
man
,
that
they
please
,
or
can
prevail
over
by
the
power
of
their
swords
,
to
bring
before
them
by
force
of
arms
,
to
have
their
lives
taken
away
by
pre●●●ce
of
Justice
,
grounded
upon
rules
meerly
flowing
from
their
wils
and
swords
;
for
I
would
fain
know
any
Law
in
England
,
that
authoriseth
a
company
of
Servants
to
punish
o●
correct
their
Masters
,
or
to
give
a
Law
unto
them
,
or
to
throw
them
at
their
pleasure
out
of
their
power
,
and
set
themselves
down
in
it
,
which
is
the
Armies
case
wi●●●●e
Parliament
,
especially
at
THO.
PRIDES
late
Purge
;
which
I
call
(
and
will
〈◊〉
to
be
)
an
abs●lute
dissolution
of
the
very
essence
and
being
of
the
House
of
〈◊〉
▪
and
I
would
fain
see
any
Law
or
Reason
in
Writing
or
Print
to
justifie
th●●
a
〈◊〉
▪
upon
my
other
a●●●unt
,
then
in
hindering
them
from
raising
a
new
Warr
,
and
fro●
destroying
he
peoples
Liberties
by
their
eternall
sitting
,
seeing
they
keep
their
power
●●●ger
by
fa●
then
their
Masters
,
or
impowers
the
people
intended
they
should
,
and
also
employ
it
to
their
mischief
by
hindering
them
,
(
I
mean
those
that
had
not
acted
agai●●●
the
Liberties
of
the
Parliament
)
entering
into
a
mutuall
engagement
to
appoint
〈◊〉
whereby
to
chuse
(
seeing
they
cannot
all
meet
in
one
place
themselves
)
and
i●power
new
Trustees
Commissioners
,
or
Represento●s
,
to
make
equall
and
just
Lawes
to
bi●●
all
,
and
provide
for
their
future
well-being
,
there
being
no
other
may
justly
,
either
in
Law
or
Reason
;
to
settle
this
Nation
in
peace
and
quietness
,
but
by
one
of
these
two
means
:
First
,
either
by
admitting
the
King
in
again
upon
terms
:
or
else
,
secondly
,
to
lay
foundations
of
a
just
Government
,
by
an
Agreement
made
amongst
the
generality
of
the
people
capable
of
it
:
and
if
any
man
upon
earth
can
either
by
Law
or
Reason
shew
me
a
third
way
,
that
hath
any
more
shadow
of
Justice
in
it
,
then
for
William
the
Conqueror
,
or
the
great
Turk
by
their
swords
to
give
a
Law
unto
this
Nation
,
I
will
forfeit
my
life
.
But
secondly
I
answer
,
the
main
end
of
the
peoples
chusing
of
the
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
was
not
to
come
to
Westminster
to
set
up
a
common-wealth
,
especiall
to
invest
all
power
in
themselves
,
and
with
that
at
their
pleasure
rob
and
take
away
(
by
the
rules
of
their
wills
)
the
liberties
and
lives
of
those
that
chuse
them
,
and
be
unaccountable
as
long
as
they
live
,
although
they
do
what
they
please
;
therefore
I
would
fain
see
any
bit
or
shadow
of
a
pretended
Commission
to
this
end
,
either
in
writing
,
or
●acitly
in
intention
;
nay
,
or
so
much
as
in
the
thoughts
of
the
major
part
of
the
Members
themselves
,
when
they
were
impowered
;
I
am
sure
all
their
Declarations
declare
the
contrary
.
And
therefore
I
say
,
and
will
make
it
good
against
all
the
tyrannicall
Sophisters
in
England
,
in
a
Publique
dispute
before
the
People
,
That
the
m●●●
end
wherefore
they
were
sent
,
was
to
treat
and
confer
with
King
Charles
,
and
the
House
of
Peers
,
about
the
great
affaires
of
the
Nation
,
&c.
and
therefore
are
but
a
third
part
,
or
a
third
estate
of
that
Parliament
,
to
which
they
were
to
come
and
joyn
with
;
and
who
were
legally
to
make
permanent
and
binding
laws
to
the
people
of
the
Nation
▪
and
therefore
having
taken
away
two
of
the
three
Estates
,
(
through
a
pretended
necessity
,
for
a
pretended
good
end
,
the
accomplishment
of
which
can
only
justifie
this
act
)
that
they
were
chosen
on
purpose
to
joyn
with
to
make
Laws
;
the
end
both
in
reason
and
Law
of
the
Peoples
trust
is
ceased
;
for
a
Minor
joyned
with
a
Major
for
one
and
the
same
end
,
cannot
play
Lord
paramount
over
the
Major
,
and
then
doe
what
it
please
;
no
more
can
the
Minor
of
a
Major
,
viz.
one
estate
of
three
legally
or
justly
,
destroy
two
of
three
without
their
own
consents
,
or
the
Authority
of
a
higher
power
,
then
all
given
and
deligated
for
that
end
intended
and
declared
,
which
is
the
People
,
the
fountain
and
originall
of
all
just
power
,
which
they
never
did
in
their
lives
;
and
therefore
the
whole
power
of
all
is
returned
to
them
singly
and
alone
,
(
but
if
an●
part
of
it
is
yet
inherent
in
any
,
then
it
is
in
PRINCE
CHARLES
as
Heir
▪
apparent
to
his
Fathers
Crown
and
Throne
)
over
whom
I
mean
the
people
)
no
persons
nor
power
on
earth
can
now
set
no
change
of
Government
whatever
,
but
what
is
done
by
their
own
mutuall
consent
by
AGREEMENT
AMONGST
THEMSELVES
,
but
with
as
reall
a
face
of
Tyranny
,
as
ever
was
acted
by
any
Conqueror
o●
Tyrant
in
the
world
;
unto
which
whosoever
sto●ps
and
supports
it
,
is
as
absolute
a
Traytor
both
by
Law
and
reason
,
as
ever
was
in
the
world
,
(
if
not
against
the
King
,
yet
against
the
Peoples
Majesty
▪
and
Soveraignty
,
the
fountain
of
all
power
on
earth
;
)
and
the
present
setters
up
of
this
Tyrannicall
new
Commonwealth
,
considering
their
many
Oaths
,
Covenan●s
,
Promises
,
Declarations
and
Remonst●ances
to
the
contrary
,
(
with
the
highest
promises
and
pretences
of
God
for
the
People
and
their
declared
Liberties
,
that
ever
was
made
by
men
)
are
the
most
perjure●
,
pe●fidio●●
,
falle
Faith
and
Trust
breakers
and
Tyrants
●●at
ever
lived
in
the
world
;
and
ought
by
all
rationall
and
honest
men
to
be
the
most
detested
and
abhorred
of
all
men
that
ever
breathed
,
by
how
much
the
more
under
the
pretence
of
friendship
and
brotherly
kindness
they
have
done
all
the
mischief
they
have
done
in
destroying
our
Law●●
and
Liberties
,
&c.
Is
any
Treason
like
Juda●
his
Treason
▪
who
betrayed
his
Lord
and
Master
with
a
kisse
:
Is
any
murder
in
the
world
,
like
that
of
Joab
co●●i●●ed
upon
A●●er
and
Amasa
?
who
while
he
kissed
and
embr●●ed
them
with
the
highest
declarations
of
friendly
and
brotherly
affection
,
stabbed
them
●nder
the
fif●h
Rib
,
2
Sam.
a
▪
29.
&
10.
9
,
10.
Is
any
wrong
or
mischief
done
unto
an
ingenuous
spirit
,
so
bitter
to
his
soul
,
as
the
treachery
and
baseness
of
a
pretended
and
familiar
friend
?
No
undoubtedly
,
for
against
a
professed
enemy
a
man
hath
a
fence
,
for
he
will
not
trust
him
,
but
is
alwayes
jealous
of
him
:
but
against
a
pretended
friend
he
hath
none
,
for
●e
lyes
in
his
bosome
,
from
whom
he
fea●s
no
ill
,
but
sleeps
in
security
,
in
the
height
of
which
he
is
●●in●ted
and
dest●yed
:
which
kinde
of
dealing
was
most
bitter
to
Davids
soule
▪
wh●●h
made
him
say
,
P●alm
55.
12
,
13.
14
,
15.
For
it
was
not
an
ENEMY
●h●●
repr●a●hed
●re
,
then
I
could
have
b●rn
it
:
neither
was
it
he
that
HATED
me
,
that
〈◊〉
magnifi●●●mself
against
me
then
I
would
have
hid
my self
from
him
.
But
it
was
th●n
,
〈◊〉
,
mine
equ●ll
,
MY
GUID●
;
MINE
ACQUAINTANCE
.
We
t●●k
SWE●T
COUN●ELL
together
,
and
walked
into
the
house
of
God
in
COMPANY
▪
Let
death
seiz
upon
them
,
and
let
them
go●
domn
quick
into
hell
,
for
wickedn●sse
is
in
their
d●●●ling
,
and
among
them
▪
and
let
the
p●esent
generation
of
swaying
men
▪
that
under
the
pretence
of
good
,
kindness
and
friendship
,
have
destroyed
and
trod
under
their
feet
all
the
Liberties
of
the
Nation
(
and
will
not
let
us
have
a
new
Parliament
)
and
set
up
by
the
Sword
their
own
unsufferable
,
unsupportable
Tyrannicall
Tyranny
;
consider
the
ends
of
JWDAS
and
JOAB
,
and
they
shall
finde
,
that
for
their
treachery
and
blood
;
the
one
Hanged
himself
,
and
the
other
was
executed
in
the
Tabernacle
of
the
Lord
,
〈◊〉
the
horns
of
the
Altar
,
whether
he
fled
for
refuge
and
sanctuary
,
1
Kings
2.
30
,
31.
yea
,
also
remember
Cains
treachery
to
his
innocent
brother
Abel
,
Gen
4.
8
,
10
,
11
,
12
,
13
,
14.
Thirdly
and
lastly
,
I
answer
,
the
House
of
Commons
sitting
freely
within
its
limitted
time
,
in
all
its
splendor
of
glory
,
without
the
awe
of
armed
men
,
never
in
Law
,
nor
in
the
intention
of
their
chuse●s
were
not
a
Parliament
;
and
therefore
of
themselves
alone
,
have
no
pretence
in
Law
to
alter
the
constitution
of
Parliaments
,
especially
as
to
free
and
successive
Elections
totally
and
wholly
new
;
neither
if
ever
it
had
been
in
the
power
of
a
true
and
reall
House
of
Commons
;
Yet
this
present
pre●ended
One
now
sitting
at
Westminster
is
now
a
true
House
of
Commons
;
as
the
Armies
ancie●t
Declarations
doe
notably
prove
;
see
their
Book
,
Declar
pag.
125
,
127
,
134
,
135
,
13●
,
139
,
140
,
141
,
14●
▪
For
I
would
fain
know
in
Law
,
where
Col.
THOMAS
PRIDE
was
authorised
to
chuse
the
people
of
England
a
Parliament
;
or
to
purge
away
at
his
pleasure
by
his
sword
three
quarters
of
four
of
the
House
of
Commons
,
(
and
so
committed
the
affairs
of
Parliament
to
a
few
,
which
was
never
intended
by
the
i●powerers
,
but
hath
always
been
holden
to
be
against
the
honor
and
dignity
of
a
Parliment
,
and
that
no
such
Commission
can
or
ought
to
be
granted
,
no
not
by
a
●egall
A●●h●rity
if
self
▪
see
4
part
.
Cooks
Institutes
,
fol
42.
chap.
High
court
of
Parliament
▪
)
and
send
whom
of
them
he
pleaseth
to
prison
,
without
charge
or
declared
crime
,
and
to
stand
at
the
House
door
in
a
warlike
posture
,
with
Swords
and
Muskets
to
keep
ou●
whomsoever
he
pleased
,
against
the
Law
and
constitutions
of
Parliaments
,
which
●ught
〈◊〉
Sit
free
from
the
force
of
Armed
men
,
4
part
.
Institut
▪
and
let
none
goe
into
the
House
,
b●●
only
those
that
he
knew
,
or
did
beleeve
would
vote
AS
HE
AND
HIS
Masters
WOULD
HAVE
THEM
;
For
shame
let
no
man
be
so
audaciously
and
sottishly
void
of
reason
,
as
to
call
Tho.
Prides
pittifull
Jun●o
a
Parliament
,
especially
those
that
called
▪
avowed
▪
protested
and
declared
again
and
again
those
to
be
none
,
th●t
sate
at
Westminster
the
26
and
27
,
&c.
of
July
,
647.
when
a
few
of
their
Members
were
seared
away
to
the
Army
,
by
a
few
houres
Tumult
of
a
●ompany
of
a
few
disordred
Apprentices
:
And
being
no
Representative
of
the
people
,
no
nor
so
much
as
a
thadow
of
it
,
much
lesse
a
PARLIAMENT
,
with
pretence
in
Law
,
reason
,
Justice
or
Na●●●e
can
there
be
for
them
to
alter
the
constitution
of
successive
and
frequent
Parliaments
,
and
force
upon
the
people
the
shew
of
their
own
wils
,
lusts
,
and
pleasures
,
for
Laws
and
rules
of
Government
,
made
by
a
pretended
▪
everlasting
,
nulled
Parliament
,
a
Councel
of
State
,
or
Star-chamber
,
and
a
Councel
of
War
,
or
rather
by
Fairf●●
,
Cromwell
and
Ireton
.
And
so
much
for
my
unsati
●●ednesse
in
the
present
Authoritie
.
But
secondly
,
In
case
the
Justices
either
in
Law
,
or
by
reason
of
the
power
that
now
rules
England
,
had
to
my
understanding
been
a
thousand
times
lesse
unquestionable
then
it
is
,
and
had
neither
against
the
rules
of
reason
ejected
two
parts
of
three
to
set
up
themselves
,
nor
outstrip'd
its
Commission
in
sitting
longer
then
they
should
,
nor
never
had
been
forced
on●e
by
the
Apprentices
,
which
the
Army
called
and
declared
Treason
,
●nd
th●se
that
remained
a
mock
and
pretended
Parliament
;
and
if
so
,
the●
it
was
dissolved
,
●●ing
sine
die
▪
and
could
legally
meet
no
more
at
all
:
nor
once
forced
by
the
Army
;
and
then
the
second
time
not
onely
forced
,
but
pick'd
and
culled
,
and
one
of
four
left
behinde
,
by
means
of
which
it
was
total●y
d●stroyed
and
ann●h
lated
,
and
none
left
in
a
manner
but
such
as
●ould
d●
what
those
that
left
them
would
have
them
:
I
say
,
if
none
of
all
this
had
been
,
I
could
not
with
freenesse
of
my
own
spirit
live
upon
the
sweat
of
poor
peoples
brows
,
by
a
large
Salary
for
my
place
,
who
are
●●in
(
now
their
Trades
are
gone
,
their
estates
spent
for
the
int●●●ed
recovering
of
their
freedoms
(
of
which
notwithstanding
they
are
cheated
,
and
that
by
their
pretended
friends
)
and
a
famine
come
upon
some
parts
of
the
Land
,
and
thousands
ready
to
starve
)
to
pay
taxations
and
Excise
for
the
small
beer
they
drink
,
and
the
poor
clothes
they
wear
,
thousands
of
Families
having
never
a
penny
in
the
world
to
buy
bread
for
them
,
their
wives
and
children
,
but
what
they
earn
with
the
sweat
of
their
brows
,
and
notwithstanding
are
almost
as
much
without
work
,
as
without
it
:
and
yet
out
of
the
bowels
,
and
pining
bellies
of
these
poor
people
,
in
this
sad
and
deplorable
condition
must
my
salary
have
come
,
in
case
I
had
taken
a
publick
place
upon
me
:
Therefore
when
I
seriously
consider
how
many
men
in
the
Parliamen●
▪
and
else-where
of
their
associates
(
that
judge
themselves
the
onely
Saints
and
godly
men
upon
earth
)
that
have
considerable
(
and
some
of
them
vast
)
estates
of
their
own
inheritance
,
and
yet
take
five
hundred
,
one
,
two
,
three
,
four
,
five
,
six
thousand
pounds
per
annum
salaries
,
and
other
comings
in
by
their
places
,
and
that
out
of
the
too
much
exhausted
publick
Treasury
of
the
Nation
,
when
thousands
,
not
onely
of
the
people
of
the
world
,
as
they
call
them
,
but
also
of
the
precious
and
redeemed
Lambs
of
Christ
,
are
ready
to
sterve
for
want
of
bread
,
I
cannot
but
wonder
with
my self
,
whether
they
have
any
conscience
at
all
within
them
or
no
,
and
what
they
think
of
that
saying
of
the
Spirit
of
God
:
That
whoso
hath
this
worlds
good
,
and
seeth
his
brother
hath
need
,
and
shutteth
up
his
bowles
of
compassion
from
him
,
(
which
he
absolutely
doth
,
that
any
way
takes
a
little
of
his
little
from
him
)
how
dwelleth
the
love
of
God
in
him
?
1
John
3.
17.
These
actions
and
practice●
are
so
far
from
being
like
the
true
and
reall
children
of
the
most
high
,
that
they
are
the
highest
oppression
,
theft
and
murder
in
the
world
,
thus
to
rob
the
poor
people
in
the
day
of
their
great
distresse
,
by
Excise
,
Taxations
,
&c.
to
maintain
their
pomp
,
super●●uities
,
and
debauchery
;
and
many
of
those
from
whom
they
take
it
,
do
perish
and
sterve
with
want
and
hunger
in
the
mean
time
;
and
be
deaf
and
adamant
hearted
to
all
their
TEARS
,
CRY●S
,
LAMENTATIONS
and
MOURNFUL
HOWLING
GROANS
;
without
all
doubt
these
pretended
godly
,
religious
men
have
got
a
degree
beyond
those
Atheists
or
fools
,
that
say
in
their
hearts
,
There
is
no
God
,
Psal
.
14.
1.
and
53.
1.
And
these
are
my
reasons
(
with
my
resolvednesse
of
walking
by
a
known
rule
amongst
men
,
the
declared
Law
of
England
)
for
not
taking
a
publick
place
upon
me
,
though
I
have
often
been
prof●ered
considerable
ones
,
yea
,
that
very
fore-noon
the
Votes
of
Treason
passed
in
the
House
against
that
honest
Book
or
Addresse
for
which
I
am
imprisoned
,
called
,
THE
SECOND
PART
OF
ENGLAND's
NEW
CHAD●
DISCOVERED
.
In
the
third
place
,
I
considered
with
my self
,
that
seeing
I
could
do
neither
of
those
,
then
I
must
do
one
of
these
two
;
first
,
●ither
●ollow
a
Trade
;
or
else
,
Go
and
b●y
,
〈◊〉
farme
some
Land
in
the
Country
:
and
when
I
considered
the
grand
oppressions
there
,
as
by
Tythes
,
which
is
not
onely
annually
the
tenth
part
of
the
Husband
mans
prof●t
to
the
lazy
,
antichristian
,
time
observing
Priests
;
but
annually
the
fourth
part
of
his
increase
,
labour
,
h●zards
,
yea
,
and
stock
too
;
which
Tythes
I
should
sooner
〈…〉
then
pay
:
and
not
onely
so
,
but
also
the
Taxations
and
Excise
,
with
that
un
〈◊〉
gulf
of
free-quarter
,
by
means
of
which
a
great
Officer
that
bore
me
a
spleen
(
amongst
whom
I
have
enemies
enough
)
with
a
Pegiment
,
or
more
,
or
fewer
,
in
two
or
three
nights
(
with
free-quarter
)
might
eat
me
(
by
force
of
arms
)
out
of
house
and
home
and
so
not
only
waste
the
increase
,
but
also
destroy
the
principall
.
And
so
for
these
●●sons
I
was
bloc●t
ost
from
going
to
live
in
the
Country
.
Then
secondly
,
for
a
Trade
,
I
must
either
follow
it
in
London
,
or
in
some
other
Corporation
:
and
in
another
Corporation
(
although
the
King
the
root
and
〈◊〉
of
them
be
destroyed
,
and
although
I
am
not
onely
a
Native
and
free
Denizen
of
England
,
and
served
many
yeers
to
learn
a
Trade
in
London
,
yet
in
any
considerable
Corporation
in
England
)
can
I
not
with
indrustry
be
suffered
to
follow
a
Trade
or
Merchandizing
to
get
me
bread
,
unlesse
I
be
a
Free
man
thereof
;
yea
,
Newcastle
,
the
chiefest
place
in
my
eye
,
being
nigh
the
aboad
of
my
Father
and
kindred
,
is
so
grand
i●haunsing
a
Monopol●zer
,
that
it
monopoliseth
the
River
of
Time
,
yea
,
and
the
〈◊〉
for
seven
miles
distance
;
although
it
can
produce
neither
Law
nor
Reason
therefore
,
〈◊〉
onely
a
large
bribing
purse
of
the
whole
Corporation
;
which
they
in
that
Town
say
,
is
so
heavie
,
it
will
break
any
private
particular
mans
back
:
which
yet
I
should
〈◊〉
have
feared
,
had
there
been
any
equall
Law
to
have
been
had
from
the
Administration
thereof
in
any
of
the
Courts
of
Justice
in
England
,
being
as
well
able
(
at
least
in
my
own
thoughts
)
to
plead
my
own
case
in
Law
at
any
Bar
against
an
inhaunsing
Corporation
,
or
a
Patentee
Monopolizer
(
both
of
which
are
against
the
fundamentall
Law●
and
Liberties
of
England
,
as
is
notably
proved
by
Cook
in
his
exposition
of
the
〈◊〉
of
Monopolies
,
3
part
Instit
.
fol.
181.
182.
&c.
)
as
any
Lawer
in
England
,
it
being
〈◊〉
undoubted
right
both
by
Law
(
See
28.
Ed.
1.
chap.
11.
and
the
Statute
that
abolished
the
Star-chamber
)
and
Reason
,
to
plead
mine
own
cause
,
or
any
of
my
friends
that
will
〈◊〉
and
trust
me
;
〈◊〉
any
Barristers
in
the
Nation
,
which
I
will
publickly
dispute
with
〈…〉
any
day
in
the
week
;
and
for
the
unjustnesse
of
Corporations
and
Monopolies
,
〈◊〉
are
both
sons
of
one
father
,
read
my
forementioned
Book
,
called
,
Innocency
and
Truth
j●stified
,
from
the
46
page
to
the
63.
and
my
book
called
,
Londons
Liberties
in
〈…〉
covered
,
but
especially
pag.
21.
22.
36.
38.
41.
43.
44
45.
to
58.
And
my
second
part
of
it
,
called
Londons
Charters
,
pag.
36.
37.
to
64.
So
being
for
the
foregoing
reasons
block'd
off
from
following
a
Trade
any
where
else
but
in
or
about
London
,
where
I
had
the
choi●●
of
three
things
.
First
,
Either
to
set
up
a
Shop
in
the
City
;
which
I
was
staved
off
from
,
for
these
Reasons
:
First
,
Because
the
Court
of
Aldermen
are
so
oppressive
in
their
Government
of
the
City
,
setting
up
their
own
wills
,
humours
,
and
irrational
ridiculous
Customs
above
both
the
Law
,
Reason
and
their
own
Charters
;
which
I
knowing
so
well
as
I
do
,
(
and
which
is
pretty
well
anatomized
in
my
foresaid
Books
)
I
should
never
bear
,
and
so
●e
continually
in
broils
,
which
was
my
earnest
desire
to
avoid
.
Secondly
,
A
man
cannot
well
keep
any
considerable
Trade
i●
a
Shop
,
but
he
m●st
trust
much
;
which
I
man
many
times
hazard
the
losse
of
;
especially
in
these
impo●●ishing
times
,
or
else
to
L●w
for
it
,
which
I
never
loved
(
never
having
had
two
S●its
in
my
life
,
that
I
can
remember
)
not
onely
for
the
j●ngling
part
of
it
,
but
also
for
the
tedious
,
chargeable
,
intricate
,
hazardous
uncertainty
of
the
proceedings
therein
,
as
the
Judges
on
purpose
have
made
it
to
get
money
;
for
being
often
in
company
with
an
able
,
and
a
very
honest
man
for
a
Lawyer
,
with
other
understanding
friends
,
where
we
〈◊〉
●ouble
discourses
of
the
abuses
of
the
Law
,
which
were
particularly
instanced
to
be
many
,
I
took
special
notice
▪
of
two
things
he
often
averred
(
to
his
praise
I
spe●●
it
)
besides
the
proceeding
for
the
most
part
in
an
unknown
tongue
,
and
an
unlegible
hand
as
write
,
&c.
which
two
things
were
these
,
that
he
would
make
good
;
First
,
According
to
the
practice
in
Westminster
Hall
,
If
a
man
lent
another
man
100
l.
500
l.
or
1000
l.
&c.
and
had
as
good
security
as
any
in
England
can
give
;
yet
when
the
day
of
payment
comes
,
if
the
party
be
a
crafty
b●ffling
man
,
and
have
a
good
purse
,
he
shall
keep
a
man
in
the
Courts
in
Westminster
Hall
three
or
four
yeers
in
suit
,
let
him
do
the
worst
he
could
,
before
he
could
get
his
money
;
nay
,
nor
never
shall
get
it
neither
,
unlesse
he
have
a
purse
also
able
in
some
reasonable
measure
to
bold
pace
with
him
:
but
in
case
in
any
of
that
time
(
by
sicknesse
,
losse
or
other
c●sua●ties
)
he
happen
to
fall
poor
,
and
so
not
able
in
money
to
pay
fees
,
&c.
it
s
lost
for
ever
:
besides
all
this
,
the
h●zards
he
runs
(
are
sufficient
)
by
being
betrayed
,
bought
,
and
sold
by
his
Solicitor
or
Atturney
,
&c.
Besides
the
danger
of
common
Knights
of
the
post
,
to
swear
the
money
's
paid
,
&c.
Secondly
,
He
did
averre
,
that
he
would
make
it
good
before
the
Speaker
at
the
Bar
of
the
House
of
Commons
upon
his
life
;
that
for
the
Chancery
(
which
trades
men
upon
book
accounts
&c.
are
subject
often
to
use
,
and
there
is
not
a
decree
of
100l
.
from
one
yeares
end
to
the
other
made
in
that
Court
,
but
jumbling
all
the
decrees
together
one
with
another
,
some
suits
holding
10
,
15
,
20
,
30
yeares
,
nay
some
above
,
but
first
and
last
it
costs
the
P●●intief
500l
.
for
eveey
hundred
pound
decreed
one
with
another
;
O
brave
,
honest
and
reforming
Parliament
who
in
three
dayes
might
mend
all
this
easily
and
plainly
,
by
a
County
record
,
by
which
a
Suit
never
need
to
be
of
a
months
continuance
,
and
for
which
th●y
have
often
been
Petitioned
,
but
yet
will
not
,
but
suffer
it
to
continue
worse
then
they
found
it
,
for
all
their
great
promises
in
their
first
Remonstances
,
&c.
to
the
contrary
;
yea
and
give
their
Judges
their
places
freely
,
and
1000l
.
per
annum
out
of
the
Co●mon-wealths
mony
,
besides
all
their
illegall
and
unf●domable
fees
;
whereas
in
the
Kings
time
they
had
but
200
l.
per
annum
sallery
and
their
fees
;
and
most
commonly
paid
5
,
6
,
7
,
8
,
9000
l
for
their
places
,
an
[
yet
were
every
whit
as
just
as
these
are
,
for
any
thing
that
over
I
could
hear
of
to
to
the
contrary
,
and
I
think
I
have
enquired
as
diligently
into
both
as
any
one
private
man
in
England
hath
done
;
so
for
these
reasons
I
durst
not
meddle
with
a
shop
in
London
.
And
then
in
the
next
place
,
having
multitudes
of
acquaintance
both
in
City
and
Country
,
I
had
thoughts
out
of
the
Cities
Freedom
to
turn
Soap-boyler
,
being
a
good
trade
and
most
vendible
for
ready
mony
,
and
in
it
I
met
with
these
discouragements
;
viz.
First
,
That
there
are
new
Monopolies
upon
some
of
the
principall
materials
that
makes
them
double
prised
to
what
they
used
to
be
,
which
most
commonly
are
all
imported
from
beyond
seas
,
as
oyl
,
tallow
and
pot-ashes
,
for
which
is
paid
both
custome
and
Excise
,
yea
and
for
the
very
coles
that
boyles
them
4
or
5s
.
in
a
Chaldron
;
and
scarce
any
thing
free
from
Excise
that
belongs
to
it
,
or
to
the
backs
or
bellies
of
the
men
that
work
it
,
but
the
very
water
;
and
yet
notwithstanding
when
it
is
boyled
and
all
hazard
run
,
as
spoyling
or
breaking
of
vessels
,
falling
of
the
price
of
sope
,
or
none
vending
of
it
,
besides
many
other
ac●identall
casualties
,
yet
out
of
the
very
s●et
of
his
brows
and
the
industry
and
labour
of
the
very
fingers
ends
,
there
must
Excise
be
paid
of
so
much
a
Barrell
;
and
that
which
is
worst
of
all
is
this
,
my
House
which
used
to
be
my
Castle
,
and
so
it
is
by
Law
,
night
or
day
must
be
at
the
Knave
Excise
mans
pleasure
,
to
search
and
break
open
for
unsealed
soape
when
he
pleaseth
;
nay
,
notwithstanding
all
this
I
must
be
had
to
take
my
oath
(
after
they
will
not
trust
me
,
but
have
searched
what
they
can
)
at
the
Excis●
Office
,
that
I
have
made
no
more
but
so
and
so
,
and
it
may
be
I
judge
such
an
Oath
altogether
unlawfull
,
and
therefore
cannot
take
it
,
and
therefore
to
prison
without
any
more
adoe
I
goe
,
and
must
be
fined
at
the
will
of
the
chief
Excisers
,
and
pay
a
noble
a
day
to
the
Serjeant
at
Armes
,
besides
his
mans
fees
;
and
if
I
do
take
my
oath
can
forswear
my self
,
I
hazard
the
Pillory
for
perjury
besides
the
wounding
of
my
conscience
;
but
if
I
be
consciencious
that
I
cannot
set
my
conscience
upon
the
tenter-hooks
by
forswearing
of
my self
;
then
I
am
destroyed
in
my
trade
by
others
that
will
undersell
me
by
this
stealing
Excise
,
and
swearing
soundly
to
the
contrary
too
,
judging
i●
(
with
Cromwell
as
Major
Huntington
in
his
impeachment
of
him
declares
)
no
sinne
in
may
be
to
deceive
the
de●●iver
or
oppress●●y
and
all
this
lyes
upon
us
;
in
the
first
year
of
Englands
Freedom
by
the
Conservators
of
the
Liberties
thereof
,
who
yet
●ealously
and
for
the
peoples
welfare
chopt
of
the
Kings
head
for
tyranny
&
oppression
,
although
his
●oynes
were
never
so
heavy
as
their
little
finger
is
,
O
brave
,
unerring
,
unsinning
,
and
everlasting
,
none
such
Parliamen
;
And
therefore
last
of
all
I
had
thoughts
towards
Winter
to
buy
of
my
Unkle
at
S●●derland
to
lay
up
some
coals
at
my
habitation
in
Winchester-house
,
to
fell
in
January
and
February
,
and
in
the
mea●●ime
to
lay
out
my
mony
in
some
adventure
for
Holland
,
and
there
I
met
with
these
difficulties
:
First
▪
although
,
I
was
as
wary
as
any
man
in
England
could
be
,
to
see
that
Master
Devenish
title
to
the
house
was
good
in
Law
,
and
so
I
might
justly
and
quietly
expect
the
injoyment
of
my
bargaine
from
him
;
And
thereby
I
see
First
his
deeds
,
and
the
Parliaments
Ordinances
thereupon
,
and
Secondly
I
went
and
spoke
with
Master
Iohn
Cook
the
Lawyer
,
who
drew
up
the
conveyances
betwixt
Master
Devenish
and
Master
Young
,
of
whom
Master
Devenish
for
his
life
bought
all
Winchester
House
in
Southwa●k
;
by
all
which
,
but
especially
from
M●ster
Cooks
owne
mouth
,
I
cleerly
and
evidently
found
Master
Levenish
had
as
good
a
right
in
all
Winchester
house
,
for
Master
Youngs
life
both
by
Law
and
Ordinance
,
as
its
possible
for
any
man
in
England
to
have
to
the
cloaths
he
wears
,
or
any
thing
else
that
he
possesseth
,
although
he
takes
the
advice
of
twenty
Lawyers
in
the
buying
and
purchasing
▪
of
them
▪
which
incouraged
me
to
strike
a
bargaine
with
him
for
three
years
,
for
as
much
of
the
House
as
I
am
to
pay
annually
almost
20l.
and
yet
since
a
Committee
of
Members
with
the
Trustees
of
Bishops
Lands
will
needs
turne
me
and
the
honest
man
(
by
force
of
Armes
)
out
of
his
Legall
possession
without
any
valuable
consideration
,
or
rendring
at
the
least
any
reason
wherefore
,
but
only
their
Soveraigne
wills
and
pleasures
.
O
BRAVE
PARLIAMENT
JUSTICE
!
without
all
doubt
this
is
the
liberty
of
the
people
,
and
the
Law
of
the
Land
,
that
we
have
been
contesting
and
fighting
for
these
seven
yeers
together
,
or
at
least
as
much
as
they
intend
(
now
they
have
conquered
us
with
our
own
mony
and
our
own
hands
)
we
shall
possesse
and
enjoy
this
unrighteous
molestation
,
which
with
their
illegall
imprisoning
of
me
hath
spoyled
a
coal-Merchant
of
me
for
the
present
.
And
in
the
second
place
,
as
my
adventuring
to
Holland
,
when
I
came
to
inquire
after
the
nature
of
that
,
I
found
these
difficulties
therin
,
First
,
A
strict
Mon●poly
,
that
none
whatsoever
shall
ship
any
white
cloth
for
that
place
but
the
Monopolisers
themselves
,
and
Secondly
a
general
monopoly
upon
woollen
commodities
whatsoever
,
that
unlesse
you
do
as
good
as
tell
a
lye
;
I
found
merchants
still
continued
to
be
the
chief
customers
,
who
it
●seems
have
a
trick
to
steal
whole
ship
loads
of
custome
for
their
own
use
,
by
mean●
of
which
they
undersell
any
other
merchant
,
yea
and
thereby
break
the
backs
of
new
beginners
;
for
being
at
my
first
inquiring
thereinto
with
Master
William
Kiffin
my
quondam
servant
,
though
now
my
prof●st
and
blood
thirsty
enemy
,
he
told
me
a
little
before
,
he
was
one
day
at
the
Custome-house
,
and
the
chief
men
there
had
catcht
a
poor
man
that
had
stolne
some
custome
,
for
which
they
were
about
fining
and
punishing
him
,
why
Master
faith
he
to
one
of
them
in
Kiffins
hearing
as
he
averred
to
me
)
will
you
be
so
angry
with
me
,
and
so
harsh
to
punish
me
for
a
small
●oy
,
when
I
am
but
your
own
scholler
,
for
I
am
sure
it
s
but
the
other
day
fin●e
by
your
own
directions
I
help●
you
to
steal
in
a
manner
a
whole
ship
load
of
uncustomed
good●
:
and
you
being
so
well
pleased
with
that
,
my
thinks
you
should
not
be
so
angry
with
me
for
stealing
a
little
custome
for
my self
.
But
then
Fourthly
,
The
Prince
was
Master
of
the
Sea
then
,
so
that
I
durst
not
venture
it
in
a
English
bottom
,
some
of
which
had
laid
in
the
Thames
divers
weeks
loaded
and
du●st
not
stirre
out
for
want
of
convoy
,
which
they
had
fought
much
for
then
to
the
Parliament
,
but
could
get
none
;
and
to
ship
it
in
a
Dutbh
bottom
,
it
did
not
only
give
the
traid
of
shipping
to
the
Dutch
,
and
so
destaoy
our
English
Ma●iners
,
but
also
by
law
to
ship
it
in
Du●th
bottom
,
it
is
consiscated
or
at
least
must
pay
the
custome
of
Aliens
or
strangers
as
appeares
by
the
statutes
of
5
R
2.
ch
.
3
&
6
K
2
cha
.
8.
&
4
H.
7
●b
10.
&
5.
&
6.
E.
6
cha
.
18.
&
1
H.
13.
But
having
bought
some
cloth
and
stuffs
I
was
necessitated
to
run
the
hazard
of
●hipping
them
in
Dutch
bottom
;
but
English
woollen
commoditie
;
being
so
great
a
drug
in
Holland
as
they
are
by
reafon
of
the
merchant
monopolisers
,
alias
mercha●t
adventurers
,
that
ingrosse
the
trade
to
themselves
,
and
buy
their
cloth
here
at
what
rates
they
please
and
sell
it
in
Holland
as
dear
a
list
;
and
so
care
not
how
little
they
vend
so
they
get
mony
enough
by
that
they
sell
and
disable
all
others
from
trayding
,
by
meanes
of
which
the
poor
people
here
that
depend
upon
cloth-making
,
wanting
work
are
necessitated
to
leave
the
land
of
their
nativity
and
goe
to
Holland
to
make
cloth
for
the
dutchmen
to
get
bread
to
keep
them
alive
;
whereby
they
have
almost
got
the
English
cloth
making
traid
,
and
our
wise
▪
just
and
long
winded
●arliament
,
are
willing
thershould
so
do
,
or
else
almost
in
nine
years
time
they
would
have
given
some
satisfactory
effectuall
answer
in
those
multitudes
of
Petitions
that
have
year
after
year
been
preferred
to
them
,
complaining
of
these
unsufferable
and
destroying
grievances
and
yet
they
can
assume
to
themselves
a
stile
of
the
Conservators
of
the
Leberties
of
England
in
the
firs●
year
of
Freedom
,
but
I
wonder
where
it
is
,
for
my
eyes
can
see
none
at
all
in
any
kind
,
but
rather
more
bondage
then
ever
,
witnesse
now
their
Treason-trap
,
&c.
So
English
cloath
being
so
great
a
drugg
there
,
that
little
profit
could
I
expect
by
my
adventure
,
unless
I
laid
out
in
the
return
most
of
my
mony
in
such
Commodities
as
are
monopolized
by
new
Patents
,
Ordinances
,
against
the
Laws
and
Liberties
of
England
▪
and
if
I
so
did
,
when
they
come
here
(
if
the
Monopolizers
catch
them
)
they
are
all
lost
;
so
here
is
our
Freedom
,
but
yet
notwithstanding
,
I
did
order
my
factor
to
lay
out
the
most
of
my
mony
there
,
in
such
commodities
only
,
being
resolved
as
soon
as
I
could
here
of
the
ships
arrival
in
the
river
of
Thames
,
to
boord
her
with
half
a
dozen
lusty
resolved
blades
;
and
with
my
own
hand
to
give
the
chief
Monopolizer's
a
b●ace
of
pistoll
bull●ts
in
his
guts
,
or
a
prick
with
my
Rapier
or
dager
,
in
case
he
came
to
take
away
my
goods
from
me
;
and
then
to
run
the
hazard
of
a
tryal
at
common
Law
,
to
see
whether
by
the
Law
of
God
,
and
of
England
;
I
could
not
justifie
the
preservation
of
my self
and
my
goods
,
from
any
that
come
to
rob
me
of
them
,
and
rather
kill
him
or
them
,
that
would
assault
me
and
them
,
then
suffer
him
or
them
to
take
away
by
force
my
livelyhood
,
and
so
by
consequence
the
life
of
me
and
my
family
,
but
the
counsell
of
States
robbing
me
of
my
liberty
,
by
my
close
imprisonment
in
the
Tower
hath
frustrated
my
marchandizing
hopes
,
yea
and
it
may
be
thereby
break
me
to
the
bargin
,
but
if
they
do
,
when
they
have
seriously
cast
up
their
gains
by
it
,
they
will
not
be
six
pence
the
richer
,
though
my
wi●●
and
●●tle
babe●
may
be
much
more
the
poorer
:
But
to
turn
back
again
to
my
coming
out
of
the
North
,
besides
the
thoughts
of
my
future
substance
,
in
some
honest
industr●●●●
calling
or
other
,
I
spent
some
time
at
Westminster
,
to
see
and
satisfie
my
own
understanding
how
the
t●●e
sail
of
things
stood
at
the
helm
,
I
mean
with
the
three
great
me●
of
the
Army
,
viz.
FAIRFAX
.
CROMWELL
,
and
IRETON
;
and
whether
I
could
finde
out
they
had
any
real
tho●●hts
to
prosecute
their
OWN
AGREEMENT
,
that
so
we
might
have
a
new
,
equal
and
just
representativ●
,
which
I
upon
my
principles
(
now
they
had
laid
Kingly
Government
aside
)
look'd
upon
as
the
only
and
alone
earthly
sal●●
to
heal
and
cu●e
the
wounds
of
this
dist●acted
and
dying
Nation
,
and
to
make
it
flourish
once
again
in
peace
,
Trade
and
all
kinde
of
outward
prosperity
,
and
without
which
our
wounds
could
never
be
hea●ed
●r
cured
by
any
other
means
that
could
be
invented
o●
conti●●●d
,
looking
in
my
own
thoughts
upon
the
then
smal
sitting
remnant
of
the
last
Parliament
,
as
a
quite
contrary
inte●est
to
the
peoples
good
or
welfare
;
distributive
Justice
and
universall
righteousness
,
being
their
bane
,
and
that
which
would
be
the
unavoydable
ruine
by
reason
of
that
horrible
g●ilt
they
have
contracted
by
their
self-seeking
unjust
wayes
upon
themselves
;
th●
great
bug-bear
the
King
being
now
gone
,
they
would
be
necessarily
l●d
,
for
the
supportation
of
themselves
in
the
evill
of
their
wayes
,
and
continuance
of
their
intended
perpetual
Greatnesse
,
to
court
,
support
,
and
make
much
of
the
chief
Supporters
of
all
the
remaining
corrupt
Interest
in
England
,
as
the
Priests
,
and
their
robbing
Tythes
,
the
banc
of
industry
;
the
Laywers
,
and
their
monopolizing
pleadings
,
and
all
their
old
and
base
inslaving
corruptions
in
the
execution
of
the
Laws
,
as
bad
in
a
manner
as
the
old
bondage
of
Egypt
;
and
of
old
and
illegall
Charter-mongers
,
the
inhaunsers
,
engrossers
,
and
Monopolizers
of
Trade
,
and
all
the
base
bondages
thereunto
belonging
;
the
peoples
freedoms
and
liberties
being
the
onely
thing
now
dreaded
by
them
●●
the
only
engine
to
pull
down
all
the
steps
they
have
long
laid
for
their
elective
Kingship
,
and
the
single
injoyment
amongst
themselves
alone
(
and
their
vassals
,
slaves
and
creatures
)
of
all
the
great
places
thereunto
belonging
,
and
thereupon
depending
,
which
yet
they
must
not
immediately
do
,
but
go
about
it
gradually
,
and
first
get
the
power
of
seeming
legall
authority
,
into
a
narrower
compasse
then
it
was
,
in
their
purged
House
of
Commons
;
that
so
that
might
rule
,
counsel
and
direct
their
mock
▪
Parliament
;
and
the
Councel
of
the
Army
●ight
rule
that
;
by
means
of
which
(
what
with
the
service
of
Irelan●
,
&c.
)
they
might
so
mo●●lize
their
Army
,
that
it
in
due
time
might
totally
become
slavish
by
obeying
without
dispute
what
ever
their
great
Officers
command
them
,
and
so
unanimously
elect
,
and
impose
upon
the
people
their
present
generall
for
their
King
,
as
the
onely
fit
,
able
,
and
best
deserving
man
in
England
for
that
soveraign
Place
;
provided
,
under-hand
he
would
ingage
too
high
and
mighty
Oliver
,
and
his
Son
in
law
Henry
Ireton
,
to
be
sure
to
do
a●
they
would
have
him
,
and
in
his
Kingship
to
promote
those
that
they
would
have
advanced
,
that
so
one
of
them
might
not
fail
after
his
decease
to
succeed
him
;
and
so
in
time
,
with
their
long
continued
power
and
wils
,
keep
it
in
their
Line
,
as
the
onely
deserving
Family
in
this
Nation
,
who
saved
it
from
its
enemies
(
for
their
own
ends
)
in
the
day
of
its
distresse
;
whose
battels
it
fought
pretendedly
for
the
Liberties
of
England
,
crying
out
Jehu
like
,
1
Kings
10.
16.
Co●e
,
See
my
zeal
therefore
in
cutting
off
the
Kings
head
,
&c.
and
razing
out
his
Family
:
And
undoubtedly
it
is
of
the
Lord
,
for
he
hath
prospered
me
in
it
(
and
so
he
did
Judas
in
betraying
Christ
)
and
no●e
hath
been
able
to
stand
before
me
,
When
as
,
alas
,
all
this
successe
may
be
no
more
but
the
rod
of
God
to
chastise
a
then
more
wicked
Family
,
designed
by
God
to
that
destruction
;
for
the
transgressions
,
sin
,
or
blood
thereof
;
Yet
for
all
this
,
the
heart
may
be
no
more
upright
then
John's
was
,
which
vantingly
lifted
up
by
his
great
su●c●ss
,
&
took
no
beed
at
all
to
walk
in
the
Law
of
(
JUSTICE
,
TRUTH
,
and
OBEDIENCE
)
the
Lord
God
of
Israel
with
all
his
heart
,
but
followed
after
(
MANS
INVENTIONS
and
DEVICES
)
JEROBOAM'S
wickedness
,
to
win
the
golden
calfs
in
DAN
and
BETHEL
;
for
which
wickedness
and
pride
of
his
spirit
,
(
after
all
his
success
in
fulfilling
the
express
will
and
command
of
God
in
cutting
of
from
the
earth
Ahabs
family
,
for
the
transcendent
wickedness
thereof
)
yet
God
begun
to
plague
him
,
and
in
those
daies
cut
ISRAEL
sho●●
,
ye
and
afterward
for
the
pride
and
wickedness
of
his
posterity
(
unto
whom
to
the
fourth
generation
God
gave
the
Crown
of
Israel
)
for
JEHU
doing
well
in
executing
that
which
was
right
in
his
eyes
,
in
utt●●●y
●●ing
of
the
house
of
AHAB
for
their
●lo●dt●ir●●y
wi●kedness
,
according
to
the
heart
and
mi●●
of
God
,
vers
.
13.
brought
such
plagues
upon
him
and
his
people
,
that
they
became
a
spoil
to
all
their
neighbours
,
which
made
their
affl●ction
very
bitter
;
insomuch
that
there
was
not
any
shut
up
,
〈◊〉
any
left
,
nor
any
helper
for
Israel
,
chap.
14.
26.
And
as
JEHU
to
the
eyes
of
men
conspired
against
his
Master
and
killed
him
,
being
but
a
Captain
in
Isra●l
;
so
Shalum
the
son
of
JABESH
conspi●ed
against
the
last
of
his
race
,
and
smote
him
before
the
people
and
sl●w
him
,
and
raigned
in
his
stead
,
Chap.
15.
10.
but
because
those
that
followed
after
took
no
wa●ning
by
the
righteons
and
grievous
punishment
of
their
predecessors
for
their
wicke●nesse
,
to
w●lk
righteously
and
justly
before
the
Lord
;
Therefore
he
made
thei●
R●ignes
very
mort
,
and
full
of
blood
and
bitter
affliction
;
and
brought
their
heads
to
their
graves
most
commonly
by
Conspiracy
,
and
that
many
times
of
their
SERVANTS
&
CAPTAINS
;
as
the
sequel
of
the
Story
shews
.
And
in
my
Observations
and
private
discourses
at
Westminster
,
I
apparently
found
it
to
be
as
I
fea●ed
,
their
main
endevours
being
closely
carryed
on
to
perpetuate
this
Parliament
for
ever
,
and
by
it
,
a
new
(
and
then
)
endevoured
to
be
erected
Councell
of
State
,
and
the
Councell
of
Warr
,
for
the
future
(
by
the
rules
of
their
wills
)
to
govern
this
declared
Free
Nation
arbitrarily
;
and
to
make
some
Gr●nd
examples
of
●error
,
as
that
none
for
time
to
come
should
dare
to
stir
;
Which
I
there
clea●ly
saw
,
to
my
vexation
and
trouble
,
but
was
inwardly
forced
to
bite
my
lip
and
be
silent
:
but
that
which
perplexed
me
most
was
that
I
found
promotion
and
promised
hopes
of
honour
and
gain
had
very
much
changed
the
principles
,
and
cool'd
the
zeal
of
three
or
four
of
my
familiar
acquaintance
and
bosome
friends
,
●●at
not
long
before
had
been
visibly
and
frequently
the
valia
west
,
stoutest
,
ablest
Champions
▪
for
Englands
Libe●●ies
and
Freedomes
that
I
know
in
the
Nation
;
some
of
whom
very
fairly
and
smoothly
dealt
often
with
my self
,
to
be
as
prudent
and
wise
in
acceptation
of
the
favours
,
and
familiar
respects
of
great
men
,
as
they
had
done
;
and
at
my
coming
to
town
Duke
Hamilton
,
and
the
stout
Lord
Capel
&c.
had
newly
entred
upon
the
stage
for
the
tryal
of
their
lives
,
and
I
confess
,
I
was
exceeding
curious
,
in
satisfiing
my self
about
the
manner
of
dealing
with
them
,
and
so
up
into
the
court
I
got
and
heard
the
begining
of
their
defence
,
●nd
afterwards
went
and
spoke
with
them
,
looking
upon
them
as
part
of
the
people
of
England
,
unto
whom
if
any
injustice
was
done
,
it
became
a
p●esident
to
destroy
me
,
or
the
most
righteous
man
in
England
,
if
the
swaying
faction
pleased
,
and
s●e●ng
thes●m●n●a
knowledg
themselves
subject
●●
the
penal
part
of
the
Law
,
as
well
as
the
directive
part
(
which
the
King
never
did
but
to
his
dying
hour
maintained
,
those
two
most
ABOMINABLE
AND
ALL
HUMAINE
SOCIETY-dest●o●ing
〈◊〉
viz.
that
he
was
acco●●table
to
no
power
on
earth
,
(
but
God
a
one
)
as
to
punishment
for
any
of
his
actions
,
though
never
so
wicked
:
And
secondly
that
the
●eople
have
no
share
●n
Government
,
I
thought
my self
and
the
liberties
of
my
native
Country
concerned
in
the
manner
of
their
trial
▪
though
I
neither
the●
nor
now
liked
the
cause
in
whi●h
they
i●ga●ed
)
as
knowing
and
seeing
very
well
when
the
hedges
and
freedoms
of
our
liberties
and
freedoms
have
but
a
gape
broken
downe
in
them
,
it
is
likely
in
time
not
only
to
become
a
path
,
but
●
high
〈…〉
,
to
let
in
such
an
inundation
of
illegalities
and
arbitrarits
as
shall
over●●ow
all
and
〈◊〉
downe
all
underfoot
,
which
is
plainly
to
be
read
in
Sit
Walter
K●●leys
〈◊〉
H●story
of
the
Thirty
grand
Tyrants
of
Athens
,
in
his
History
of
the
World
,
lib.
chap.
9.
〈◊〉
.
2.
●ol
.
And
which
in
time
might
become
a
meanes
to
pervert
all
the
whole
〈◊〉
of
the
whole
English
Government
,
of
which
my
mind
being
full
,
I
argued
th●●
with
my
s●l●e
.
〈…〉
be
these
mens
lives
they
would
have
right
or
wrong
,
then
they
should
have
killed
them
in
the
heat
of
bloud
and
not
have
given
them
quarter
,
or
after
quarter
given
〈◊〉
notwithstanding
broke
,
and
so
have
dispatched
them
by
shooting
or
otherwise
killing
them
in
their
Chambers
or
the
like
;
but
to
reserve
them
many
months
together
alive
,
and
b●ing
them
out
in
the
face
of
the
Sunne
,
preten●●ing
to
take
away
their
lives
by
the
rules
of
Justice
and
Law.
Well
then
what
is
done
unto
them
in
this
case
,
must
be
〈◊〉
in
the
meanes
and
method
of
Justice
as
well
as
in
the
end
,
and
the
Law
of
England
〈◊〉
their
b●●th●ight
and
inh●ritan●e
in
every
puncti●●io
of
it
as
well
as
mine
or
any
mans
in
the
Nation
,
and
indeed
the
end
of
the
making
of
the
Law
is
for
transgressors
,
by
the
〈◊〉
of
which
their
actions
ought
to
be
measared
,
the
priviledges
and
benefit
of
which
all
their
〈◊〉
ought
not
to
be
denied
(
nay
if
they
be
ignorant
of
their
legall
priviledges
,
the
Judge
ought
to
instruct
and
inform
them
thereof
)
nay
or
any
stander
by
else
that
is
present
at
the
tryal
,
and
the
law
renders
this
reason
,
lest
the
prisoner
at
the
Bar
should
unjustly
〈◊〉
his
life
by
the
errors
of
the
proceedings
of
the
Court
,
3.
p●●
.
insti
.
fol.
29.
137.
〈◊〉
,
for
a
righteous
man
the
Law
was
never
made
for
him
,
neither
hath
he
any
need
to
claime
the
benefit
of
the
severall
priviledges
of
it
,
because
he
doth
not
transgresse
it
;
but
because
so
much
malice
and
wickednesse
is
in
the
hearts
of
the
sons
of
men
,
that
many
times
the
wicked
and
guilty
accuseth
the
righteous
and
innocent
,
therefore
the
wisdom
of
our
fore
▪
●●thers
,
and
the
righteousnesse
of
the
Laws
they
made
for
us
and
have
left
unto
●s
is
such
that
no
man
though
never
so
notorious
in
publick
fame
,
is
to
be
esteemed
or
〈◊〉
i
guilty
man
or
transgressor
(
in
the
eye
of
the
law
)
till
he
be
legally
and
duly
convided
of
the
crime
laid
unto
his
charge
by
the
rules
and
methods
of
the
Law
:
the
law
of
England
is
as
much
to
be
magnified
,
as
Sir
Edward
Cock
often
stiles
it
,
being
a
Law
of
〈◊〉
,
2
par
.
insti
.
fol.
315.
favours
much
the
life
of
man
,
because
of
all
things
in
the
world
it
is
most
precious
,
fol.
ibid
30
see
his
exposition
of
magna
charta
in
2
par
.
inst
but
especially
fol.
42.
43.
46
,
47.
51.
56.
but
above
all
read
that
most
excellentest
of
all
his
discourses
upon
the
righteousnesse
,
equity
,
safety
,
and
justnesse
of
the
tryall
by
Juries
of
12
(
●iber
〈◊〉
lega●is
home
)
free
and
legall
men
(
NEXT
)
of
the
neighbourhood
in
his
1
pa●
.
Insti
.
ib.
●
chap.
12
Sect.
234.
which
Parliaments
cannot
destroy
nor
change
,
because
it
is
impossible
for
them
to
find
out
a
juster
or
better
way
of
tryall
and
they
〈◊〉
to
provide
for
our
weale
,
but
not
for
o●r
woe
,
●
par
▪
book
.
Doc.
p.
150.
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
doe
what
they
list
but
what
they
ought
1
par
.
●ook
dee
.
p.
172.
205.
214.
266.
267.
〈◊〉
494.
497
499.
656.
660.
666.
696.
706.
707.
〈◊〉
2
par
.
fol.
95.
&
Declarat
17
March
164●
p.
6.
21
,
28
,
27.
For
all
the
idle
pratings
of
any
new
upstart
'
SONS
OF
BELIAL
amongst
us
,
such
as
the
Author
of
the
late
abominable
Book
called
the
DISCOVERER
which
is
commonly
reported
to
be
partly
Master
Frosts
Secretary
to
the
〈◊〉
call●d
the
〈◊〉
of
〈◊〉
,
and
p●incipal●y
that
Apostate
,
IOHN
CAN
law
if
〈◊〉
,
and
now
of
the
Parish
of
B●w
,
whose
conscience
by
that
appeares
so
bread
〈◊〉
it
will
without
doubt
lead
him
to
worship
with
the
Turks
Alkeron
if
it
were
in
〈◊〉
,
and
fat
livings
to
be
got
by
so
doing
;
But
let
all
men
in
Authority
and
great
place●
〈◊〉
value
thei
own
heads
and
lives
;
Remember
Dudly
and
Epsons
punishments
Privy
Co●cellors
to
H●n●y
the●
eve●●●
,
for
proceeding
by
the
rules
of
their
discretion
i●
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
laying
aside
the
tryals
by
Juries
of
twelve
men
,
the
ancient
and
undoubted
birthright
of
the
Subject
4
part
inst
.
fol.
41.
for
which
they
lost
their
heads
as
Traytors
for
subvert●ng
the
fundamentall
Liberties
of
the
people
,
although
they
had
an
Act
of
Parliament
(
viz.
11
Hen.
7.
ch●
.
3.
recorded
4
par
.
inst
.
●ol
.
40
)
made
by
as
unquestionable
power
in
Law
as
ever
was
in
being
in
England
,
in
a
free
and
full
Parliament
,
c●●sisting
of
King
,
Lords
Spi●ituall
and
Tempor●ll
,
and
Commens
;
to
authorise
and
beat
them
out
in
what
they
did
,
of
whom
you
may
read
most
excellently
in
Cooks
inst
.
viz.
2
par
.
fol.
51
&
4
par
.
fol.
41.
197
,
198.
199.
And
in
my
musing
with
my self
of
their
conditionn
,
my
thoughts
were
something
to
this
purpose
the
actions
done
and
acted
by
them
,
were
either
crimes
or
no
crimes
,
crimes
as
to
men
they
could
not
be
,
unlesse
they
were
transgressions
of
a
knowne
and
declared
law
in
being
in
the
Nation
before
their
acts
were
done
,
(
for
saith
the
Spirit
of
Truth
,
Where
there
is
no
Law
there
can
be
●●
transg●ession
,
Rom.
4.
15.
)
and
if
so
then
to
punish
them
for
their
acts
(
or
facts
)
any
other
wayes
,
or
by
any
other
rules
,
manner
or
methods
then
is
by
those
Laws
against
which
they
had
transgressed
,
is
expressed
and
pres●ibed
,
is
very
grand
injustree
▪
and
the
most
righteous
and
justest
men
in
the
world
,
(
under
such
practises
)
can
never
be
safe
or
secure
,
but
are
alwayes
liable
in
liberty
,
estate
and
life
,
to
be
levell●d
and
destroyed
by
the
will
,
mallice
and
pleasure
,
of
the
present
s●aying
grand
faction
,
in
which
condition
a
man
differs
nothing
from
a
brute
beast
,
but
in
shape
;
But
the
High
Court
of
Justice
,
erected
to
try
them
,
was
a
pretended
Court
of
Justice
,
not
knowne
to
the
visible
and
declared
law
of
England
(
being
in
its
constitution
altogether
against
all
the
English
Rules
of
justice
,
No
nor
in
being
when
their
facts
were
committed
;
And
therefore
had
no
pretence
at
all
being
but
a
new
constitution
to
meddle
with
Judging
of
their
facts
committed
before
it
had
a
being
,
or
was
brought
forth
into
the
world
.
Besides
the
erection
of
it
(
I
mean
a
High
Court
of
Justice
)
to
try
men
for
siding
with
the
King
in
?
the
late
warrs
against
the
Parliament
is
a
meer
and
cleer
giving
away
,
and
surrendring
up
the
legallity
of
their
cause
in
o
the
Kings
hands
,
telling
the
people
in
effect
hereby
,
its
true
we
have
waged
warre
against
the
King
,
but
if
his
sword
had
been
as
long
as
ours
he
might
easily
if
he
had
pleased
have
hanged
us
all
by
the
rules
of
Justice
for
transgressing
●
l●w
in
being
.
But
we
having
by
the
chanc●
of
war
prevailed
against
him
alass
,
we
have
no
law
of
our
sides
,
by
the
rules
of
which
we
can
hang
any
of
his
party
,
but
must
be
forced
to
take
away
their
lives
by
the
rules
of
our
own
wills
and
power
,
by
rules
of
pretended
Law
m●de
after
their
facts
committed
,
and
for
the
demonstrating
of
this
unto
all
that
have
adhered
unto
us
,
we
Erect
a
New
High
Court
of
Justicely
new
rules
never
known
in
England
to
try
them
,
that
so
our
friends
that
have
adhered
to
us
,
may
see
where
they
are
,
and
betimes
provide
for
their
own
safety
,
and
never
trust
or
beleeve
OUR
DECLARATIONS
AND
REMONSTRANCES
ANY
MORE
;
for
though
we
formerly
told
you
we
had
the
Law
of
our
sides
;
yet
by
our
setting
up
this
High
Court
of
Justice
,
to
be
both
parties
,
Jury
and
Judges
,
we
plainly
tel
you
there
was
no
such
thing
,
but
that
then
what
we
told
you
was
lyes
and
falshood●
and
that
you
should
beleeve
us
no
more
:
for
though
then
we
told
you
we
would
maintaine
the
Law
,
especially
of
Liberty
and
Propriety
,
and
that
it
was
●
transcenden●
wickednesse
in
us
to
destroy
it
,
and
by
our
votes
at
our
wills
and
pleasures
to
disposeor
levell
all
the
peoples
estates
,
liberties
and
properties
;
yet
now
we
iell
you
,
we
never
in
our
hearts
intended
any
such
thing
,
but
that
our
designe
was
totally
(
if
we
did
overcome
)
never
to
keep
any
of
our
promises
:
but
absolutely
to
destroy
all
Law
,
and
by
our
absolute
will
,
by
all
manner
of
new
erected
engins
,
to
debase
and
breake
the
peoples
Spirits
,
and
to
dispose
of
their
liberties
,
estates
and
lives
by
the
absolute
rule
of
their
own
wills
,
and
as
a
cle●●
demonstration
to
your
understanding
that
we
never
intended
otherwise
,
,
we
erect
this
HIGH
COURT
OF
JUSTICE
,
composed
of
suck
〈◊〉
we
know
will
obey
and
execute
the
absolute
dictats
of
our
wills
,
●e
they
〈…〉
,
without
ever
examining
whether
our
commands
be
consonant
to
law
,
reason
,
eq●ity
,
justice
or
conscience
,
being
of
as
absolute
implicite
faith
in
belcl●ering
of
us
(
because
we
have
promised
they
shall
●aign
with
us
or
under
us
)
as
ever
any
papish
in
the
world
were
believing
the
Pop●
.
Thirdly
,
Admit
this
had
been
an
unquestionable
(
representative
of
the
people
)
Parliament
,
who
by
ve●●●●
th●●●●f
hath
had
a
power
to
levy
what
mony
they
had
judged
conven●●nt
upon
the
peopl●
b●●●neral
tax
for
the
common
safety
of
the
Nation
,
which
act
both
by
law
,
and
reason
●h●y
may
do
;
yet
they
cannot
in
law
,
equity
or
reason
,
lay
all
tha●
tax
upon
th●ee
o●
four
men
alone
,
and
make
them
bear
all
the
charges
of
the
publick
;
ev●n
so
,
although
the
Parliament
may
erect
Courts
of
Justice
,
for
the
good
of
the
people
,
to
administer
Law
in
●esinitely
to
all
the
people
of
England
alike
without
exe●p●ion
of
per●ons
;
yet
they
can
neither
by
Law
,
nor
Reason
,
erect
a
Court
of
Justice
on
purpose
to
try
three
or
four
individual
persons
,
and
no
more
because
it
is
against
common
equi●y
,
●●
Englishmen
o●
people
being
all
born
free
alike
,
and
the
liberties
thereof
equally
intasted
to
all
alike
;
and
therefore
in
common
equity
and
justice
,
three
or
four
individual
persons
ought
not
to
be
burthened
with
an
iron
yoake
,
when
the
universal
are
only
b●rthened
with
a
wooden
one
;
and
therefore
in
this
s●●rt
is
my
judgment
.
that
that
high
Court
of
Justice
was
altogether
unlawfull
in
case
th●se
that
set
it
up
had
been
an
unquestionable
representative
of
the
people
,
or
a
legall
Parliament
,
neither
of
which
they
are
not
in
the
least
;
but
as
they
have
managed
their
business
in
opposing
all
their
primitive
declared
just
ends
,
a
pack
of
trayterous
,
self
seeking
tyranical
men
,
usurpers
of
the
name
and
power
of
a
Parliament
.
I
say
considering
with
my self
some
such
things
as
these
are
,
I
was
something
diligent
at
the
beginning
of
their
tryal
to
see
and
hear
all
;
yea
and
of●en
converse●
with
th●mselve●
,
but
when
I
came
to
hear
st●ut
CAPEL
make
his
defence
for
himself
,
(
which
was
before
he
had
any
counsel
assigned
)
and
so
GALLANTLY
and
ac●utely
to
pl●ad
the
Law
,
and
demand
the
benefit
of
it
;
which
he
did
as
acutely
in
my
judgment
,
as
ever
I
did
hear
any
●●
an
in
his
own
case
in
my
life
,
alledging
fiftly
the
Statu●e
of
25.
Ed
3.
chap.
●
.
and
cited
the
very
word
of
those
●
notable
Statuts
for
his
benefit
,
of
the
1
●●n
4.
chap.
10.
and
11
Hen.
7.
chap
▪
1.
the
last
of
which
indemnifies
the
Kings
followers
i●
wars
,
and
also
cited
the
first
and
second
of
P.
and
M.
chap.
10.
and
pressed
therefrom
that
●ll
treasons
should
be
tryed
by
the
●●les
of
the
common
Law
and
not
by
ext●a●●din●ry
●ays
and
means
according
to
the
declared
Laws
in
being
citing
the
petition
of
right
for
the
proof
of
that
,
looking
round
about
him
,
and
saying
I
am
an
English
man
,
and
the
Law
is
my
inheritance
,
and
the
benefit
of
the
petition
of
right
my
birth
right
,
if
so
then
saith
he
l●●king
upon
the
president
,
〈◊〉
my
Jury
.
I
see
none
of
my
Iury
,
that
is
to
pass
upon
me
▪
I
demand
the
sight
of
●●
J●●y
legally
pannelled
,
as
my
right
by
Law
,
without
the
verdict
o●
whom
I
cannot
in
Law
be
c●●demned
,
and
when
it
w●s
●eply●d
upon
him
by
the
pre●●dent
,
that
the
members
of
the
Court
was
the
Jury
;
he
most
g●●lan●ly
and
resolu●●ly
answered
to
this
effect
,
I
〈◊〉
you
will
not
deny
me
the
bene●●●
of
the
Law
,
which
you
●●etend
you
have
sought
this
Seve●
years
to
maintain
:
I
hope
,
Sir
,
You
will
not
deny
m●
the
benefit
of
the
Declarations
of
those
by
whose
power
you
sit
:
And
producing
●●e
Declaration
(
of
the
pretended
House
)
made
the
9th
F●br
.
1648
▪
To
maintain
the
Fundamentall
LAVVES
of
the
Nation
;
he
held
i●
forth
,
and
desired
it
to
be
read
,
which
was
refused
by
the
President
,
telling
him
,
They
knew
it
well
enough
:
Well
then
saith
he
,
Here
's
a
Declaration
made
but
the
other
day
,
whe●ein
the
Parliament
declareth
,
That
they
are
fully
resolved
to
maintain
,
and
shall
and
will
up
hold
,
preserve
and
keep
the
Fundamental
Lawes
of
this
Nation
;
for
,
and
concerning
the
preservation
of
the
Lives
,
Properties
,
and
Liberties
of
the
People
,
with
all
things
incident
thereunto
▪
with
the
alter●tions
touching
Kings
,
and
House
of
Lords
already
resolved
in
this
present
Parliament
,
FOR
THE
GOOD
OF
THE
PEOPLE
:
And
saith
he
,
It
is
one
of
the
Fundamentall
Liberties
of
the
Subjects
of
this
Kingdom
,
to
be
tryed
by
JURIES
;
and
I
hope
you
wil
not
deny
me
the
benefit
of
the
Parliaments
Declaration
,
and
so
break
it
as
soon
as
it
is
made
:
but
all
was
to
no
purpose
▪
he
must
have
no
Jury
,
but
Councell
,
if
he
would
;
at
the
denyall
of
which
unto
him
,
I
confesse
my
heart
was
ready
to
s●●k
within
me
,
and
my
spirit
was
inwardly
fill'd
full
of
fire
at
these
wretched
men
,
whose
now
decla●ed
de●ig●s
was
cleer
to
tread
under
their
feet
all
the
Liberties
of
England
,
notwit●standing
a●●
their
oathes
and
promises
to
the
contrary
;
and
then
in
that
●●y
in
●y
own
thoug●●s
I
cl●arly
bid
adieu
unto
all
Englands
glorious
(
amongst
men
)
Lib●●ties
and
dea●-bought
F●eedoms
,
and
much
adoe
had
I
in
the
open
Court
to
containe
my self
f●om
an
a●●wed
d●te●●ation
of
their
A
BOMINABLE
WICKEDNES
,
my
hea●t
was
so
full
;
but
being
withdrawne
I
was
something
free
in
my
discourse
in
all
companies
I
came
in
▪
but
yet
upon
the
principles
of
the
Law
and
their
own
Declarations
,
as
being
almost
overwhel●ed
to
see
what
I
then
saw
;
and
severall
discourses
I
had
with
the
prisone●s
,
and
divers
of
my
books
and
law
pleas
,
with
Sir
Iohn
Maynards
and
the
foure
Impeached
Aldermen
I
sent
them
,
and
much
pressed
some
of
them
to
put
their
lives
upon
the
hazard
of
a
Plea
and
protestation
against
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Court
,
telling
them
if
they
dyed
upon
that
score
,
they
would
not
only
dy
as
lovers
of
the
King
their
principall
,
but
also
of
their
Country
,
as
brave
Englishmen
in
the
eyes
of
the
people
;
whereas
if
they
stooped
finally
to
their
Jurisdiction
,
they
might
easily
perc●ive
they
were
resolved
to
sacrifice
them
,
and
if
they
so
died
they
dyed
upon
a
poor
and
begparly
score
;
ye●
in
a
manner
upon
the
deniall
of
their
own
principals
;
but
the
Gentlemen
having
as
●o
me
appeared
,
large
promises
of
their
lives
upon
conformity
to
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
●ourt
were
meerly
gull●d
thereby
of
their
lives
,
and
could
scarce
ever
beleeve
the
should
dye
till
the
house
of
death
came
upon
them
.
And
yet
notwithstanding
this
,
some
of
them
sent
to
me
,
to
desire
me
to
be
one
of
their
Councell
,
to
plead
for
them
in
matter
of
Law
;
unto
whose
friends
I
returned
an
Ans●er
to
this
eff●ct
,
That
I
could
not
be
●o
unworthy
in
my
own
esti●ation
,
as
to
plead
any
plea
they
could
plead
for
a
justifi●ation
of
their
●ctions
(
though
I
conf●ssed
there
were
much
in
Law
to
be
said
for
them
;
●f
e●●ally
,
as
the
case
stood
with
them
)
unlesse
it
were
a
plea
and
protestation
against
their
Jurisdict●on
;
and
so
procrastina
〈◊〉
tryall
,
if
it
were
a
possible
till
a
new
Parliament
;
upon
whi●h
plea
,
I
●ould
willingly
have
ve●tred
my
heart
blood
for
th●m
,
because
my
int●r●st
,
and
the
inter●st
of
all
the
free
and
honest
men
in
En●l●nd
was
as
much
concerned
in
that
fa●●ll
president
of
that
abhominable
and
wicked
Court
,
a●
C●pell
or
Hambleto●s
life
,
&c.
was
;
but
they
would
not
venter
there
,
and
so
I
declined
them
:
And
when
HOLLAND
came
to
it
,
a
Lady
,
and
some
other
of
his
friends
came
to
me
,
to
my
house
about
hi●
;
but
I
was
still
upon
the
same
string
,
yet
sent
him
word
of
severall
particulars
,
in
reference
to
my
Tryall
and
arr●igament
at
Oxford
,
that
was
very
materiall
to
his
present
cause
,
and
if
he
would
call
me
in
the
open
Court
,
as
a
Witnesse
;
he
should
s●e
I
would
speak
my
minde
freely
and
effectually
,
although
I
smarted
for
so
doing
;
and
he
appointed
a
day
to
call
me
;
whereupon
,
I
went
into
the
Court
,
and
conveyed
w●rd
to
him
,
I
was
there
,
but
whether
his
heart
failed
him
or
no
,
I
know
not
,
but
he
never
called
me
;
so
when
I
understood
they
were
all
in
the
way
of
condemnation
,
I
took
the
thid
part
of
Cooks
Institutes
under
my
arme
to
the
house
doore
,
and
made
severall
A●pli●●tions
to
some
of
their
Judges
,
and
some
Parliament
men
for
them
,
and
particularly
with
Colonel
Temple
▪
Governour
of
the
Fort
near
Graves
End
,
and
del●
with
him
upon
their
own
Principals
,
as
the
most
probablest
to
doe
the
Prisoners
good
▪
and
to
save
their
lives
,
which
I
confest●
I
much
laboured
for
,
and
my
Discourse
with
him
〈◊〉
to
this
●ffect
at
the
House
doore
:
Sir
,
I
beseech
you
,
let
me
a●k
you
one
question
,
What
's
that
saith
he
?
It
is
whether
you
think
you●
House
intend
in
good
earnest
to
●ake
away
the
lives
of
the
Lord
Capel
&
c
?
or
whether
they
have
only
caused
them
to
be
condemned
in
terrorum
?
without
all
controversie
said
he
,
they
intend
to
take
away
their
lives
,
and
it
is
but
just
they
should
,
and
doe
not
you
believe
so
,
No
indeed
Sir
doe
I
not
,
and
●●
you
please
,
I
will
give
you
some
part
of
my
Reasons
therefore
;
I
pray
let
me
have
them
,
Well
then
Sir
said
I
,
to
say
nothing
of
the
Jurisdiction
of
the
Court
by
which
they
were
tryed
(
which
is
very
questionable
to
me
)
no●
of
the
power
of
a
Parliament
to
erect
such
a
one
,
nor
yet
of
the
questionablenesse
of
the
legality
of
your
single
House
,
nor
of
the
clearnesse
of
the
letter
of
th●
Law
o●
their
sides
;
which
now
the
King
being
g●ne
,
might
put
you
o●●
of
feare
of
the
future
power
of
these
men
,
and
make
you
now
〈◊〉
at
your
mercy
,
and
you
out
of
fear
of
present
hurt
by
them
;
seriousl●
to
we●g●
the
Qua●●ell
betwix●
you
and
the●
in
an
equall
and
just
balance
;
which
if
you
do
,
I
am
sure
you
will
〈◊〉
it
very
disp●●eable
in
Law
,
and
something
in
Reason
too
,
considering
many
of
you●
late
actions
;
especially
if
you
consider
,
you●
ever
avowedly
nor
throughly
stated
your
Cause
;
but
begun
it
upon
Commissions
for
King
and
Parliament
,
force
●●
people
to
take
the
Oath
of
Allegiance
and
Supremacy
,
Protestation
,
and
two
Covenants
,
●●
all
which
you
force
the
people
to
swear
to
maintain
the
Kings
Person
,
Crown
and
Greatnesse
:
and
this
〈◊〉
the
Wars
begun
,
letting
all
Writs
and
Processe
of
Law
〈◊〉
in
his
Name
,
and
thereby
your selves
m●ke
him
as
it
were
Alpha
and
Omega
to
the
p●ople
;
yea
,
and
in
severall
of
your
Declarations
fince
the
quarrell
,
you
call
him
the
fountain
of
Honour
,
and
averr
he
can
do
no
wrong
:
See
1
part
Book
Decl.
pag.
199.
304.
All
which
doings
of
yours
are
enough
to
make
men
si●●
with
the
King
,
especially
those
that
have
great
Estates
,
if
it
be
for
nothing
but
safetie's
s●ke
alone
:
But
I
will
la●
all
these
aside
,
and
argue
with
you
more
closely
,
upon
principles
that
you
cannot
dispute
against
.
1.
And
therefore
in
the
first
place
,
The
Law
of
England
p●●lished
by
your selves
,
saith
expresl●
,
No
man
of
England
in
things
concerning
lif●
shall
be
judged
tw●●●
for
one
fact
;
but
if
once
judiciall●
tryed
and
acquitted
,
he
never
more
by
Law
can
be
questioned
again
for
that
crime
,
though
indeed
and
in
truth
he
be
never
so
guilty
of
it
,
and
though
it
be
never
so
criminous
in
it self
;
otherwise
there
would
never
be
end
nor
safety
:
And
for
the
proof
thereof
I
then
●ired
●
YERS
Case
,
at
the
Sessions
of
the
Peace
holden
at
Norwich
in
the
32
yeer
of
Q●een
Elizabeth
,
and
the
Judge●
opinions
thereupon
,
which
is
notably
recorded
in
Cooks
3
put
Institutes
chap.
104.
of
falsifying
of
Attainders
,
fol.
230.
And
my
own
Case
at
Oxford
,
which
was
to
this
effect
:
Being
at
the
Fight
at
Brainford
(
which
was
upon
the
12
of
Novemb.
1642
)
taken
prisoner
in
Arms
against
the
King
and
his
party
,
I
was
carried
captive
to
Oxford
Castle
▪
where
not
long
after
my
arrivall
,
the
Lord
Dunsmore
,
the
Lord
Matrevers
,
the
Lord
Newark
▪
and
the
Lord
A●d●ver
came
to
the
Castle
to
me
from
the
King
,
as
they
said
,
and
proffered
me
from
himself
great
matters
,
so
I
would
crave
his
●●don
for
the
treason
I
had
committed
against
him
,
in
being
in
arms
against
him
,
and
fo●sake
the
traiterous
Parliament
,
and
return
to
my
obedience
(
as
they
called
it
)
to
the
King
:
but
being
then
as
able
in
my
own
thoughts
,
as
any
private
man
in
England
to
argue
the
equi●●
and
Justice
of
the
Parliaments
Cause
,
I
was
then
knowingly
ingaged
in
by
the
hopes
of
the
performance
of
their
many
gallant
promises
to
make
people
of
England
free
and
happy
(
their
then
only
declared
a●m
and
end
)
●nd
in
whose
quarrell
I
would
then
have
laid
down
a
thousand
lives
,
(
if
I
had
had
them
)
and
for
the
greatest
part
of
an
hour
together
,
by
din●
of
Argument
,
grounded
upon
Law
and
Reason
,
sc●●ning
and
〈◊〉
all
〈…〉
of
Honour
,
Riches
,
and
Greatnesse
,
I
●eld
them
in
play
so
ho●ly
,
that
they
●●ll
〈…〉
with
me
,
and
gave
up
their
disputing
bu●●lers
;
t●●eatning
to
hang
me
〈◊〉
for
a
grand
Traitor
,
without
any
more
adoe
.
At
which
I
laughed
,
and
desired
their
〈◊〉
to
tell
me
which
way
they
would
go
to
work
to
take
away
my
life
,
now
they
had
given
me
quarter
.
Well
,
say
they
,
We
have
two
strings
to
our
bow
,
And
in
the
first
place
,
we
will
arraigne
you
for
a
Traytor
,
for
being
the
chief
or
Generall
of
the
Preuti●●t
,
that
c●●e
d●●●
to
Westminster
and
White
Hall
,
and
forced
the
House
of
P●ers
,
and
drove
away
the
King
from
his
Parliament
,
and
so
begun
the
Warrs
.
Unto
which
I
replyed
,
Al●sse
,
my
Lords
,
you
will
be
far
mistaken
there
.
And
I
cannot
but
wonder
,
that
your
Lordships
should
so
undervalue
your
own
Honours
and
Reputations
,
as
so
much
as
once
now
to
mention
this
.
Why
Sirrah
?
said
one
of
them
.
Why
,
my
Lord
?
Because
your
Lordships
may
remember
,
that
the
3
of
May
,
1641.
the
King
caused
Warrants
to
issue
out
to
apprehend
me
as
a
Traytor
for
this
very
thing
,
and
others
depending
upon
it
;
and
as
a
traytor
I
was
apprehended
by
his
Messengers
,
one
of
which
that
night
kept
me
prisoner
as
a
Traitor
:
and
the
next
morning
I
being
4
of
May
1641
,
as
a
Traytor
I
was
brought
by
him
to
White
Hall
,
where
,
(
a●
I
remember
)
old
Sir
Henry
Vane
and
Mr.
Nicholas
were
appointed
by
the
King
himself
to
carry
my
Impeachment
to
the
House
of
Peers
,
at
whose
B●r
I
that
day
appeared
(
not
then
understanding
their
Jurisdiction
)
and
was
there
that
day
in
your
way
arraigned
for
my
life
,
and
one
Littleton
the
Lord
Keepers
Kinsman
,
swore
most
bi●terly
against
me
:
but
upon
further
examination
of
witnesses
,
and
hearing
with
patie●●●
my
own
Defence
for
my self
,
I
was
by
your
who●e
House
(
who
look●d
upon
them●elves
as
the
highest
Judicatory
in
England
)
honourably
and
nobly
〈◊〉
,
a●
〈◊〉
●●nocent
and
f●●e
of
the
Kings
accusation
:
of
which
,
my
Lords
,
(
said
I
then
)
let
me
plainly
tell
y●u
,
if
I
were
guilty
,
you
were
a
company
of
●●righteous
and
unjust
Judges
for
freeing
me
from
that
Accusation
:
but
,
my
Lords
,
being
judicially
tryed
therefore
,
and
acquitted
by
your selves
,
(
who
,
if
my
memory
fail
me
not
,
I
●aw
all
at
that
Tryall
)
and
by
your
whole
House
(
then
extraordinary
〈◊〉
as
ever
I
saw
i●
)
who
judge
your selves
the
highest
Judicature
in
England
,
I
am
acquitted
thereby
(
my
Lords
)
by
the
Law
of
England
,
from
any
more
question
about
that
〈◊〉
,
although
it
should
be
granted
,
I
was
never
so
guilty
of
it
.
Unto
which
they
replyed
(
to
my
remembrance
)
in
these
words
,
A
pox
on
you
,
for
a
cunning
subtill
Rogue
,
are
you
so
cunning
in
the
Law
,
that
we
cannot
lay
hold
of
you
here
?
but
yet
for
all
your
parts
,
we
will
have
you
to
the
gallows
,
for
leavying
Warr
upon
the
traiterous
commands
of
the
Parliament
against
the
King●
:
And
here
(
●aid
they
)
wee
are
sure
the
●aw
will
reach
you
.
Whereupon
I
was
immediately
a●ter
laid
in●●●tons
,
and
brought
to
the
Bar
before
the
Lord
Chief
Justice
Heath
,
Sir
Thomas
Gard●ed
Recorder
of
London
,
&c.
and
by
Indictm●●t
,
a●●o●ding
to
the
rules
of
the
Common
Law
,
a●r●igned
for
a
traytor
for
levying
War
in
Oxf●●dsh●●e
against
the
King.
But
my
Plea
to
the
businesse
of
W●stminst●r
▪
and
the
P●enti●●●
was
admitted
for
good
law
▪
That
being
once
judiciall●●●ed
and
acqui●ted
,
I
could
no
more
be
troubled
therefore
:
neith●r
indeed
was
●
.
But
according
to
the
punct●li●es
of
the
Law
,
they
gave
me
all
the
lair
play
▪
in
the
world
that
the
Law
would
allow
me
,
s●ffering
me
to
say
for
my self
at
the
Bar
what
I
pleased
,
releasing
me
of
my
close
imprisonment
and
i●ons
,
and
allowed
me
pen
,
ink
and
paper
(
which
the
Jaylor
kept
from
me
)
upon
my
pleading
before
the
Judge
;
such
usages
being
altogether
contrary
to
law
:
and
that
no
such
usage
,
ought
to
be
exercised
in
the
least
upon
any
prisoner
whatsoever
,
that
w●●
〈◊〉
bea●●ly
rude
in
his
imp●●lonment
;
and
that
no
supposed
●raitore●
〈◊〉
by
law
could
be
put
to
any
pa●●
or
torm●nt
before
co●riction
.
And
truly
,
Colonel
Te●●le
,
I
shou●d
be
very
sorry
,
and
blush
for
shame
,
〈◊〉
considering
my
●●rong
zeal
in
the
Parliaments
cause
,
to
see
the
day
that
the
Parliament
of
England
(
a●
least
th●se
that
so
stile
themselves
)
that
hath
pretended
so
much
righ●●●●ness
and
justice
,
should
be
no
more
just
to
the
Covaliers
(
against
whom
they
have
fought
for
injustice
and
and
oppression
)
in
denying
them
the
benefit
of
the
Law
●h●n
they
are
in
their
power
and
mercy
,
then
the
Kings
Jadges
were
to
me
,
and
other
of
your
prisone●●
,
when
their
lives
were
in
their
power
and
mercy
,
in
the
hight
of
War
,
and
of
their
〈◊〉
prosperity
,
and
yet
granted
us
the
benefit
of
Law
in
all
things
we
claimed
it
in
,
as
Capt.
Vivers
of
B●n●ury
,
arraigned
with
me
,
can
witnesse
as
well
as
my self
.
Now
Sir
,
to
make
application
:
the
Parliament
not
long
since
,
when
in
its
po●e●
it
was
more
a●un●●ntly
unquestionable
then
now
it
is
,
(
after
its
new
force
)
cond●●●●ed
CAPEL
,
HAMBLETON
,
HOLLAND
&c.
to
banishment
,
for
the
very
〈◊〉
now
to
their
charge
;
an●
th●refore
in
Justice
and
Law
cannot
a
second
time
cause
them
to
be
adjudged
to
die
for
the
ve●y
same
things
.
It
s
nothing
to
me
,
nor
to
the
King●om
,
for
you
to
say
,
that
when
that
J●dgment
pass'd
they
had
so
many
friends
sitting
in
the
House
as
over-voted
the
honest
Common-wealth's-men
to
the
pr●judice
thereof
;
for
the
maj●r
part
is
Parliament
,
or
else
th●re
●s
no
parliament
:
Therefo●e
Sir
,
I
reason
thus
:
E●ther
that
wherein
that
Judgment
pass'd
was
a
parliament
,
or
no
Parliament
;
●if
a
Parliament
,
then
their
judgment
(
●s
to
themselves
especially
)
was
binding
,
and
the
benefit
of
it
they
ought
not
to
deny
to
them
whose
live●
are
cons●rved
in
it
;
〈◊〉
it
were
unjust
in
it self
●●
to
the
Nation
:
But
if
you
,
or
any
other
man
shall
say
,
it
was
no
Parliament
,
as
having
forfeited
their
trust
in
treating
with
the
King
again
,
and
so
their
Judg●●nt
not
valid
,
then
with
much
more
confidence
say
I
,
this
that
now
fits
is
no
Parliament
,
and
so
by
consequence
,
the
High
Court
of
Justice
no
Court
of
Justice
at
all
?
and
if
for
then
to
execute
them
upon
their
Judgment
,
is
absolute
Murder
.
But
I
would
fain
see
that
honest
and
valiant
man
in
your
House
that
du●st
pretest
against
them
for
no
Parliament
.
But
Sir
,
besides
this
,
mark
the
consequence
of
it
to
all
we
Parliamenteers
that
have
acte●
under
you
,
and
by
vertue
of
your
commands
,
by
these
Proceedings
▪
First
,
You
have
sold
the
Bishops
Lands
,
and
given
them
th●●
bought
them
,
as
they
suppose
,
good
security
for
their
quiet
enjoyment
of
their
P●rchas●s
:
I
,
but
within
a
little
wh●le
after
,
part
of
the
very
same
Parliament
alters
their
mindes
,
and
being
becom●th
ma●or
part
by
forcible
Purgations
,
illegall
new
Recruits
,
or
by
any
other
●ricks
●●●●vi●es
,
and
they
vote
,
all
those
barg●ins
are
unjust
,
and
the
Purchasers
ought
to
lose
both
●e●r
Land
and
M●n●y
:
where
is
then
that
stable
security
of
Parliaments
?
And
yet
such
doings
would
be
as
just
as
your
present
dealings
with
CAPEL
,
&c.
whose
preceden●
〈◊〉
a
precedent
for
that
,
and
much
more
of
the
same
nature
.
B●t
secondly
,
The
sam●
Parliament
that
condemded
Capel
&c.
to
B●nishment
,
pass'd
mul●itudes
of
Compositions
with
severall
Cav●lier●
,
as
guilty
of
T●eason
in
the
〈…〉
of
it
,
●s
they
:
And
by
the
same
rule●o●
now
cond●●n
CAPEL
,
&
〈◊〉
;
after
you
have
judged
them
to
banishment
,
you
●●y
adjudge
all
the
compounding
C●v●●eers
to
●●●ange●
,
after
you
have
adjudged
them
to
composition
,
and
so
put
the
Kingdom
(
by
〈…〉
people
desperate
)
in
an
everlasting
flame
that
never
will
have
end
,
bec●●se
〈◊〉
is
●o
certainty
in
any
of
your
proceedings
,
but
are
●s
changeable
as
the
wind
th●●
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
Thirdly
,
and
most
principally
it
is
a
common
maxim●
in
Law
and
Reason
,
both
,
and
so
declared
by
your selves
,
1
part
Book
Declarat
.
page
281.
That
those
that
shall
guide
thems●lves
by
the
judgment
of
Parliament
,
ough●
(
what-ever
happen
)
to
be
secure
and
free
from
all
account
and
penalties
.
B●t
divers
honest
men
(
as
you
now
judge
them
)
●ave
acted
and
gu●ded
themselves
by
the
judgment
of
Parliament
,
as
they
account
y●u
,
in
taking
away
the
King's
life
;
and
y●t
by
your
dealings
with
CAPEL
,
&c.
they
are
liable
to
be
hanged
as
●rayt
●s
〈…〉
a
major
part
of
your
very
House
,
by
force
,
or
other
〈…〉
,
shall
vote
that
act
〈◊〉
,
and
all
the
Actors
therein
Traitors
:
So
that
,
Sir
,
if
I
have
any
judg●●n●
in
●●e
,
by
his
very
single
act
towards
them
,
you
shake
the
v●ry
to●ndation
of
the
validity
of
all
the
Parliam●nts
Decrees
and
Judgments
at
once
,
and
m●ke
〈◊〉
all
the
Se●uri●y
and
●ndemnity
that
those
(
in
●q●●ty
)
ought
to
enjoy
,
that
have
acted
by
you
commands
,
a●d
guided
themselves
by
the
judgment
o●
Parliament
:
By
mea●●
of
which
you
will
finde
in
time
,
you
have
demolished
your
own
Bulwarks
,
an
destroyed
your
own
Fences
.
And
for
time
to
come
,
for
my
part
,
I
shall
be
a
tho●sand
times
more
wary
how
I
obey
all
your
Commands
,
then
ever
I
was
in
my
life
;
se●ing
yo●
are
so
fickle
and
unstable
,
that
no
man
knows
rationally
where
to
find
you
,
or
fixedly
to
what
to
hold
you
.
But
if
you
shall
object
(
as
some
do
)
That
that
judgment
of
B●nishment
was
onely
in
●●ference
to
the
peace
with
the
King
,
and
that
being
broke
,
yo●
are
absolved
from
that
judgment
,
and
not
bound
by
it
.
To
which
I
answer
no
more
but
this
;
That
was
a
Judgment
upon
s●i●ous
and
solid
debate
,
of
long
continuance
,
at
the
passing
of
which
you
acted
as
individually
,
and
as
independently
from
the
King
,
as
ever
you
did
before
or
since
:
and
therefore
in
Law
,
Justice
and
C●nscience
you
ought
to
stand
to
it
,
and
make
it
good
to
the
Prisoners
concerned
in
it
;
especially
,
considering
they
desi●e
it
.
But
having
in
length
outstriped
an
ordinary
epistle
,
and
having
much
matter
remaining
,
j●dging
it
more
then
time
this
that
I
have
here
writen
to
you
,
should
come
to
publick
view
,
(
although
I
perish
for
so
doing
)
I
am
forced
and
necessitated
ab●uptly
here
to
break
of
;
and
leave
the
remaining
part
for
a
second
part
to
the
same
tune
if
God
spare
me
life
and
health
,
and
give
opportunity
,
although
I
be
cut
in
ten
thousand
peece●
therefore
;
for
if
every
hair
of
CROMWEL
,
FAIRFAX
,
IRFTON
,
HASLERIG
,
BRADSHAW
,
and
HARISONS
head
,
were
a
Regiment
or
Legion
of
armed
men
,
I
would
by
Gods
●ssulance
in
the
present
righteous
cau●e
in
which
they
have
deeply
imba
qu●d
me
,
(
by
their
lawless
Cruelty
and
Tyranny
)
●ear
them
no
more
then
so
many
butterslyes
or
motes
in
the
sun
;
for
behold
,
God
〈◊〉
my
salva●●on
,
I
will
trast
and
not
be
as●aid
,
fo●
the
Lord
JEHOVAH
is
my
strength
,
and
my
song
,
he
also
is
(
long
since
)
become
m●
Salvation
,
Isa
.
12.
2.
Therefore
will
●
sing
●ejoy●e
●nd
b●
m●r●y
,
for
he
hath
fitted
me
for
all
manner
of
deaths
;
in
inabling
me
through
his
strength
p●wer
and
presence
,
any
time
this
twelve
years
together
to
carry
my
life
in
my
hand
,
and
to
be
always
eve●
since
in
readiness
at
a
quarter
of
an
hours
warning
to
lay
it
down
;
whi●h
●
shall
●s
freely
〈◊〉
(
as
eat
)
in
t●is
just
and
righteous
quarrel
,
viz.
THE
LIBERTIES
OF
THE
LAND
OF
MY
NATIVITIES
AGAINST
THE
APOSTACIES
AND
TYRANNIES
OF
HER
MOST
PERFIDIOUS
AND
TREACHEROUS
PROFESSED
FRIENDS
and
the
holding
out
of
Gods
Soveraignty
amongst
the
son
of
m●n
,
as
being
that
one
,
single
,
〈◊〉
●LONE
(
either
in
heaven
or
earth
)
that
is
to
raign
,
rule
,
,
govern
,
and
give
a
law
by
his
will
and
pleasure
to
the
sons
of
men
;
the
absolute
workm●nship
of
his
hands
or
power
;
And
therefore
to
thee
O
CROMWEL
,
O
FAIRFAX
,
O
IRETON
,
O
HASLERIG
,
&c.
in
the
power
,
might
and
strength
of
the
Lord
God
Omnip●tent
and
Almighty
,
that
Rai●●s
and
shall
Rule
for
ever
and
ever
;
before
whom
the
〈…〉
doe
quake
and
tremble
;
and
before
whom
You
are
all
of
you
as
inconsiderable
〈…〉
Sun
,
as
the
dust
of
the
ballance
,
or
the
smallest
drop
of
the
bucket
:
To
you
,
I
say
,
in
my
present
condition
,
as
Shadrach
,
Meshach
and
Abednego
in
their
great
〈…〉
the
outward
man
,
Dan
3.
)
said
once
to
your
brother
Tyrans
Nebuchad●●zz●●
;
〈◊〉
unto
you
,
that
for
all
your
power
and
worldly
greatnesse
(
with
all
your
〈…〉
)
that
I
fear
you
not
,
not
a●●
carefull
to
answer
you
in
the
matter
in
〈…〉
us
;
for
the
God
whom
(
with
my
soul
and
body
)
I
serve
(
with
uprightness
of
〈◊〉
)
is
able
to
deliver
me
,
from
the
burning
fiery
fornace
,
(
your
cruell
close
〈◊〉
,
Banishment
,
Dungeons
,
or
Death
it self
)
yea
,
an
●
hewill
deliver
me
out
of
your
〈◊〉
hands
,
O
(
perfidious
cruel
)
Tyrants
.
But
if
he
will
not
,
Be
it
known
unto
you
,
O
(
apostatised
)
Tyrants
,
that
I
will
●●
serve
〈◊〉
(
stoop
or
submit
unto
you
)
nor
worship
your
I
doll
or
golden
Image
that
you
have
set
up
(
your
Arbitrary
power
and
unlimited
greatnesse
.
)
But
least
God
should
give
or
permit
you
a
larger
power
over
me
then
he
did
the
Devil
over
JOB
to
murther
me
before
I
can
write
the
second
part
hereof
;
therefore
I
shal
now
give
you
the
heads
of
my
intentions
,
and
so
conclude
.
First
,
From
the
perplexitie
of
my
spirit
with
the
unjust
dealings
with
CAPEL
,
&c.
I
left
Westminster
and
retired
home
,
resolved
in
solitarinesse
there
to
abide
,
whered
was
grievously
tormented
with
the
cryes
of
poor
people
who
came
to
me
in
multitudes
for
advice
in
their
tedious
suits
of
Law
,
whose
complaints
without
any
hopes
of
remedy
that
I
could
give
them
,
made
my
house
a
place
of
torment
to
me
,
which
forced
me
to
visit
Westminster
againe
,
where
2ly
,
I
heard
the
certainty
of
Husons
,
Whaleys
and
Major
Bertons
desperat
height
at
their
Councel
of
Wa●
at
Wh●●●hall
,
at
or
neer
upon
the
22
of
Feb.
1648.
to
ingage
that
Councel
(
vi
&
●●●nis
)
to
pro●ure
by
Cromwels
means
a
Law
at
their
pleasure
to
dispatch
me
and
my
honest
friends
the
Whalboneers
;
which
when
I
examined
from
friend
to
friend
,
and
some
it
to
be
very
true
by
the
attestation
of
plurality
of
their
own
Officers
,
my
spirit
was
all
on
fire
,
(
and
no
Lyon
o●
the
Army
to
me
then
so
full
of
dread
,
but
I
durst
inco●●●●
with
)
to
consider
with
my self
that
all
our
Liberties
and
large
expectations
must
〈◊〉
in
this
,
That
now
our
lives
must
be
at
the
absolute
wil
and
pleasure
of
a
company
of
BLOUDY
and
INHUMANE
Butcherers
of
men
,
that
had
served
seven
yeers
apprentiship
to
that
bloudy
and
wicked
trade
of
cutting
of
mens
throats
for
money
,
and
nothing
else
;
who
never
had
kept
faith
or
troth
with
any
sorts
of
men
they
dealt
with
,
and
yet
must
now
become
our
Accusers
,
Prosecuters
,
Witnesses
,
Parties
,
Jury
,
Judges
,
and
Executioners
:
At
the
very
thoughts
of
which
I
was
even
con●ounded
in
my
spirit
,
and
which
justly
and
throughly
ingaged
me
in
the
chief
managing
of
the
first
and
second
part
of
ENGLANDS
new
Chains
discovered
:
The
first
of
which
I
presented
at
the
Commons
Ba●●e
,
with
a
speech
to
it
,
the
26
Febr.
1648.
the
second
pa●t
of
which
I
,
&c.
had
got
divers
thousands
of
hands
to
:
the
truth
of
〈◊〉
●●ne
of
which
,
(
●or
all
it
s
declared
treasonable
)
I
will
seal
with
my
heart
blood
;
and
●●dertake
before
a
new
Representative
(
TO
WHOM
I
HEREBY
AGAIN
APPEAL
)
to
prove
every
charge
in
it
upon
my
Life
.
I
shall
also
give
the
Reaso●●
wherefore
I
have
flown
so
high
,
as
I
have
done
,
which
is
,
because
they
have
thought
●●
just
in
them
to
ac●use
the
King
,
the
supreme
Magistrate
,
of
Treason
;
and
yet
〈◊〉
thought
and
declared
it
Treason
in
me
,
&c.
to
goe
about
the
doing
of
any
such
thing
to
Mr.
OLIVER
,
that
I
will
maintain
it
upon
my
life
,
more
(
comparatis
〈◊〉
)
legally
deserves
it
then
ever
the
King
did
;
And
yet
though
I
,
&c.
〈◊〉
in
the
very
〈◊〉
that
they
themselves
(
I
mean
both
Parliament
and
Army
)
〈◊〉
out
unto
●●●
:
viz.
by
P●●ition
,
(
1
pa●e
Book
Declar.
pag.
123
,
101
,
202
,
548
,
720.
and
Armies
Book
,
Declar.
page
17
,
33
,
35
,
44
,
60
,
61.
yea
,
see
page
83.
and
you
shall
there
finde
in
the
fifth
Article
,
they
impeached
Mr.
Hollis
,
Sir
Philip
Stapleton
,
and
Mr.
Cly●●
for
Traytors
,
For
obstructing
and
prejudging
of
publique
Petitions
to
the
Parliament
;
and
yet
they
adjudged
and
〈◊〉
me
,
&c.
for
a
Traytor
therefore
,
without
so
much
as
〈◊〉
hearing
me
to
speak
for
my self
;
and
then
after
they
had
condemned
me
,
went
about
at
the
Kings
.
Bench-Bar
to
try
me
for
my
life
;
unto
whom
,
if
I
stooped
,
I
was
sure
to
be
gone
,
being
already
prejudged
:
Again
,
I
shall
also
acquaint
you
with
the
severall
Discourses
Mr.
Hollan●●
,
Mr.
Hunt
&c.
had
with
me
about
these
Businesses
,
and
the
large
proffers
I
had
from
them
,
yes
,
and
from
Mr.
Alexander
Rigby
as
the
mouth
of
Sir
Henry
Mild
may
the
〈◊〉
Agent
,
who
had
Commission
(
as
he
said
)
to
proffer
●●e
and
my
Comrades
●●ge
places
and
preforments
;
so
we
would
sit
still
,
and
let
the
Grandces
goe
on
with
their
work
:
Which
I
with
detestation
refused
at
the
house
doore
,
the
very
FORENOON
,
I
was
adjudged
a
Treytor
,
and
thereupon
the
same
day
in
the
Afternoon
,
the
Votes
of
Treason
past
against
me
,
&c.
and
my
Second
part
of
Englands
New-chairs
discovered
.
And
seeing
the
Businesse
of
Scro●●'s
men
is
wrongfully
father'd
upon
me
,
who
never
will
incite
Souldiers
nor
others
to
declare
upon
any
thing
else
but
our
printed
Agreement
of
the
1.
May
1649.
and
that
when
they
do
draw
their
Swords
against
their
General
,
&c.
they
shall
throw
away
their
Scabbards
,
and
rather
fight
with
him
,
then
treat
with
him
,
without
either
resolving
to
give
or
take
Quarter
;
yet
I
say
,
seeing
this
is
put
upon
my
sco●e
,
I
hope
I
shall
evidently
make
it
appear
(
comparatie
compara●●●
)
"
That
I
am
able
to
give
99
in
the
handred
to
any
Champion
the
Generall
hath
in
England
,
and
from
Scripture
,
Law
,
Reason
,
and
their
own
Declarations
,
to
make
their
action
appear
more
just
〈◊〉
the
Generals
severall
Rebellions
against
the
Parliament
,
his
Creators
,
and
extraordinary
good
Benefactors
;
or
his
Rebellion
and
the
Parliaments
against
the
King
in
the
love
Warrs
.
And
lastly
,
I
shall
shew
the
falseness
and
malignity
of
the
late
DISCOVERERS
designe
,
of
fathering
upon
me
,
&c.
all
the
erronicus
tenents
of
the
poor
Diggers
at
George
hill
in
Su●rey
,
laid
down
in
their
late
two
avowed
Books
,
called
,
The
true
L●vellors
Standard
,
and
The
new
law
of
Righteousnesse
,
to
which
they
have
have
annexed
their
names
:
The
R●ad●r●
taking
notice
of
which
alone
,
may
be
an
answer
to
all
that
abominable
lying
late
Book
,
called
,
The
DISCOVERER
.
And
so
,
Mr.
SPEAKER
,
thanking
you
for
some
late
kindnesses
in
your
House
,
I
received
from
you
,
I
take
leave
to
subscribe
my self
An
honest
and
true
▪
bred
,
free
Englishman
;
that
neve●●
in
his
life
feared
a
Tyrant
,
nor
loved
an
Oppressor
.
JOHN
LILBURN
.
From
my
close
,
unjust
,
and
causelesse
Captivity
,
without
allowance
,
(
the
legall
right
of
all
men
in
my
case
)
in
the
Tower
of
London
,
this
8.
of
June
1649.
The
first
yeer
of
England's
declared
Freedom
,
by
the
lying
and
false
pretended
Conservators
thereof
,
that
never
intended
it
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A88212-e710
*
1
Part.
Book
Dec.
pag.
172
,
195
,
214
,
281
,
342
,
464
,
494
,
497
498
,
663
,
666
,
673
,
750.
*
Was
this
wicked
and
illegall
in
the
King
?
and
can
your
denying
my
wife
(
as
in
my
present
imprisonment
you
have
don
)
so
much
as
to
see
me
,
or
speak
with
me
,
or
bring
me
food
to
preserve
me
alive
,
be
legall
,
just
,
and
righteous
in
you
?
Let
God
and
all
righteous
men
judge
betwixt
you
and
●●
in
this
particular
.
†
As
particularly
that
old
guilty
Traytor
Sir
Henry
Vane
,
who
was
one
of
the
principall
men
that
passed
that
bloody
murdering
Sentence
in
the
Star
chamber
against
me
,
in
the
yeer
1637
:
and
whose
power
(
by
his
crafty
Machiavel
Sons
interest
,
young
Sir
Henry
)
kept
me
above
eight
yeers
together
in
suit
in
the
House
of
Commons
,
that
I
could
not
get
one
dram
of
Justice
,
or
reparation
against
my
Star-chamber
Judges
;
although
the
purfuing
of
that
Suit
one
way
and
other
,
cast
me
above
a
thousand
pound
:
Yet
at
lest
,
when
I
got
a●
Ordinance
for
3000
li.
for
reparation
(
me
from
those
that
did
me
wrong
,
but
from
the
Common-wealth's
Sequestrations
)
yet
in
the
passing
of
that
Ordinance
,
steps
up
John
Blackston
in
the
House
,
(
one
of
Vane's
creatures
,
for
the
many
thousand
pounds
sake
of
the
Common-wealths
money
he
hath
helps
him
to
)
and
he
gets
all
confideration
of
interest
for
the
forbearance
of
the
money
,
cut
off
;
so
that
it
would
be
many
yeers
before
the
whole
sum
abhorted
would
come
in
:
onely
there
was
a
thousand
or
fifteen
hundred
pounds
worth
of
wood
feld
of
Sir
Henry
Gibs
in
Brandsborth
Park
which
Sir
Henry
Vane
by
his
pounds
,
in
the
Knights
absence
and
mine
both
,
gets
an
Order
to
possesse
,
although
he
hath
no
right
unto
it
:
so
that
my
3000
l.
will
be
well
nigh
this
ten
yeers
before
the
annuall
rent
of
the
Lands
allotted
will
bring
it
in
:
which
will
scarce
be
Use
for
the
Principall
.
Of
all
which
usage
,
when
I
come
out
of
the
North
to
the
Citie
,
(
immediately
after
the
execution
of
the
King
)
●
comp●●ined
to
Sir
Arthur
Hasterig
,
(
then
my
familiar
friend
)
and
begg'd
of
him
to
deliver
a
Message
for
me
to
Lieut.
Gen.
Cromwel
;
in
which
I
acquinted
him
step
by
step
,
how
old
〈◊〉
Henry
Vane
had
without
cause
,
for
this
twelve
yeers
together
sought
my
bloud
,
and
had
got
a
good
part
of
it
;
and
I
knew
that
Litus
.
Gen.
Cromwel
had
(
by
his
son's
similiarity
with
him
)
been
of
late
the
staffe
and
stay
of
the
old
Traytor
:
and
therefore
I
desired
him
to
tell
him
,
I
thought
〈◊〉
had
been
out-folling
enough
betwixt
Cromwel
and
me
already
,
occasioned
by
himself
;
but
for
my
part
,
I
desire
to
have
no
more
jarring
betwixt
us
,
and
therefore
did
earnestly
intreat
him
to
let
old
Henry
Vane
and
me
alone
instand
or
sall●y
our selves
:
For
seeing
he
would
never
give
over
the
pursuing
of
my
lifes
:
I
must
be
forced
to
have
much
to
his
;
for
I
told
Sir
Arthur
,
I
was
resolved
either
to
impeach
him
or
indict
him
for
a
Traitor
in
betraying
all
the
North
of
England
to
the
Earl
of
Newcastle
and
sending
his
Magazine
of
Arms
to
him
to
Newcastle
from
Raby
Castle
,
assuring
him
moreover
that
if
L.
G.
Cromwel
would
yet
protect
him
,
for
all
his
greatnesse
●
would
try
another
fall
with
him
,
cast
i●
what
it
would
;
but
as
if
it
were
the
highest
treason
in
the
world
for
any
〈◊〉
in
England
,
but
he
that
is
a
Parliament
man
,
to
say
that
blacks
the
eye
of
any
man
in
that
House
,
old
Sir
Henry
and
young
Sir
Henry
Vane
are
both
endeavoured
by
King
Nol
to
be
brought
in
againe
to
the
House
(
having
been
formerly
excluded
for
three
quarter
Cavaleers
)
and
to
be
〈◊〉
Members
of
the
New
Councell
of
State
,
and
King
Nol
by
his
Beagles
at
the
Counsel
of
War
〈…〉
Vote
to
passe
to
desire
him
to
get
a
saw
made
by
the
House
to
authorize
that
bloudy
and
〈◊〉
Councell
to
hang
poor
peal-garlick
or
any
other
that
they
should
judge
worthy
of
〈◊〉
;
so
that
here
was
a
fine
morse-trap
for
old
and
young
Vane
to
catch
poor
John
in
,
not
obtained
〈◊〉
doubt
of
the
greatest
engagement
in
the
World
to
be
King
Nols
Slaves
&
Vassals
,
to
ingage
with
him
,
and
drive
on
any
interest
be
would
have
them
,
for
his
so
seasonable
help
of
them
at
this
〈◊〉
great
time
o●
need
,
against
furious
Iohn
(
as
they
call
him
)
who
in
Feb.
last
offered
a
〈◊〉
of
Parliament
(
where
S.
Arthur
then
sate
Chairman
)
upon
his
life
upon
the
Authority
of
that
own
Ordinances
to
prove
old
Sir
Henry
&
his
son
Sir
George
Vane
both
Traytors
,
&
to
●●y
them
to
transport
their
souldiers
for
Ireland
(
out
of
their
states
&
their
trayterous
Confederates
in
the
County
of
Durham
)
50000l
.
and
earnestly
begd
of
S.
Arthur
&
the
Committee
to
〈◊〉
the
House
herewith
;
but
the
next
news
I
hear
King
Olivers
paws
was
laid
upon
poor
Iohn●
〈◊〉
he
and
his
Cozen
Prince
Arthur
come
to
burn
their
fingers
before
they
and
John
hath
〈…〉
Oliver
thanke
himself
,
and
leave
Trayterous
old
Sir
Henry
Vane
and
his
wicked
sons
to
〈…〉
their
own
legs
without
the
help
of
his
Crutches
the
next
time
.